DOCSLIB.ORG

Prisoners‟ Right to Vote in Ethiopia: Unconstitutionally Stalled Human Right Zemenu Tarekegn Yimenu *

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Prisoners‟ Right to Vote in Ethiopia: Unconstitutionally Stalled Human Right Zemenu Tarekegn Yimenu * 42759 Zemenu Tarekegn yimenu / Elixir Law 99 (2016) 42759-42767 Available online at www.elixirpublishers.com (Elixir International Journal) Law Elixir Law 99 (2016) 42759-42767 Prisoners‟ Right to Vote in Ethiopia: Unconstitutionally stalled Human Right Zemenu Tarekegn yimenu * ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Article history: This article shows that right to vote is a recognized human right, under many Received: 8 August 2016; international human rights instruments, that should be respected and ensured to citizens Received in revised form: without any discrimination. It, after scrutinizing the election laws of Ethiopia via the 29 September 2016; mirror of the constitution and international human rights instruments, determines that the Accepted: 4 October 2016; election laws of Ethiopia, which prohibit prisoners‟ right to vote, are unconstitutional and recommends the Ethiopian government to reconcile it again. Keywords © 2016 Elixir All rights reserved. Elections, Human rights, Constitution, Conviction. 1. Introduction The government which receives authority form the “In a democracy that takes collective self-government sovereign through the device of vote shall secure the will of seriously, the right to vote is the „right of rights‟”1. the majority. This calls for the basic principle of election i.e. The right to vote is a basic human right that empowers universal and equal suffrage. This principle requires that right citizens to influence government‟s decision-making and to to vote to be universal and accessed to all persons equally safeguard their other human rights.2 The right to vote is without any discrimination based on race, religion, sex, considered as gate keeper of all other human rights. It is education, or any other status. because the right to vote empowers the sovereign to influence Even though, Ethiopia is the owner of the constitution the government in which the later, in return, owes obligation which recognizes international treaties as part of the law of the towards the sovereign. It enables the sovereign to give land3 and a signatory to conventions like ICCPR which authority to a party which best protects and enforces human prescribes for prisoners‟ right to vote, it deprived prisoners‟ rights. right to vote by the electoral law4 and directive5 which is issued by the board against the principle of universal and equal suffrage. This means the electoral law of Ethiopia has infringed the right to vote as human right for more than 85,450 **LL.M in ICT laws, University of Oslo (NRCCL); LL.M in persons6 who are currently serving their prison terms. This business laws, Addis Ababa University. He is a lecturer in figure can play a greater role in determining the majority will Debre Markos University School of law, and an Attorney and of the sovereign. Consultant at Laws in Amhara Regional State, Ethiopia. He The first section of the article highlights the legal basis of can be reached @: [email protected] 1 prisoners‟ right to vote as a human right. In this section William Cobbettcited in J Waldron, „Participation: The Right international and regional covenants are dealt with. The of Rights’ (1998), http://philpapers.org/rec/WALPTR, last obligation of the state towards the right to vote and the debate visited on: 9/8/2013. 2 for and against the disenfranchisement of prisoners are Tuzin Alexander and de la Vega Connie,the Right to Vote: A addressed in section two and three, respectively. The different Basic Human Right in Need of Protection,http://daccess- legal experience of countries like USA, European Union, and ods.un.org, last visited on 7/8/2013. While the right to vote is widely recognized as a fundamental human right, this right is not fully enforced for millions of individuals around the 3 Constitution of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, world. Consistently disenfranchised groups include non- 1995, article 9(4) , proc. no. 1 Neg. Gaz. Year 1, No.1 citizens, young people, minorities, those who commit crimes, 4 Electoral law of Ethiopia, 2007, article 33(3), proc. no.532, the homeless, disabled persons, and many others who lack Neg. Gaz. Year 13, No. 54 access to the vote for a variety of reasons including poverty, 5 The directive for registration of electors (as amended) ,2009, illiteracy, intimidation, or unfair election processes. See.,. art. 20, directive no. 2. Study guide for the right to vote, university of Minnesota 6 Walmsley Roy, World