Support for Third Parties Under Plurality Rule Electoral Systems : a Public Choice Analysis of Britain, Canada, New Zealand and South Korea
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The President: Lightning Rod Or King? I
CALABRESI FORMATTED_08-27-06 9/25/2006 11:59:51 PM Steven G. Calabresi and James Lindgren† The President: Lightning Rod or King? i. the powers of a king? There is an idea current in the land today that presidential power has grown to the point where it is a threat to democracy. The New York Times editorial page writers and leading Democrats regularly accuse President George W. Bush of acting like a king or seeking kingly powers.1 In the academic community, Professor Bruce Ackerman has written powerfully about what he sees as the danger that presidential power poses to democracy itself.2 In this Symposium Issue, Professors Bill Marshall3 and Jenny Martinez4 argue that the presidency has become too powerful. Marshall goes so far as to argue for reducing presidential power by separately electing the Attorney General. In this Commentary, we suggest that when political power is examined more broadly, Presidents and their parties generally have less power in the † Professors of Law, Northwestern University. We would like to extend a special thanks to Daniel Lev who was our research assistant on this piece and who did a spectacular job, including preparing and collecting data for the first drafts of Figures 3 and 4. For helpful suggestions, we would also like to thank Andrew Koppelman, Lee Epstein, Gary Lawson, John McGinnis, Jide Nzelibe, and participants at a Northwestern University School of Law faculty workshop. We thank the Julius Rosenthal Fund for financial support. 1. See, e.g., Maureen Dowd, Op-Ed., A Plague of Toadies, N.Y. TIMES, Nov. -
Macro Report Version 2002-10-23
Prepared by: Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research (ISPO), KULeuven, Belgium Date: 15/01/2005 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report Version 2002-10-23 Country (Date of Election): Belgium 13 June 2003 NOTE TO THE COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project- your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (i.e. electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and will be made available with this report to the CSES community on the CSES web page. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 4 SP.a 3 Agalev 2 PS 3 MR 3 Ecolo 2 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election?………17…………………………… 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 5 SP.a 5 Spirit 1 PS 5 MR 4 FDF 1 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? ……20……………………………… 2Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report 3. Political Parties (most active during the election in which the module was administered and receiving at least 3% of the vote): Party Name/Label Year Party Ideological European Parliament International Party Founded Family Political Group Organizational Memberships (where applicable) A. -
The Case for Electoral Reform: a Mixed Member Proportional System
1 The Case for Electoral Reform: A Mixed Member Proportional System for Canada Brief by Stephen Phillips, Ph.D. Instructor, Department of Political Science, Langara College Vancouver, BC 6 October 2016 2 Summary: In this brief, I urge Parliament to replace our current Single-Member Plurality (SMP) system chiefly because of its tendency to distort the voting intentions of citizens in federal elections and, in particular, to magnify regional differences in the country. I recommend that SMP be replaced by a system of proportional representation, preferably a Mixed Member Proportional system (MMP) similar to that used in New Zealand and the Federal Republic of Germany. I contend that Parliament has the constitutional authority to enact an MMP system under Section 44 of the Constitution Act 1982; as such, it does not require the formal approval of the provinces. Finally, I argue that a national referendum on replacing the current SMP voting system is neither necessary nor desirable. However, to lend it political legitimacy, the adoption of a new electoral system should only be undertaken with the support of MPs from two or more parties that together won over 50% of the votes cast in the last federal election. Introduction Canada’s single-member plurality (SMP) electoral system is fatally flawed. It distorts the true will of Canadian voters, it magnifies regional differences in the country, and it vests excessive political power in the hands of manufactured majority governments, typically elected on a plurality of 40% or less of the popular vote. The adoption of a voting system based on proportional representation would not only address these problems but also improve the quality of democratic government and politics in general. -
Before the Federal Election Commission in Re
BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION IN RE: CHRISTOPHER VAN HOLLEN, JR., DEMOCRACY 21, THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER, MUR 7024 I Respondents. RESPONSE OF RESPONDENTS DEMOCRACY 21 AND THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER Christopher E. Babbitt Adam Raviv Kurt G. Kastorf Arpit K. Garg* Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP 1875 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 663-6000 Fax: (202) 663-6363 Attorneys for Democracy 21 and The Campaign Legal Center * Admitted to practice only in New York. Supervised by members of the firm who are members of the District of Columbia bar. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT 3 ARGUMENT , 5 I. DEMOCRACY 21 AND CLC'S PRO BONO LEGAL SERVICES WERE NOT A "CONTRIBUTION" AS DEFINED UNDER § 8(A)(I) OF FECA 5 A. Structural Challenges To Generally Applicable Campaign Finance Laws And FEC Regulations Are Not "For the Purpose Of Influencing" Federal Elections 5 B. Neither Democracy 21 Nor CLC Provided Legal Services For The Purpose Of ®4 Influencing Van Hollen's Election 8 4 1. Neither Democracy 21 nor CLC undertook activities involving express § advocacy or solicitation intended to influence Van Hollen's election 9 2. The "totality of the circumstances" does not compel a different result 9 3. The litigation and rulemaking have a "significant non-election related" aspect 13 C. Cause of Action's Theory of Indirect Benefit is Both Incorrect And Disruptive.. 14 1. • The FEC has already rejected Cause of Action's indirect, reputation-based argument 14 2. Van Hollen's standing allegations do not change this analysis 16 3. -
An Electoral System Fit for Today? More to Be Done
HOUSE OF LORDS Select Committee on the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013 Report of Session 2019–21 An electoral system fit for today? More to be done Ordered to be printed 22 June 2020 and published 8 July 2020 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords HL Paper 83 Select Committee on the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013 The Select Committee on the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013 was appointed by the House of Lords on 13 June 2019 “to consider post-legislative scrutiny of the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013”. Membership The Members of the Select Committee on the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013 were: Baroness Adams of Craigielea (from 15 July 2019) Baroness Mallalieu Lord Campbell-Savours Lord Morris of Aberavon (until 14 July 2019) Lord Dykes Baroness Pidding Baroness Eaton Lord Shutt of Greetland (Chairman) Lord Hayward Baroness Suttie Lord Janvrin Lord Wills Lord Lexden Declaration of interests See Appendix 1. A full list of Members’ interests can be found in the Register of Lords’ Interests: http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/standards-and-interests/register-of-lords- interests Publications All publications of the Committee are available at: https://committees.parliament.uk/committee/405/electoral-registration-and-administration-act- 2013-committee/publications/ Parliament Live Live coverage of debates and public sessions of the Committee’s meetings are available at: http://www.parliamentlive.tv Further information Further information about the House of Lords and its Committees, including guidance to witnesses, details of current inquiries and forthcoming meetings is available at: http://www.parliament.uk/business/lords Committee staff The staff who worked on this Committee were Simon Keal (Clerk), Katie Barraclough (Policy Analyst) and Breda Twomey (Committee Assistant). -
The Political Effects of Electronic Voting in India
Technology and Protest: The Political Effects of Electronic Voting in India † Zuheir Desai∗ Alexander Lee April 7, 2019 Abstract Electronic voting technology is often proposed as translating voter intent to vote totals better than alternative systems such as paper ballots. We suggest that electronic voting machines (EVMs) can also alter vote choice, and, in particular, the way in which voters register anti- system sentiment. This paper examines the effects of the introduction of electronic voting machines in India, the world’s largest democracy, using a difference-in-differences methodol- ogy that takes advantage of the technology’s gradual introduction. We find that EVMs are as- sociated with dramatic declines in the incidence of invalid votes, and corresponding increases in vote for minor candidates. There is ambiguous evidence for EVMs decreasing turnout, no evidence for increases in rough proxies of voter error or fraud, and no evidence that machines with an auditable paper trail perform differently from other EVMs. The results highlight the interaction between voter technology and voter protest, and the substitutability of different types of protest voting. Word Count: 9995 ∗Department of Political Science, University of Rochester, Harkness Hall, Rochester, NY 14627. Email: [email protected]. †Department of Political Science, University of Rochester, Harkness Hall, Rochester, NY 14627. Email: alexan- [email protected]. 1 Introduction Social scientists have long been aware that voting technology may have important -
A Canadian Model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A
