On the Semantics of Embedded Questions Alexandre Cremers

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

On the Semantics of Embedded Questions Alexandre Cremers On the semantics of embedded questions Alexandre Cremers To cite this version: Alexandre Cremers. On the semantics of embedded questions. Psychology. Université Paris sciences et lettres, 2016. English. NNT : 2016PSLEE006. tel-01392721 HAL Id: tel-01392721 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01392721 Submitted on 4 Nov 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. ÉCOLE NORMALE SUPÉRIEURE On the semantics of embedded questions Thèse en Sciences du Langage soutenue le 24 mars 2016 Auteur: Directeur: Alexandre CREMERS Emmanuel CHEMLA Jury: Rapporteurs: Maria ALONI Richard BREHENY Floris ROELOFSEN Yael SHARVIT Benjamin SPECTOR Laboratoire de Sciences Cognitives et Psycholinguistique École Doctorale 158 Cerveau Cognition Comportement iii Abstract Two important questions arise from the recent literature on embedded ques- tions. First, Heim (1994) proposed that embedded questions are ambiguous be- tween a weakly and strongly exhaustive reading. Spector (2005) recently proposed an intermediate exhaustive reading as well. Second, adverbs of quantity such as ’mostly’ can quantify over answers to an embedded questions (Berman, 1991). An analysis of this phenomena reveals an analogy between embedded questions and plural determiner phrases, and suggests a fine-grained structures for the denota- tion of questions (Lahiri, 2002). The first part of the dissertation consist of three psycholinguistic studies on the exhaustive readings of questions under ‘know’ in English, the acquisition of these readings under ‘savoir’ by French 5-to-6-ear-olds, and the properties of emotive- factive predicates such as ‘surprise’. The second part presents a theory of embed- ded questions built on Klinedinst and Rothschild’s (2011) proposal to derive ex- haustive readings as implicatures, although it differs in the fine-grained structure it adopts for questions denotations in order to account for plurality effects as well. The theory solves problem raised by B. R. George (2013) and makes predictions for a larger range of sentences. Keywords: Questions, Formal semantics, Psycholinguistics, Language acquisi- tion. v Résumé Suivant la proposition de Tarski (1936), la sémantique vériconditionnelle asso- cie à une phrase déclarative des conditions de vérité. Ainsi, comprendre le sens de la phrase “Il pleut”, c’est pouvoir dire après avoir regardé par la fenêtre si elle est vraie ou fausse. Toutefois, ceci ne permet de rendre compte que des phrases déclar- atives, et pas des questions puisqu’aucune situation ne rendra jamais la question “Qui a appelé ce matin ?” vraie ou fausse. Hamblin (1973) propose la première théorie des questions dans le cadre de la sémantique véri-conditionnelle, et pro- pose de leur associer des conditions de résolutions, c’est-à-dire des ensembles de réponses. Comprendre le sens de la question “Qui a appelé ce matin ?” c’est alors savoir que “Jean a appelé” est une réponse possible, tandis que “il pleuvait” n’en est pas une. Très rapidement, l’étude de la sémantique des questions s’est tournée vers les questions enchâssées dans des phrases déclaratives (questions indirectes). En effet, il est beaucoup plus aisé de juger des conditions de vérité d’une phrases déclarative que des conditions de résolution d’une question. Or moyennant des hypothèses sur la sémantique des verbes enchâssant des questions (‘savoir’, ‘ou- blier’. ), on peut relier les conditions de vérité d’une phrase déclarative au sens de la question qu’elle enchâsse. Cette approche, proposée par Karttunen (1977), a donné lieu à une littérature théorique très riche. Dans cette thèse, je m’intéresse à deux questions importantes dans la littéra- ture récente. Premièrement, Groenendijk & Stokhof (1982) ont remarqué que les conditions de vérité prédites par Karttunen pour des questions enchâssées sous ‘savoir’ étaient trop faibles. Depuis, la littérature distingue lectures exhaustives faibles et fortes pour les questions enchâssées (Heim, 1994). Ce débat a été ra- vivé récemment après qu’une lecture exhaustive intermédiaire a été proposée par Spector (2005). Deuxièmement, Berman (1991) a découvert que les adverbes de quantités tels que ‘pour l’essentiel’ pouvait quantifier sur les réponses à une ques- tion enchâssée. L’analyse de ce phénomène a révélé un parallèle entre questions enchâssées et groupes nominaux pluriels et amené à raffiner la structure proposée pour les questions (voir en particulier Lahiri, 2002). La première partie de la thèse est composée de trois études psycholinguis- tiques sur les lectures exhaustives. La première établit l’existence des lectures in- termédiaires et fortes sous le verbe ‘savoir’, sans exclure la possibilité de lectures faibles. La deuxième, portant sur l’acquisition