Prison Population List(ninth edition), human right center, www.prisonstudies.org, last visited on 6/8/2015 http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/edumat/studyguides, last visited on 8/8/2015. Tele: E-mail address: [email protected] © 2016 Elixir All rights reserved 42760 Zemenu Tarekegn yimenu / Elixir Law 99 (2016) 42759-42767 South Africa are assessed in section four. Section five of enjoyment of the aforementioned rights on the grounds of race, this article address specifically prisoners‟ right to vote in colour, sex… or other status."9 It further qualifies that if states Ethiopia by reviewing pertinent laws of the country. This are instant to suspend the right vote on the basis of conviction section, in particular, observes the FDRE constitution and for an offence, the period of such suspension should be election laws and makes analysis of the election laws via the proportionate to the offence and the sentence. However, the constitution. general comment 25 refers to suspensions of voting rights by Finally, the writer argues that the prisoners may not be criminal bench in accordance with criminal law of states. This deprived of their right to vote on the ground of conviction as may be considered as a part of sentences and has specified the limitation goes against the human rights of prisoners time span by the law. Such suspension of right to vote is recognized in different international human rights documents imposed purposely to correct and deter the criminal and others and FDRE constitution. So, therefore, the electoral laws are respectively. So, the general comment while it tolerates determined as unconstitutional. temporary suspension of right to vote based on conviction, it 2. The Legal basis of prisoners’ right to vote as a prohibits the limitation of right to vote by law. human right Moreover, the Optional Protocol to International Covenant 2.1. UDHR on Civil and Political Rights no. 14668 to which Ethiopia is a The universal declaration of human rights which is signatory, under article 25, stipulate similar terms like UDHR regarded as a founding document for human rights gives and ICCPR. Nevertheless, in some countries including recognition for prisoners‟ right to vote as human right. Under Ethiopia, citizens are denied their voting rights as a matter of article 21(3), UDHR states that “the will of the people shall be law, based on a criminal conviction. the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be 2.3. ACHPR expressed in a periodic and genuine elections which shall be Article 13(1) of the African Commission on Human and by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret People‟s Rights stipulates that “Every citizen shall have the vote or by equivalent free voting procedures”. This provision, right to participate freely in the government of his country, by adhering to the principle of universal and equal suffrage, either directly or through freely chosen representatives in clearly indicates that the right to vote is given to persons accordance with the provisions of the law.” The provisions of regardless of their status. Article 13(1) of the African Charter are similar in substance to Moreover, prisoners‟ right to vote should be respected and those provided for under Article 25 of the International observed universally and equally. It is because, in UDHR, the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.10 In interpreting sates have already pledged for the promotions Article 13(1) of the African Charter, the African Commission of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fu has endorsed the clarification provided by the Human Rights ndamental freedoms. 7 Committee in relation to Article 25. 2.2. ICCPR The African human rights commission has best explained The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights the universality of the right to vote in the Gambia case.11 In (“ICCPR”) codifies the right to vote under Article 25 as this case, the Complainants alleged that legislation governing follows: mental health in the Gambia is outdated and violates Articles Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, 2, 3, 5, 7(1) (a) and (c), 13(1), 16 and 18(4) of the African without any of the distinctions … and without unreasonable Charter on Human and Peoples‟ Rights. The commission, after restrictions: communicating complains to the respondent state and (a) To take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or declaring the admissibility of complains, has adjudicated over through freely chosen representatives; the merit of the case. In the adjudication, under Para.76, the (b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections this commission has put the following important