Proportional-first-past-the-post: A Canadian model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Memorial University St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador May 2014 ii Abstract For more than a decade a majority of Canadians have consistently supported the idea of proportional representation when asked, yet all attempts at electoral reform thus far have failed. Even though a majority of Canadians support proportional representation, a majority also report they are satisfied with the current electoral system (even indicating support for both in the same survey). The author seeks to reconcile these potentially conflicting desires by designing a uniquely Canadian electoral system that keeps the positive and familiar features of first-past-the- post while creating a proportional election result. The author touches on the theory of representative democracy and its relationship with proportional representation before delving into the mechanics of electoral systems. He surveys some of the major electoral system proposals and options for Canada before finally presenting his made-in-Canada solution that he believes stands a better chance at gaining approval from Canadians than past proposals. iii Acknowledgements First of foremost, I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my brilliant supervisor, Dr. Amanda Bittner, whose continuous guidance, support, and advice over the past few years has been invaluable. I am especially grateful to you for encouraging me to pursue my Master’s and write about my electoral system idea. -
Nber Working Paper Series Valuing the Vote
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES VALUING THE VOTE: THE REDISTRIBUTION OF VOTING RIGHTS AND STATE FUNDS FOLLOWING THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965 Elizabeth U. Cascio Ebonya L. Washington Working Paper 17776 http://www.nber.org/papers/w17776 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 January 2012 We thank Bill Fischel, Alan Gerber, Claudia Goldin, Naomi Lamoreaux, Ethan Lewis, Sendhil Mullainathan, Gavin Wright and seminar participants at Dartmouth College, Hunter College and the University of Miami for helpful conversations in preparation of this draft. Cascio gratefully acknowledges research support from Dartmouth College, and Washington gratefully acknowledges research support from the National Science Foundation. All errors are our own. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer- reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2012 by Elizabeth U. Cascio and Ebonya L. Washington. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Valuing the Vote: The Redistribution of Voting Rights and State Funds Following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 Elizabeth U. Cascio and Ebonya L. Washington NBER Working Paper No. 17776 January 2012, Revised August 2012 JEL No. D72,H7,I2,J15,N32 ABSTRACT The Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA) has been called one of the most effective pieces of civil rights legislation in U.S. -
Electoral Reform in Canada: the Shape of Things to Come an Executive Summary March 2016
Electoral Reform in Canada: The Shape of Things to Come An Executive Summary March 2016 We are committed to ensuring that 2015 will be the last federal election conducted under the first- past- the- post voting system. As part of a national engagement process, we will ensure that electoral reform measures—such as ranked ballots, proportional representation, mandatory voting, and online voting—are fully and fairly studied and considered .... Within 18 months of forming government, we will bring forward legislation to enact electoral reform. —Justin Trudeau, Real Change: A Fair and Open Government ABOUT THIS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Public Services Foundation of Canada and the National Union of Public and General Employees have prepared a comprehensive discussion paper based on a survey of the literature and polling and focus group results, which will be published at a later date. This executive summary provides an overview of the main points without the inclusion of the research, position paper, or polling results. Electoral Reform in Canada: The Shape of Things to Come Executive Summary The Canadian Debate Justin Trudeau promised during the election that this would be the last federal election to use the unfair first-past-the-post (FPTP) system. Although he has indicated that other voting systems would be considered, Trudeau has indicated that his preferred proposal is a version of the single transferable vote (STV) that uses a ranked ballot. His critics say that when STV is used in single member ridings, it is really just an alternative vote (AV) system, also known as an instant run-off system, and the result would be even more unfair in its outcome than FPTP. -
Presidential Elections and the Nationalization of Political Parties in Federal Countries: Comparing Parties and Institutions in Brazil and Argentina