des questions enchâssées, suggère que les enfants commencent par une lecture faible mais acquièrent entre 5 et 6 ans la lecture intermédiaire qui est majoritaire chez les adultes. La troisième étude s’intéresse aux prédicats dits factifs émotifs, à l’origine de nombreux débats dans la littérature, et en particulier au verbe ‘surprendre’. Les résultats confirment cer- taines intuitions, notamment l’incompatibilité de ce verbe avec les questions po- laires, mais établissent l’existence d’une lecture exhaustive forte. La seconde partie de la thèse présente deux théories des questions enchâssées, compatibles avec les résultats expérimentaux de la première partie. La première théorie s’inscrit dans la lignée de Klinedinst & Rothschild (2011) qui proposent de dériver les lectures exhaustives intermédiaires et fortes comme des implicatures, mais se base sur une structure fine pour la dénotation des questions afin de ren- dre compte également des effets de pluralité discutés par Berman (1991) et Lahiri (2002). La théorie ainsi obtenue apporte des solutions aux problèmes soulevés par George (2013) sans nécessiter de redéfinir la dénotation des verbes ‘savoir’ et ‘ou- blier’ et établit des prédictions pour une gamme de phrases plus large que celles vi traitées habituellement. La seconde théorie traite des effets de pluralité avec les verbes dits rogatifs (‘demander’, ‘dépendre’), dans la lignée de Beck & Sharvit (2002). Cette théorie pourrait également être complétée pour dériver les lectures fortes et intermédiaires, suivant les principes proposés dans la première théorie. Mots-clés: Questions, Sémantique formelle, Psycholinguistique, Acquisition du langage. vii Acknowledgements I feel very lucky that this section is so long. Unfortunately, I also probably forgot some people who contributed significantly. I tried to cite everyone only once, but of course many people should be cited in several of the following paragraphs! Each chapter acknowledges specific contributions. I would first like to thank my committee. When I realized that my defense would essentially be a general attack on the theories supported by the members of my committee, I thought that we would have fun. Although everything went much faster than I expected, the discussion was very fruitful and made us realize how far we still are from understanding question embedding. I would particularly like to thank Maria Aloni and Floris Roelofsen who had read my dissertation so carefully and came from Amsterdam with so many clever questions. I am looking forward to working together in the years to come! I have had extensive discussions with Yael Sharvit on many occasion before the defense and her feedback helped me a lot. I will always remember my very first meeting with Yael two years ago, when she managed to understand an early version of my theory within a few hours from a badly written draft, while she had just landed from California and was 9-hours-jet-lagged. I promise I will look more carefully at NPI data one day! I wish to thank Richard Breheny not only for his work as a reviewer, but also for his support throughout the past year. Even though I won’t move to London in the end, I learned a lot from writing all these grant applications together. We had great discussions on various topics in experimental pragmatics, and I’m convinced we will collaborate sooner or later, even without sharing an office! Having Benjamin Spector on my committee was very important to me. He introduced me to formal semantics and pragmatics back in 2008, and he was the first one to show me all these fascinating implicature things. Four years later, he was also the one with the original idea for the Experiment 1 of the first chapter of this dissertation. One thing led to another and I changed my PhD project proposal to work on embedded questions. On any possible topic, Benjamin always has clever original ideas, and no matter what you come up with, he will always suggest something better. The coffees we had together were certainly the most productive. Nathan Klinedinst could not make it for the defense, but I was honored to have him at my ‘pre-defense’ last year and he gave me very useful feedback on this occasion. His paper with Daniel Rothschild had an obvious influence on my own work, and was my starting point when I began theoretical work. I remember very well the day I presented it in a reading group at ENS. I don’t think I can express what a wonderful advisor Emmanuel has been. His advices on any possible topic have been so valuable that I don’t how I will adapt to making any decision without consulting him first. We have worked together on a daily basis for the past 5 years and I can’t remember having any conflict or argument about anything more serious than stats1. He has the amazing ability to always answer any email within an hour, no matter the time of the day or night and even from a jungle in Uganda.