synthesis. shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by “The right provided for under Article 13(1) of the African secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the Charter is extended to “every citizen” and its denial can only electors; be justified by reason of legal incapacity or that the individual (c) To have access, on general terms of equality, to public is not a citizen of a particular State. Legal incapacity may not service in his country. necessarily mean mental incapacity. For example a State may Moreover, the General Comment 25 to the ICCPR emphasizes fix an age limit for the legibility of its own citizens to that "no distinctions are permitted between citizens8 in the participate in its government.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Hong Kong's Pro-Democracy Protests
    Protests & Democracy: Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Protests Jennifer Yi Advisor: Professor Tsung Chi Politics Senior Comprehensive Project Candidate for Honors consideration April 10, 2015 2 Abstract Protests that occur in the public sphere shed light on the different types of democracy that exist in a region. A protester’s reason for participation demonstrates what type of democracy is missing, while a protest itself demonstrates what type of democracy exists in the region. This Politics Senior Comprehensive Project hypothesizes that the recent pro-democracy protests in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (“Hong Kong”), dubbed the Umbrella Movement, demonstrate an effective democracy due to active citizen engagement within the public sphere. Data is collected through personal interviews of Umbrella Movement participants that demonstrate what type of democracy currently exists in Hong Kong, what type of democracy protesters are looking for, and what type of democracy exists as a result of the recent protests. The interviews show that a true representative and substantive democracy do not exist in Hong Kong as citizens are not provided the democratic rights that define these types of democracy. However, the Umbrella Movement demonstrates an effective democracy in the region as citizens actively engage with one another within the public sphere for the purpose of achieving a representative and substantive democracy in Hong Kong. 3 I. Introduction After spending most of my junior year studying in Hong Kong, I have become very interested in the region and its politics. I am specifically interested in the different types of democracy that exist in Hong Kong as it is a special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China (“China”).
    [Show full text]
  • The Electoral Authoritarian Regimes and Election Violence: the Case of Manicaland Communities in Zimbabwe 2008-2013
    The Electoral Authoritarian Regimes and election violence: The case of Manicaland Communities in Zimbabwe 2008-2013. Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg i. Br. vorgelegt von Alexander Chimange aus Kwekwe (Zimbabwe) SS 2015 Erstgutacher: Prof. Dr. Reinhart Kößler Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Heribert Weiland Vorsitzender des Promotionsausschusses der Gemeinsamen Kommission der Philologischen, Philosophischen und Wirtschafts- und Verhaltenswissenschaftlichen Fakultät: Prof. Dr. Hans-Helmuth Gander Datum der Fachprüfung im Promotionsfach: 19.01.2016 ABSTRACT The Zimbabwean elections have been marred by unprecedented acts of election violence, intimidation, coercion, harassment and manipulation and this has systematically disenfranchised the citizenry from the much-desired democratic transition. These acts of violence have reversed the government’s efforts and commitment to democratize the country which had been under an autocratic colonial regime for almost one hundred years. This localized empirical research study explores and unpacks the dynamics of the 2008-2013 election violence in the communities of Manicaland in Zimbabwe. The study also examines the socio-economic and political effects of election violence on the lives of the people. The aims and objectives of the study have been achieved basically through an in-depth empirical exploration of the people’s election violence experiences in three Manicaland communities, namely Nyamaropa, Honde Valley and Mhakwe. The data collection process was carried out in 2013 from May to December. This period also covered a crucial general election that marked an end to the Government of National Unity established in 2009 after the bloody 2008 election violence. The primary data was collected through qualitative in- depth interviews in the three communities with people with impeccable experience and vast knowledge of state-sponsored election violence.