Presidential elections and the nationalization of political parties in federal countries: comparing parties and institutions in Brazil and Argentina André Borges Universidade de Brasília Lucía Burtnik Universidade de Brasília Área temática: Espacio Alacip Trabajo preparado para su presentación en el VIII Congreso Latinoamericano de Ciencia Política, organizado por la Asociación Latinoamericana de Ciencia Política (ALACIP). Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima 22 al 24 de julio de 2015 Introduction Past research on party nationalization has argued that the direct election of the national executive is likely to nationalize party systems. Presidential elections shape the legislative party system whenever there is a coattails effect in that the presidential candidate pulls with him other candidates from the same party label competing at lower level elections. The coattail effect occurs mainly because the presidency is the major political prize in the context of separation of powers and, for that reason, legislative candidates have strong incentives to organize their campaigns around their party's presidential candidate (Samuels, 2003). Specifically, as the number of effective presidential candidates approximates two and presidential and legislative elections are held concurrently, a "Darwinian" effect should follow, selecting those parties most successful in competing for the presidency and mobilizing a national constituency. (Golder, 2006; Shugart, 1995; Shugart and Carey, 1992). According to this reasoning, parties unable to present viable candidates to the presidency are unlikely to survive unless they coalesce around one of the two major contenders in the presidential race. As a consequence, district-level party systems come to resemble each other as well as the national party system, fostering party nationalization (Hickens and Stoll, 2011). -
Paying for the Party
PX_PARTY_HDS:PX_PARTY_HDS 16/4/08 11:48 Page 1 Paying for the Party Myths and realities in British political finance Michael Pinto-Duschinsky edited by Roger Gough Policy Exchange is an independent think tank whose mission is to develop and promote new policy ideas which will foster a free society based on strong communities, personal freedom, limited government, national self-confidence and an enterprise culture. Registered charity no: 1096300. Policy Exchange is committed to an evidence-based approach to policy development. We work in partnership with aca- demics and other experts and commission major studies involving thorough empirical research of alternative policy out- comes. We believe that the policy experience of other countries offers important lessons for government in the UK. We also believe that government has much to learn from business and the voluntary sector. Tru, stees Charles Moore (Chairman of the Board), Theodore Agnew, Richard Briance, Camilla Cavendish, Robin Edwards, Richard Ehrman, Virginia Fraser, Lizzie Noel, George Robinson, Andrew Sells, Tim Steel, Alice Thomson, Rachel Whetstone PX_PARTY_HDS:PX_PARTY_HDS 16/4/08 11:48 Page 2 About the author Dr Michael Pinto-Duschinsky is senior Nations, the European Union, Council of research fellow at Brunel University and a Europe, Commonwealth Secretariat, the recognised worldwide authority on politi- British Foreign and Commonwealth cal finance. A former fellow of Merton Office and the Home Office. He was a College, Oxford, and Pembroke College, founder governor of the Westminster Oxford, he is president of the International Foundation for Democracy. In 2006-07 he Political Science Association’s research was the lead witness before the Committee committee on political finance and politi- on Standards in Public Life in its review of cal corruption and a board member of the the Electoral Commission. -
Electoral Reform “Regardless of Electoral System, There Will Always
Electoral Reform “Regardless of electoral system, there will always be opposing views as to advantages and disadvantages of each” Submitted by SR-F 06 September 2016 Because elections and referenda require a high level of voter awareness and responsibility, civic participation in governance must be encouraged in order that Canada’s Democracy becomes one that protects liberties, particularly communal liberties, rather than simply emphasizing individual Rights. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hMIbH5D0waA Direct Democracy would be the ideal voting system because it allows citizens to participate in most every aspect of governance through initiatives/voting/referenda... laws and changes to the national constitution being voted on by the citizenry affording them a much greater measure of control over political minutiae. Switzerland is the most prominent modern democracy to use elements of Direct Democracy https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_in_Switzerland with versions of it at State and local levels in the USA. As opposed to direct democracy, some version of Representative Democracy , founded on the principle of elected officials representing a group of people (includes Referendum/Initiatives/Recall that provide limited Direct Democracy), would appear to be more practical for Canada at this point in time. Present System : FPTP - Plurality In “winner-take-all" electoral systems, generally just two parties end up competing in national elections, forcing political discussions into a narrow two-party frame where loyalty and party line assertions can distort political debate, voters left undecided as to where to place their vote. When FPTP Voters realise that their preferred candidate cannot win, knowing that their vote won’t count or will be wasted, they have little incentive to vote.