Recommended publications
  • Expletive Negation Beyond Romance. Clausal Complementation and Epistemic Modality
    Expletive Negation beyond Romance. Clausal Complementation and Epistemic Modality. Maria-Margarita Makri Master of Arts (by Research) University of York Language and Linguistic Science December 2013 Abstract This thesis examines whether Expletive Negation (EN) in attitude contexts is in- deed semantically vacuous and which are its licensing conditions. By examining the crosslinguistic distribution of EN, I show that EN is not dependent on the mood specification of the embedded clause contra what has been previously argued (e.g. Abels 2005, Espinal 2000, Yoon 2011) but rather it is only licensed in tensed clauses. I show that EN complements are selected by predicates that also select for questions. I present new asymmetries between EN and that complements: more specifically, I show that epistemic modals are not licensed in EN complements, an attitude with an EN-complement cannot function as a felicitous answer, matrix negation has different scope in EN and non-EN clauses and that EN can be used instead of an epistemic in counterfactuals. Based on these asymmetries and the previously established necessary condition for tense, I propose that EN is an epistemic modal. EN actually indicates that the doxastic alternatives of the attitude holder are equally probably and thus the semantics of EN complements are very similar to that of embedded questions. Even though the distributions of embedded questions and EN complements largely overlap and the two constructions can be changed without any difference in the meaning I demonstrate that their distribution is not identical and thus further investigation is necessary. 2 List of Contents Abstract 2 List of Tables 6 List of Figures 7 Acknowledgments 8 Author's Declaration 9 1 Introduction 11 2 The empirical Picture: Environments that License Expletive Nega- tion 12 3 Background on Expletive Negation 19 4 Expletive Negation and Negative Concord 23 4.1 Background on Negative Concord and Negative words .
    [Show full text]
  • RASLAN 2017 Recent Advances in Slavonic Natural Language Processing
    RASLAN 2017 Recent Advances in Slavonic Natural Language Processing A. Horák, P. Rychlý, A. Rambousek (Eds.) RASLAN 2017 Recent Advances in Slavonic Natural Language Processing Eleventh Workshop on Recent Advances in Slavonic Natural Language Processing, RASLAN 2017 Karlova Studánka, Czech Republic, December 1–3, 2017 Proceedings Tribun EU 2017 Proceedings Editors Aleš Horák Faculty of Informatics, Masaryk University Department of Information Technologies Botanická 68a CZ-602 00 Brno, Czech Republic Email: [email protected] Pavel Rychlý Faculty of Informatics, Masaryk University Department of Information Technologies Botanická 68a CZ-602 00 Brno, Czech Republic Email: [email protected] Adam Rambousek Faculty of Informatics, Masaryk University Department of Information Technologies Botanická 68a CZ-602 00 Brno, Czech Republic Email: [email protected] This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, re-use of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other way, and storage in data banks. Duplication of this publication or parts thereof is permitted only under the provisions of the Czech Copyright Law, in its current version, and permission for use must always be obtained from Tribun EU. Violations are liable for prosecution under the Czech Copyright Law. Editors © Aleš Horák, 2017; Pavel Rychlý, 2017; Adam Rambousek, 2017 Typography © Adam Rambousek, 2017 Cover © Petr Sojka, 2010 This edition © Tribun EU, Brno, 2017 ISBN 978-80-263-1340-3 ISSN 2336-4289 Preface This volume contains the Proceedings of the Eleventh Workshop on Recent Advances in Slavonic Natural Language Processing (RASLAN 2017) held on December 1st–3rd 2017 in Karlova Studánka, Sporthotel Kurzovní, Jeseníky, Czech Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Illocutionary Mood Marking in Sm'algyax