    [Show full text]
  • LWVUS HR 1 Support Letter November 2020
    November 23, 2020 To: Members of the U.S. House of Representatives and U.S. Senate From: Virginia Kase, Chief Executive Officer Subject: Support for the For the People Act (H.R. 1, S. 949) in the 117th Congress Dear Senator or Representative: The League of Women Voters of the United States writes in strong support of the For the People Act (H.R.1/S.949), the transformational democracy reform package that would help return power to everyday American families. We strongly urge you to prioritize passage of this pro-voter, anti-corruption legislation in the 117th Congress. Along with the passage of the For the People Act, Congress must also prioritize the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Act (H.R.4) and legislation granting statehood to Washington, D.C. (H.R.51). Throughout our nearly 100-year history, the League of Women Voters has worked to “level the playing field” of our election system by registering new citizens to vote, fighting unfair district maps in court, and advocating in Congress for fair election processes. The 2020 election underscores the urgent need for transformational democracy reform. Across the nation, Americans experienced unprecedented voter suppression, historic levels of dark money spent to drown out the voices of everyday Americans, and rampant ethical abuses by special interests. One sweeping bill, the For the People Act, addresses many of these problems. This historic legislation passed the House of Representatives with unanimous Democratic support in March 2019 and was cosponsored by all members of the Senate Democratic Caucus. The League of Women Voters is very excited at the prospect of the reintroduction and the final passage of the For the People Act because it aims to include elements that align with many of the League’s long-held positions, like election modernization and redistricting reform.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral Manipulation and Regime Support: Survey Evidence from Russia
    Electoral Manipulation and Regime Support: Survey Evidence from Russia Ora John Reuter David Szakonyi University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee George Washington University & Higher School of Economics & Higher School of Economics November 30, 2020∗ Abstract Does electoral fraud stabilize authoritarian rule or undermine it? The answer to this ques- tion rests, in part, on how voters evaluate regime candidates who engage in fraud. Using a survey experiment conducted after the 2016 elections in Russia, we find that voters withdraw their support from ruling party candidates who commit electoral fraud. This effect is especially large among strong supporters of the regime. Core regime supporters are more likely to have ex ante beliefs that elections are free and fair. Revealing that fraud has occurred significantly reduces their propensity to support the regime. These findings illustrate that fraud is costly for autocrats not just because it may ignite protest, but also because it can undermine the regime’s core base of electoral support. Because many of its strongest supporters expect free and fair elections, the regime has strong incentives to conceal or otherwise limit its use of electoral fraud. WORD COUNT: 10,623 ∗Author Affiliations: Ora John Reuter, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee and the International Center for the Study of Institutions and Development at the Higher School of Economics; David Szakonyi, Assistant Professor of Political Science, George Washington University and the International Center for the Study of Institutions and De- velopment at the Higher School of Economics. We gratefully acknowledge financial support for this project from the Basic Research Program of the National Research University–Higher School of Economics.
    [Show full text]
  • An Agent's Fiduciary Duties: Modern Law Placed in Historical Context', Edinburgh Law Review, Vol
    Edinburgh Research Explorer An Agent's Fiduciary Duties Citation for published version: Macgregor, L 2010, 'An Agent's Fiduciary Duties: Modern Law Placed in Historical Context', Edinburgh Law Review, vol. 14, pp. 121-25. https://doi.org/10.3366/E1364980909001000 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.3366/E1364980909001000 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: Edinburgh Law Review Publisher Rights Statement: ©Macgregor, L. (2010). An Agent's Fiduciary Duties: Modern Law Placed in Historical Context. Edinburgh Law Review, 14, 121-25doi: 10.3366/E1364980909001000 General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 02. Oct. 2021 Analysis EdinLR Vol 14 pp 80-85 DOI: 10.3366/E1364980909000924 By-Election Records and Black Bin Bags: A Short Story about Democracy A by-election for the UK Parliament was held in Glenrothes on 6 November 2008. The Labour candidate won a surprise victory, upsetting the SNPs predicted success in the seat. The SNP sought subsequently to access election records stored in accordance with the law in Kirkcaldy Sheriff Court and was told after considerable delay that they were missing.1 Renovation work had been carried out in the Sheriff Court building and the documents, stored in black bin bags in its basement, had been lost.
