War and Medicine: Exhibition Panel Brochure

WAR AND MEDICINE Exhibition panel brochure

Facts and responsibility of participation of Japanese medical establishment to 15 years war

Project exhibition in the 27th general assembly of the Japan Medical Congress

Executive Committee of the War and Medicine Exhibition at the 27th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress Exhibition of the 27th General Assembly of The Japan Medical Congress: WAR & MEDICINE The Prospectus

The 27th General Assembly of The Japan Medical Congress will be held in Osaka in 2007, the 60th anniversary year of the “Fifteen Years’ War”. This assembly, therefore, affords us a good opportunity to reflect upon the footsteps of the pre and postwar medical establishment of Japan, and in particular with reference to its association with the “War.” Along with the rapid development in medical science and practice, higher standards of medical ethics are required of scholars and doctors. To meet this requirement, one of our important tasks is to look back in a serious way at the path of medical science and practice on which we have trod. The main theme of the 27th Assembly is “the Origin of Life and Medicine̶LIFE, HUMANITY, DREAM,” which encourages the “information transmission from the origin.” This theme must respond to the strong demand on the medical profession for a “reflection from an original point of view.” However, the “reflection from an original point of view” will never be possible without reflecting upon the morality of Japanese medicine during the early Showa period and the “Fifteen Years’ War” to the following “postwar” period̶when the medical science and practice of Japan began to develop and modernize. Above all, the participation of the Japan Medical Association (JMA)/the Japanese Association of Medical Sciences (JAMS) in the “Fifteen Years’ War” and the “human experimentations” and “vivisections” performed by Japanese medical scholars/doctors call out for our inevitable and sincere repentance, considering the inheritance of the postwar medicine from such practices. The whole picture of the issue concerning Unit 731 during the Fifteen Years’ War (hereafter “the Unit 731 issue”) is not yet clarified because of the burning and scattering of contemporaneous documents and the “secrecy” and “concealment” of the remaining ones. GHQ, which occupied Japan at that time, questioned many medical scientists and doctors involved in the Unit but raised no question about war crimes and medical morality. Under these circumstances, among the circles of JMA/JAMS, the truth of the Unit 731 issue has been treated as “obscure,” and the issue itself as “resolved” or “taboo.” During these 60 years almost no commitment has been made to face this issue and the like seriously, and to learn a lesson therewith. In 1951, on its accession to the World Medical Association, JMA made a statement that “as the representative institution of Japanese doctors, JMA, on this occasion, reprimands the violence inflicted upon the people of the enemy countries, and condemns the alleged and in a few cases actually performed cruelties on patients.” This statement, although the only official comment on these issues, is not yet oriented towards a serious reflection on the wartime behavior of the Japanese medical profession, nor to a consequent reconsideration for the future of the ideal/morals of medical science and practice. In Germany, on the contrary, an ally of Japan during the wartime, the Berlin Medical Association (Die Ärztekammer Berlin) declared in 1988 that “we remember the doctors’ roles in Nazism and the unforgettable agonies of victims. . . . The Berlin Medical Council bears that burden of the past. We feel sorrow and shame.” Thus “overcoming the past” has been promoted also in the medical arena. “Those who blink at the past also blink at the present”: this is the historical lesson we mean to learn. In order to make this 60th anniversary a turning point, we would like to expose the former relationship between war and medicine, with special reference to the atrocities committed by the medical scientists and doctors during the war, and to commence a discussion based on historical facts. In this way, we will be able to not only contribute to the establishment of medical ethics and the future of the medical profession, but to stop the growing movement to reverse the wheel of history in Japan. The executive committee of this exhibition has introduced two features: the exhibition booths and the international symposium (at the second site). We wish to dedicate these activities to your better understanding of the truth concerning the complicity of Japanese medical scientists/doctors in the “Fifteen Years’ War,” and to help improve medical ethics in Japan. September, 2006 Executive Committee of the “War and Medicine” Exhibition at the 27th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress

1 Introduction

On March 30, 1949, at the annual meeting of the House of Delegates, the Japan Medical Association reached a unanimous decision:

That the Japan Medical Association, representing the doctors of Japan, takes this occasion to denounce atrocities perpetrated on the enemy during the war period, and to condemn acts of maltreatment of patients which are alleged and in some cases known to have occurred.