    Illocutionary mood marking in Sm’algyax Colin Brown UCLA Abstract In this paper I discuss a root-level clitic that occurs in wh-questions in Sm’algyax (Tsimshi- anic, VSO, also known as Coast Tsimshian), and analyse it as an overt instantiation of in- terrogative illocutionary mood, found in a let-peripheral position. I provide evidence for such a structure based on interrogative and non-interrogative uses of wh-words, embed- ded and coordinated questions, as well as the interaction between this clitic and other clitics associated with the evidential and mood system — providing compelling support for analyses that analyse illocutionary mood/speech acts as involving a syntactically pro- jected operator (Krika 2001; Speas & Tenny 2003; Farkas & Bruce 2010; Sauerland & Yat- sushiro 2017). 1 Introduction In this paper I discuss issues pertaining to the syntax/sentence mood interface via an investigation of questions and grammatical particles which appear in questions in Sm’algyax (Martitime Tsimshianic. ISO 639-3 language code: tsi, also known as Coast Tsimshian), and argue that the distribution of a particle =u in matrix, embedded, and coordinated questions supports analyses which encode the sentential force within the sentence’s syntactic representation (Krika 2001; Speas & Tenny 2003; Sauerland & Yat- sushiro 2017). Wh-questions in Sm’algyax are characterised by a wh-word or phrase appearing to the let of the predicate (contra declarative VSO word order as in (1)), and the appearance of a question particle (henceforth wh-particle) =u,
    [Show full text]
  • Searching for a Universal Constraint on the Possible Denotations of Clause-Embedding Predicates*
    Proceedings of SALT 30: 542–561, 2020 Searching for a universal constraint on the possible denotations of clause-embedding predicates* Floris Roelofsen Wataru Uegaki University of Amsterdam University of Edinburgh Abstract We propose a new cross-linguistic constraint on the relationship between the meaning of a clause-embedding predicate when it takes an interrogative com- plement and its meaning when it takes a declarative complement. According to this proposal, every clause-embedding predicate V satisfies a constraint that we refer to as P-TO-Q ENTAILMENT. That is, for any exhaustivity-neutral interrogative complement Q, if there is an answer p to Q such that px Vs pq, then it follows that px Vs Qq. We discuss empirical advantages of this proposal over existing proposals and explore potential counterexamples to P-TO-Q ENTAILMENT. Keywords: clause-embedding predicates, cross-linguistic semantics, linguistic universals. 1 Introduction A central question in semantics is whether there are any universal constraints on the possible denotations of lexical items of certain grammatical categories. This question has been investigated most prominently in the domain of determiners. For instance, it has been proposed that all determiners are ‘conservative’ and that all monomorphemic determiners are ‘monotonic’ (Barwise & Cooper 1981). Recent work has explored semantic universals in the domain of clause-embedding predicates like know, agree, and wonder (Spector & Egré 2015; Theiler, Roelofsen & Aloni 2018; Uegaki 2019; Steinert-Threlkeld 2020). Within this line of work, two basic questions can be distinguished. The first is empirical: Which constraints, if any, do we find in the semantics of clause-embedding predicates? The second is theoretical: What may explain such universal semantic constraints? The present paper is primarily concerned with the first question.