    [Show full text]
  • Threaten but Participate: Why Election Boycotts Are a Bad Idea
    POLICY PAPER Number 19, March 2010 Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS Threaten but Participate: Why Election Boycotts Are a Bad Idea Matthew Frankel POLICY PAPER Number 19, March 2010 Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS Threaten but Participate: Why Election Boycotts Are a Bad Idea Matthew Frankel A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to thank Ted Piccone, Deputy Director for Foreign Policy at Brookings; Carina Perelli, Executive Vice President of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems; and Eric Bjornlund, co-founder and principal of Democracy International for their helpful com- ments on this paper. Threaten but Participate: Why Election Boycotts Are a Bad Idea ii F OREIGN P OLICY AT B ROOKINGS T H R E AT E N B UT P ARTICI PAT E : W HY E LECTION B OYCOTTS ARE A B AD I DEA or a while, the run-up to the 2010 general them of a fair share in the constitutional drafting elections in Iraq appeared to be déjà vu all over process, and without adequate representation in Par- Fagain. The National Dialogue Front (NDF), liament, the Sunnis were unable to prevent the new a key Sunni political party, had decided to pull out constitution from passing. Potential revisions to the of the election to protest the disqualification of hun- document remain one of the key sticking points be- dreds of candidates—most notably their leader, Salah tween Iraqi Sunni and Shia. To their credit, the Sunnis al-Mutlaq—for alleged ties to the banned Ba’th Party. quickly saw the error of their ways and participated in At the last minute, the NDF walked back from the the December 2005 elections, upping their represen- brink and decided to participate, hopefully signaling tation in the Parliament eleven-fold to 55 seats, but a growing understanding that election boycotts rare- sectarian tensions remain.
    [Show full text]
  • The Strategy of Electoral (Mis)Behavior in Competitive-Authoritarian Regimes
    MWP 2013/02 Max Weber Programme ‘All’s Well That Ends Well’: the Strategy of Electoral (Mis)Behavior in Competitive-Authoritarian Regimes AuthorInes Levin Author and Author Author European University Institute Max Weber Programme ‘All’s Well That Ends Well’: the Strategy of Electoral (Mis)Behavior in Competitive-Authoritarian Regimes Ines Levin EUI Working Paper MWP 2013/02 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1830-7728 © Ines Levin, 2013 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract In competitive authoritarian regimes, formal democratic institutions and periodic elections are sponsored by the authoritarian ruler, but voting outcomes are sometimes manipulated to prevent government turnover. In this paper, I investigate the conditions under which a unified opposition might decide to challenge the official election outcome, the conditions under which the authoritarian incumbent might find it profitable to manipulate the election outcome, as well as the conditions under which voters might decide to vote strategically for their least-preferred alternative in order to help avoid a costly post-electoral conflict. I find that the incumbent's decision about whether to commit fraud or acknowledge the true election outcome, as well as the opposition's decision about whether to contest or accept official election results, depends on the opposition's knowledge about the occurrence of fraud, as well as on the likelihood of successful collective action against the regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Election Boycotts and Regime Survival Ian Oliver Smith
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Georgia State University Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Political Science Theses Department of Political Science 7-14-2009 Election Boycotts and Regime Survival Ian Oliver Smith Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_theses Recommended Citation Smith, Ian Oliver, "Election Boycotts nda Regime Survival." Thesis, Georgia State University, 2009. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/26 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Political Science at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Election Boycotts and Regime Survival by Ian O. Smith Under the Direction of Carrie Manning Abstract Election boycotts are a common occurrence in unconsolidated democracies, particu- larly in the developing world, with prominent examples from recent years occurring in Venezuela, Zimbabwe, and Ethiopia. Despite the frequent occurrence of boycotts, there are few studies available in the scholarly literature concerning the effectiveness of elec- toral boycotts, particularly as a strategy of opposition parties seeking to bring about the end of electoral authoritarian governments. This paper is based in the democratiza- tion literature, with a particular focus on the behavior and vulnerabilities of hybrid or electoral authoritarian regimes. Using an original dataset with global coverage including hybrid regimes from 1981 to 2006, this paper uses event-history analysis to determine the efficacy of boycotts in national elections among other risk factors thought to undermine electoral authoritarian regimes as well as the possibilities for subsequent democratization occurring following both contested and boycotted electoral processes.