This statement, however, says nothing about the actual “cruelties.” Without a precise assessment of historical events, we cannot criticize or condemn those “cruelties.”

This exhibition offers materials to identify the facts discovered so far, to repent and apologize as the Japanese medical establishment, and to express our resolution never to act against medical ethics.

This exhibition consists of four parts:

1.Historical facts about the offences committed by medical scholars and doctors during the war

2.Japanese colonial medicine and practices

3. Influence of war policy/mobilization, and the war itself on medical science

4. Postwar medical establishment in Japan and the Unit 731 issue 2 Historical Background (1) Imperialism

The 19th and early 20th centuries were the age of imperialism, when the world was divided by military force into territories of the great powers. Japan, the only imperialist country in Asia, with its slogans, “Enrich the Country, Strengthen the Military” (Fukoku Kyohei) and “Leave Asia and Enter Europe” (Datsua Nyuou), invaded its neighboring nations.

1840-1842 Opium War

1867 Restoration of Imperial Rule

1868 Meiji Restoration

1880s Partition of Africa by European powers

1889 Promulgation of the Constitution of the

Empire of Japan

1894-1895 Sino-Japanese War

（1895 Taiwan becomes a Japanese territory.）

1898 Spanish-American War

（The Philippines become an American territory.）

1902 Anglo-Japanese Alliance

1904 Russo-Japanese War

1910 (Korea becomes Japanese territory.)

1914-1918 World War I

1915 Japan’s Twenty-one Demands on China

1918 Japan’s Siberian Intervention

3 Historical Background (2) Towards Peace and Cooperation After the ravages of World War I, there emerged a trend towards cooperation and reduction in military forces. The Nine- Powers Treaty was signed by the nine major countries including Japan, U.S.A, and Britain, to affirm the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China. In addition, the Treaty for the Renunciation of War (the Pact of Paris) included:

Article 1 (renunciation of war). The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare in the names of their respective peoples that they condemn recourse to war for the solution of international controversies, and renounce it, as an instrument of national policy in their relations with one another. Article 2 (settlement of disputes by pacific means). The High Contracting Parties agree that the settlement or solution of all disputes or conflicts of whatever nature or of whatever origin they may be, which may arise among them, shall never be sought except by pacific means.

1920 Foundation of the League of Nations 1921 Washington Conference（Washington Naval Treaty) 1922 Nine Powers Treaty 1923 Great Kanto Earthquake 1925 Promulgation of the General Election Law and the Peace Preservation Law 1925 Geneva Protocol (prohibition of the use of chemical and biological weapons in actual warfare) 1927 Showa Financial Crisis 1927 Toho (East) Council (principles of the policy towards China) 1928 Chang Tso-lin murdered in Huanggutun Incident 1929 Pact of Paris (Treaty for the Renunciation of War)

4 Historical Background (3) Japan’s Militarism However, Japan with its militarist policy committed aggression against the Northeast and principal parts of China, which extended to the war in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Ocean. Eventually, more than 20 million people were killed, and Japan ended up in defeat in 1945.

1929 Great Depression

1931 Liutiaohu Incident

1932 Foundation of “Manchukuo”

1933 Japan's withdrawal from the

League of Nations

1937 Lugouqiao (Marco Polo Bridge) Incident

Nanjing Massacre

1939 Nomonhan Incident

1940 Tripartite Pact among Japan, Germany, and Italy

1941-1945 Pacific War

5 1. Historical Facts about the Offences Committed by Medical Scholars and Doctors during the War

This exhibition demonstrates the fact that, mainly in overseas countries, Japanese medical scientists and doctors killed a total amount of, reportedly, thousands of people by performing experiments or practicing surgeries on them, from around 1932 till Japan lost the war in August 1945. The venues for these practices are chiefly the “Ishii Network”̶ including Unit 731̶organized by Shiro Ishii for research in military medicine, and the military hospitals in the occupied areas. Some other experiments were also conducted at prestigious academies, such as Manchuria Medical College and Kyushu Imperial University.

6 Ishii Network This was a network of military medicine built by the army surgeon Shiro Ishii. Its “Unit 731” produced biological weapons and violated international law by actually using them in the Nomonhan Incident and the second Sino- Japanese War. This Unit is said to have experimented on and killed approximately 3,000 Chinese and others for the investigation of military medicine. Those who performed the human experimentation flew back to Japan towards the end of the war and, by presenting the research data to the U.S. forces, obtained immunity from prosecution for war crimes.