    [Show full text]
  • Interpreting Questions with Non-Exhaustive Answers
    Interpreting Questions with Non-exhaustive Answers A dissertation presented by Yimei Xiang to The Department of Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Linguistics Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts May 2016 © 2016 – Yimei Xiang All rights reserved. iii Dissertation Advisor: Prof. Gennaro Chierchia Yimei Xiang Interpreting Questions with Non-exhaustive Answers Abstract This dissertation investigates the semantics of questions, with a focus on phenomena that challenge the standard views of the related core issues, as well as those that are technically difficult to capture under standard compositional semantics. It begins by re-examining several fundamental issues, such as what a question denotes, how a question is composed, and what a wh-item denotes. It then tackles questions with complex structures, including mention-some questions, multi-wh questions, and questions with quantifiers. It also explores several popular issues, such as variations of exhaustivity, sensitivity to false answers, and quantificational variability effects. Chapter 1 discusses some fundamental issues on question semantics. I pursue a hybrid categorial approach and define question roots as topical properties, which can supply propositional answers as well as nominal short answers. But different from traditional categorial approaches, I treat wh- items as existential quantifiers, which can be shifted into domain restrictors via a BeDom-operator. Moreover, I argue that the live-on set of a plural or number-neutral wh-item is polymorphic: it consists of not only individuals but also generalized conjunctions and disjunctions. Chapter 2 and 3 are centered on mention-some questions. Showing that the availability of mention-some should be grammatically restricted, I attribute the mention-some/mention-all ambi- guity of 3-questions to structural variations within the question nucleus.
    [Show full text]
  • Picky Predicates: Why Believe Doesn't Like Interrogative Complements, and Other Puzzles
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Picky predicates: why believe doesn't like interrogative complements, and other puzzles Theiler, N.; Roelofsen, F.; Aloni, M. DOI 10.1007/s11050-019-09152-9 Publication date 2019 Document Version Final published version Published in Natural Language Semantics License CC BY Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Theiler, N., Roelofsen, F., & Aloni, M. (2019). Picky predicates: why believe doesn't like interrogative complements, and other puzzles. Natural Language Semantics, 27(2), 95-134. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-019-09152-9 General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:28 Sep 2021 Natural Language Semantics
    [Show full text]
  • Predicates of Relevance and Theories of Question Embedding Patrick D
    Predicates of relevance and theories of question embedding Patrick D. Elliott, Nathan Klinedinst, Yasutada Sudo, and Wataru Uegaki Background: Lahiri (2002) distinguishes two broad categories of question-embedding pred- icates: responsive and rogative predicates. Responsive predicates, such as know, tell, etc. tolerate both declarative and interrogative complements, whereas rogative predicates such as wonder, ask, etc. permit interrogative but not declarative complements. (1) a. Jeff knew fwhere Britta was j that Britta was outsideg. responsive b. Jeff wondered fwhere Britta was j *that Britta was outsideg. rogative There are two main theories of responsive predicates: (i) the standard analysis says that they semantically select for a proposition, which is taken to be the basic meaning of a declarative complement. Interrogative complements too denote (or come to denote) propositions (see e.g., Karttunen 1977, Groenendijk & Stokhof 1984, Heim 1994, Dayal 1996, Lahiri 2002, and Spec- tor & Egre´ 2015). (ii) an alternative analysis has recently been proposed by Uegaki (2015) (see also Roelofsen et al. 2015), according to which responsive predicates semantically select for a question, which is taken to be the basic meaning of an interrogative complement. Declarative complements come to denote a (resolved) question, i.e., a singleton set containing a proposi- tion. We argue that Predicates of Relevance (PoRs) favour the alternative approach. Predicates of relevance: PoRs, which include care, matter, and relevant, are compatible with both declarative and interrogative complements, as illustrated in (2). (2) a. Abed cares which girl left. interrogative embedding b. Abed cares that Annie left. declarative embedding We observe two problems that examples like (2) pose for the standard theory.