    [Show full text]
  • Effects on Political Efficacy, Trust and Participation
    ELECTION LEGITIMACY IN THE UNITED STATES: EFFECTS ON POLITICAL EFFICACY, TRUST AND PARTICIPATION by Stephanie C McLean BA Hons, University of Melbourne, 1997 MA, University of Melbourne, 2000 MA, University of Pittsburgh, 2006 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2006 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Stephanie C McLean It was defended on August 3, 2006 And approved by David C Barker, Associate Professor of Political Science Chris W Bonneau, Assistant Professor of Political Science Dietlind Stolle, Professor of Political Science Dissertation Advisor: Jon Hurwitz, Professor of Political Science ii Copyright © by Stephanie C McLean 2006 iii ELECTORAL LEGITIMACY IN THE UNITED STATES: EFFECTS ON POLITICAL EFFICACY, TRUST AND PARTICIPATION Stephanie C McLean, MA University of Pittsburgh, 2006 The 2000 presidential election was a disaster for the legitimacy of the electoral process in America, leaving lasting impressions on citizens’ attitudes and behaviors regarding campaigns and elections. This dissertation has two main goals. The first is to discover the determinants of attitudes about election fairness in the United States. In broad terms, this is an exploration of the variables that influence attitudes about controversial moments in American politics. More specifically, the emphasis is on the comparative importance of procedural concerns, partisan interest, and ideological differences in determining attitudes about the fairness of American elections. Second, I investigate the effect of different kinds of procedural problems in elections on political attitudes and behaviors. Variables of interest include trust in government, political efficacy, interest and participation in campaign activity.
    [Show full text]
  • Voting Rights Act After the Supreme Court's Decision in Shelby County"
    VOTING RIGHTS ACT AFTER THE SUPREME COURT’S DECISION IN SHELBY COUNTY HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE CONSTITUTION AND CIVIL JUSTICE OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION JULY 18, 2013 Serial No. 113–35 Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://judiciary.house.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 81–983 PDF WASHINGTON : 2013 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY BOB GOODLATTE, Virginia, Chairman F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., JOHN CONYERS, JR., Michigan Wisconsin JERROLD NADLER, New York HOWARD COBLE, North Carolina ROBERT C. ‘‘BOBBY’’ SCOTT, Virginia LAMAR SMITH, Texas MELVIN L. WATT, North Carolina STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ZOE LOFGREN, California SPENCER BACHUS, Alabama SHEILA JACKSON LEE, Texas DARRELL E. ISSA, California STEVE COHEN, Tennessee J. RANDY FORBES, Virginia HENRY C. ‘‘HANK’’ JOHNSON, JR., STEVE KING, Iowa Georgia TRENT FRANKS, Arizona PEDRO R. PIERLUISI, Puerto Rico LOUIE GOHMERT, Texas JUDY CHU, California JIM JORDAN, Ohio TED DEUTCH, Florida TED POE, Texas LUIS V. GUTIERREZ, Illinois JASON CHAFFETZ, Utah KAREN BASS, California TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania CEDRIC RICHMOND, Louisiana TREY GOWDY, South Carolina SUZAN DelBENE, Washington MARK AMODEI, Nevada JOE GARCIA, Florida RAU´ L LABRADOR, Idaho HAKEEM JEFFRIES, New York BLAKE FARENTHOLD, Texas GEORGE HOLDING, North Carolina DOUG COLLINS, Georgia RON DeSANTIS, Florida JASON T. SMITH, Missouri SHELLEY HUSBAND, Chief of Staff & General Counsel PERRY APELBAUM, Minority Staff Director & Chief Counsel SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE CONSTITUTION AND CIVIL JUSTICE TRENT FRANKS, Arizona, Chairman JIM JORDAN, Ohio, Vice-Chairman STEVE CHABOT, Ohio JERROLD NADLER, New York J.