This issue has as a significant bearing on medical ethics as thehuman experimentation performed by Nazi doctors. However, because of the concealment of this fact after the war, no reckoning of the matter has been made, and many of the doctors and scholars who conducted such tests held important posts in the medical establishment.

Panorama of Unit 731

7 Shiro Ishii

Shiro Ishii graduated from Kyoto Imperial University, Faculty of Medicine in 1920. The prohibition of poisonous gases and biological weapons by the Geneva Protocol in 1925 paradoxically inspired Ishii to realize the potential of biological weapons and to prompt the upper echelons of the army into the research and development of such weapons.

In 1930, Ishii returned from studying in the West and began to serve as professor at the Japanese Army Military Medical School, Department of Epidemic Prevention of the Department of Epidemic Prevention. By means of the production of biological weapons, he is supposed to have attempted not only to improve the status of army surgeons but also to create a network of research institutions for military medicine that would surpass the schools of medicine of the imperial universities.

8 The Headquarters－Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory of the Japanese Army Military Medical School In 1931, the Kwantung Army started the Manchurian Incident and conquered Northeast China. These events gave Ishii an opportunity to carry out his scheme. In the following year, 1932, he founded the “Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory” at the Japanese Army Military School in Tokyo. It is this laboratory that served as the headquarters of the Ishii Network. The notorious Unit 731 is the network’s chief institution for human experimentation and the principal plant for biological weapons, but is not the center of the network itself.

Premises of the Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory

9 Togo Unit in Beiyinhe

At the same time as the foundation of the Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory, Ishii located the clandestine “Togo Unit” in Beiyinhe, a poor village near Wuchang, about 70km (43.5 miles) southeast from Harbin. Togo Unit was the predecessor of Unit 731 and had research facilities with jail cells for human subjects. From around the Fall of 1933, cruel human experiments were initiated.

Documents ordering the Military Medical School to dispatch Ishii and others to “Manchuria” in the Fall of 1933

10 To Pingfang

The facilities of the Togo Unit in Beiyinhe were insufficient to conduct lethal human experimentation extensively and secretly. Therefore Ishii and the Kwantung Army deserted the installation in Beiyinhe and decided to create a large-scale, research complex with more solidly built prisons and a biological weapons plant in the district of “Pingfang,” about 15km (9.3 miles) southeast of Harbin. In 1935, inhabitants of four neighboring villages were expelled, and the construction was started. Around 1939, a grand military base was completed, provided with a private airfield, residences of the Unit’s members and their families, even school, and a shrine.

11 Construction of the Facilities in Pingfang A total of 80sq. km (19,770 acres) surrounding the facilities of Pingfang were designated a special military zone. The 6sq. km (1,483 acres) around the headquarters were distinctly enclosed by a mud wall, high voltage wires, and a moat. The building which functioned as the chief experimental research institution and biological weapons plant was called “ro house” after its shape of the letter “ロ” (ro). Human subjects were kept in the two “special prisons,” which were placed in the quadrangle of the building so that even if you could get out of the prisons, you could not get out of the section of the complex.

12 Development of the Ishii Network

Togo Unit was given the name of “Kwantung Army Epidemic Prevention Department” (commonly known as “Unit 731 in Manchuria”) and was authorized as a formal army unit in 1936, prior to the completion of the institution in Pingfang. In August 1940, it was renamed “Kwantung Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department.” In 1938, the Japanese Imperial Army inaugurated eighteen “division epidemic prevention and water supply departments.” Eventually, the Ishii Network came to comprise: “Mobile epidemic prevention institutions” including these departments in divisions and the Kwantung Army 1st Field Hospital Water Supply Department, together with five “stationary epidemic prevention institutions” (the Kwantung Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department in Harbin [Unit 731], the North China Expeditionary Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department in Beijing [Unit 1855], the Central China Expeditionary Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department in Nanjing [Unit 1644], the South China ExpeditionaryArmy Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department in Canton [Unit 8604] and the Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory at the Japanese Army Military Medical School in Tokyo). The personnel grew to a total of more than ten thousand. Following the outbreak of the Pacific War, the Japanese Army occupied Singapore and built a stationary epidemic prevention and water supply facilities, the Southern Expeditionary Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department [Unit 9420].