    [Show full text]
  • The Semantic Architecture of the Faculty of Language: Compositional Operations and Complex Lexical Representations
    The Semantic Architecture of the Faculty of Language: Compositional Operations and Complex Lexical Representations Guillermo Del Pinal Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 ©2015 Guillermo Del Pinal All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Semantic Architecture of the Faculty of Language: Compositional Operations and Complex Lexical Representations Guillermo Del Pinal This dissertation defends two controversial claims about the types of opera- tions and representations used by the Faculty of Language (FL) to compute the meaning of expressions. (I) FL is compositional in the sense that it computes the meaning of complex expressions from their structure and the meanings of their immediate constituents. Compositionality, I argue, is an innate constraint on the meaning-determining operations of FL. (II) FL uses lexical items which, in most cases, have internal semantic structure. This internal structure has extension-determining and non-extension determining components. I argue that the non-extension components are part of linguistic meaning because they play a key role in certain compositional linguistic constructions. These claims lie at the center of important debates in Philosophy of Mind, Language, and Cognitive Science. Theorists who approach the study of language using formal tools tend to be sympathetic to the view that FL is compositional. However, this position has recently come under serious attack from many directions. In contrast, the- sis (II) regarding the internal complexity of lexical items has been increasingly supported by Psychologists and Cognitive Scientists, but tends to be rejected by formal Philosophers and Formal Semanticists.
    [Show full text]
  • Factivity Alternation of Attitude ‘Know’ in Korean, Mongolian, Uyghur, Manchu, Azeri, Etc
    Factivity Alternation of Attitude ‘know’ in Korean, Mongolian, Uyghur, Manchu, Azeri, etc. and Content Clausal Nominals Chungmin Lee Seoul National University [email protected] Abstract It was discovered in the literature (Lee 1978, 1999; Kiefer 1978, Őzyildiz 2017, Lee 2017) that the epistemic attitude report ‘know’ in Korean, Turkish, and Hungarian reveal factivity alternation and this rare phenomenon has been recently investigated also in such Altaic languages as Mongolian, Uyghur, Manchurian, and Azerbaijan, as first reported here. The attitude report ‘know’ in most languages so far known typically selects for a factive complement (Kiparsky and Kiparsky 1970, Hintikka 1975 a.o.). One generalization made is that nominalized complements tend to convey a factive reading, while non-nominal ones tend not to (Kastner 2015, Moulton 2015 a.o.). This work demonstrates that for a clause selected by a cognitive epistemic attitude verb to have a factive reading, it bears a nominal (D) feature with a structural case, whereas a clause for a non-factive reading, it does not, in alternation languages and possibly beyond. This work shows that a nominalized clause with the internal type ‘pro-fact’ noun –(u)n kes in Korean (and in Japanese as well with koto), witness-based, is factively presupposed by itself and contradicted if predicated by negated veracious adjectives in a veridicality test. It is embedded also by a doxastic verb such as mit- ‘believe.’ The non-factive alternants of ‘know’ in all the languages logically belong to the doxastic category of ‘believe’, though with implication of evidential justification in distinction with the real ‘believe,’ undergoing neg-raising, revealing their anti-rogativity.
    [Show full text]
  • Affecting Meaning
    Affecting meaning Subjectivity and evaluativity in gradable adjectives Mar´ıaIn´esCrespo Affecting meaning Subjectivity and evaluativity in gradable adjectives ILLC Dissertation Series DS-2015-01 For further information about ILLC-publications, please contact Institute for Logic, Language and Computation Universiteit van Amsterdam Science Park 107 1098 XG Amsterdam phone: +31-20-525 6051 e-mail: [email protected] homepage: http://www.illc.uva.nl/ These investigations were supported by the Nederlandse Wetenschappelijke Or- ganisatie (Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research) as part of the VAAG- project \Vagueness, approximation and granularity" (231-80-004). This project was a component of the EUROCORES Programme \Modelling Intelligent Inter- action - Logic in the Humanities, Social and Computational Sciences" coordinated by the European Science Foundation. The Amsterdam chapter of this consortium was led by Robert van Rooij. Copyright c 2015 by Mar´ıaIn´esCrespo Cover design by MIC. Cover art: detail from Drinking Boy (Taste) - Jongen met glas en tinnen kan, oil on panel painted by Frans Hals in Haarlem supposedly between 1626-1628, Galerie Alte & Neue Meister - Staatliches Museum Schwerin. Source: Wikimedia Commons. Printed and bound by GVO drukkers & vormgevers B.V. ISBN: 978-90-6464-886-1 Affecting meaning Subjectivity and evaluativity in gradable adjectives Academisch Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof.dr. D.C. van den Boom ten overstaan van een door het college voor promoties ingestelde commissie, in het openbaar te verdedigen in de Agnietenkapel op dinsdag 1 september 2015, te 10.00 uur door Mar´ıa In´esCrespo geboren te C´ordoba,Argentini¨e.