    [Show full text]
  • More Than Black and White: Woman Suffrage and Voting Rights
    MORE THAN BLACK AND WHITE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE AND VOTING RIGHTS IN TEXAS, 1918-1923 A Dissertation by RACHEL MICHELLE GUNTER Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSPHY Chair of Committee, Sara Alpern Committee Members, Terry Anderson Judith Baer Carlos Blanton Cynthia Bouton Head of Department, David Vaught August 2017 Major Subject: History Copyright 2017 Rachel Gunter ABSTRACT I explore the intersection of the woman suffrage movement and minority voting rights in Texas, a state that did not require voters to be citizens but disfranchised all servicemen for the length of their enlistment during World War I. I scrutinize congressional and legal records, newspapers, and correspondence to show how the Nineteenth Amendment, which removed sex as a legal barrier to voting, ultimately strengthened white political control in the state. My dissertation analyzes how Anglo, black, Mexican American and Mexican immigrant women, working separately or collectively, participated in and at times benefitted from the woman suffrage movement, which caused unforeseen relaxations of minority voting restrictions before the legislature acted to further restrict voting rights. I analyze how laws regulating elections affected women differently based on race and citizenship status. I maintain that politicians pass enfranchising legislation when it in some way benefits those already in power, and likewise they deploy fears of unethical or illegal voting when it benefits them as well. I argue that from WWI through the early 1920s, full citizenship was increasingly defined by the ability or right to vote.
    [Show full text]
  • The UK General Election of 5 May 2005 Report and Analysis
    The UK general election of 5 May 2005 Report and analysis 55 MayMay Contents Introduction 3 1 The National Result 4 1.1 Government by a small minority – the worst election ever 4 1.2 A very low turnout 6 1.3 Unfair representation of parties 6 1.4 Wasted votes 7 1.5 Electoral system bias 8 2 The Constituencies 8 2.1 Minority mandates 10 2.2 Marginality and turnout 10 2.3 Split votes and tactical votes 10 2.4 Marginals and ultra-marginals 12 3 The Nations of the United Kingdom 14 3.1 England 14 3.2 Northern Ireland: Helping the extremes to victory 14 3.3 Scotland 15 3.4 Wales 15 4 Unfair local Representation 17 5 Gender and Ethnic Representation 19 5.1 Women: party representation 19 5.2 Women: regional variations 20 5.3 Ethnic minority representation 20 6 The Electoral Reform Debate 22 6.1 Party manifesto commitments 22 6.2 Views of candidates 22 6.3 The electoral reform campaign before the election 24 6.4 The electoral reform debate in Parliament and the media since 5 May 24 1 Contents Continued 6.6 The government’s review of electoral systems 27 6.7 House of Lords reform 28 6.8 Scotland – The Arbuthnott Commission 29 6.9 Wales 30 7 Ballot integrity and Security 31 8 Boundaries and Bias 33 8.1 The current boundary review 33 8.2 The net effect of the boundary changes 35 8.3 Why is there still so much bias even after the boundary review? 35 8.4 The real reasons for electoral bias 37 8.5 The solution 38 9 The 2005 General Election Under Alternative Electoral Systems 40 9.1 A ‘health warning’ 40 9.2 National list PR 40 9.3 Regional list PR/ large top-up AMS 41 9.4 Alternative Vote (AV) 41 9.5 Alternative Vote with small top-up (AV+) 43 9.6 Single Transferable Vote 44 9.7 Summary 44 10 The Local Elections of May 2005 46 10.1 County councils 46 10.2 Unitary authorities 47 10.3 Mayoral elections 47 Conclusion 49 Appendix A Boundary change estimates 53 Appendix B Alternative electoral system estimates 57 2 Introduction This report is a revised and much expanded version of our preliminary report ‘Worst Election Ever’ which was published a week after the general election.
    [Show full text]