    [Show full text]
  • Predicates of Relevance’ and the Analysis of Responsive Predicates: Elliot Et Al
    Seth Cable Topics in Semantics Spring 2020 Linguistics 753 ‘Predicates of Relevance’ and the Analysis of Responsive Predicates: Elliot et al. (2017) 1. Analyzing Responsive Predicates Through ‘Shifting’ Operators: A Review (1) The Challenge of Responsive Predicates 1 • It is typical to analyze interrogative CPs as having a different semantic type (<st,t>) from declarative CPs (<st>). • Ceteris paribus, this predicts that a single embedding predicate should only be able to combine with one of these two types of clauses: o Predicates that can combine only with interrogatives: rogatives o Predicates that can combine only with declaratives: anti-rogatives • However, responsive predicates (e.g., know, tell, be certain) are able to combine with both interrogative and declarative CPs a. Behavior of Reponsive Predicates: Bill knows what / whether / that Dave ate. • Conceivably, one might be able to capture the behavior of responsives by positing a lexical type-ambiguity… but there’s good reason for not doing that. (2) Further Evidence for the Non-Ambiguity of Responsives: Coordinated CPs a. Fact: It is possible to coordinate declarative and interrogative CPs together under a single responsive. (i) Mary knows [ [ who ate ] and [ that Bill ate fish ] ] b. First Conclusion: The meaning of know in (2a) must be compatible with either a declarative or interrogative CP. c. Second Conclusion: If only phrases of the same type can be conjoined, then somehow the declarative and the interrogative CPs in (2a) must be the same type! d. Major, Interrelated Questions: o What is the type of the verb know in (2a)? o What is the type of the coordinated CP in (2a)? 1 I haven’t mentioned this yet, but the terms ‘responsive’, ‘rogative’, and ‘anti-rogative’ are attributed to Lahiri (2002).
    [Show full text]
  • Expletive Negation Beyond Romance. Clausal Complementation and Epistemic Modality
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by White Rose E-theses Online Expletive Negation beyond Romance. Clausal Complementation and Epistemic Modality. Maria-Margarita Makri Master of Arts (by Research) University of York Language and Linguistic Science December 2013 Abstract This thesis examines whether Expletive Negation (EN) in attitude contexts is in- deed semantically vacuous and which are its licensing conditions. By examining the crosslinguistic distribution of EN, I show that EN is not dependent on the mood specification of the embedded clause contra what has been previously argued (e.g. Abels 2005, Espinal 2000, Yoon 2011) but rather it is only licensed in tensed clauses. I show that EN complements are selected by predicates that also select for questions. I present new asymmetries between EN and that complements: more specifically, I show that epistemic modals are not licensed in EN complements, an attitude with an EN-complement cannot function as a felicitous answer, matrix negation has different scope in EN and non-EN clauses and that EN can be used instead of an epistemic in counterfactuals. Based on these asymmetries and the previously established necessary condition for tense, I propose that EN is an epistemic modal. EN actually indicates that the doxastic alternatives of the attitude holder are equally probably and thus the semantics of EN complements are very similar to that of embedded questions. Even though the distributions of embedded questions and EN complements largely overlap and the two constructions can be changed without any difference in the meaning I demonstrate that their distribution is not identical and thus further investigation is necessary.
    [Show full text]