Japanese Army Military Medical School, Department of Battlefield Epidemic Prevention, "On the Use of the Operations of the Military Epidemic-Prevention Institutions, Newly Founded After the China Incident, the Policy for a Future War, and the Use of Protective Inoculation." Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Report. Part 2 Vol. 99, March 1941, p. 40

13 Close Relationship with Other Biological and Chemical Weapons Unit

The Ishii Network was also connected closely with institutions such as: the Kwantung Army Military Horse Epidemic Prevention Department [Unit 100 in Changchun], which had been developing biological weapons chiefly against domestic animals; the Japanese Army 6th Technology Institute, the Army Narashino School, the Japanese Army 9th Technology Institute [Noborito Institute], and the Kwantung Army Chemical Department [Unit 516 in Qiqihar], all of which had been engaged in the development of chemical weapons. Unit 731 itself had a field test site (in Anda, about 150km (93.2 miles) northwest of Harbin) and five branches (in Mudanjiang, Linkou, Sunwu, Hailar, and Dalian.

14 “Special Transfer Procedure” of the “Logs” Among Unit 731, victims of the human experimentation were called “maruta,” or “logs.” Surgeon Major Kiyoshi Kawashima, chief of the production department, admitted when questioned during the military trial held by the Soviet Union (Khabarovsk Trial) that even women and children had been incarcerated in the special prisons. These people were sent to Unit 731 by the military police under a system called “special transfer procedure,” which was specified by the Japanese Army to procure human subjects. According to Kawashima, about 400 to 600 people per year were transferred to the Unit as experimental materials, adding up to “at least 3000” for the five years until Japan’s defeat; no one survived. Moreover, this does not include the number of people who were treated as “logs” and killed in Togo Unit before 1939.

Documents of the military police of the Japanese Imperial Army concerning the “special transfer procedure” discovered in China after the War. The term “Socho” (蘇諜) appearing in the document means “Soviet spy.” 15 Medical Crimes Committed by Other Units The mass murder by Unit 731 in human experiments is only a part of Japan’s medical crimes during this period. Many witnesses testified that lethal human experiments were also performed in Unit 1644 in Nanjing and Unit 1855 in Beijing. In addition, the research data of the U.S. and Australian forces reveal that Surgeon Captain Einosuke Hirano of the 24th Field Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department conducted human experiments on POWs from America, Australia, and New Zealand, in Rabaul (now in New Guinea).

Geographic expansion of the Ishii Network described in a survey report of the U.S. military

16 Experimental Infection with Epidemic Hemorrhagic Fever Shiro Kasahara, who went to Unit 731 from the Kitasato Institute, published an article in 1944 on the isolation of the agent of epidemic hemorrhagic fever, under joint authorship with Unit 731 Commander Masaji Kitano and others.

The “monkeys” in this article are actually men, since 39.4 C (102.9 F) is normal for monkeys whose average temperature is higher than that of men. Furthermore, Kasahara and his colleagues mention in another article that monkeys do not present manifest renal syndrome nor fever which are characteristic of epidemic hemorrhagic fever. These facts indicate that they used humans as guinea pigs and even performed vivisections. Kasahara himself admitted this after the war.

17 Experimental Infection with Bacteria Depicted in a Report by the U.S. Military The U.S. military obtained the data of Unit 731 and recorded the “MID50” (minimum infective dose of the agent for 50% of the subjects) of anthrax, the plague, typhus, paratyphoid A and B, dysentery, cholera, and glanders that had been determined by the Japanese researchers. These data are not available without the actual administration of the agents to human subjects. For example, spray experiments of anthrax are described as follows:

“In a typical experiment four human subjects were placed in a glass room 10㎥ [353 ft³] in size, and 300 cc. of a 1mg/cc suspension were introduced using an ordinary disinfectant sprayer. No particle size determinations were made, but two of the four subjects developed lesions which eventually resulted in generalized anthrax.”

(report by U.S. military investigator N. H. Fell) Extract from another report on experimental infection with anthrax 18 Experiments with Biological Weapons

U.S. military investigator N. H. Fell gives a detailed account of various experiments with biological weapons. With reference to the experiments using bombs stuffed with anthrax, he writes in June 1947, citing the “60-page report,” which summarizes the research by Unit 731:

“In most cases the human subjects were tied to stakes and protected with helmets and body armor. The bombs of various types were exploded either statically, or with time fuses after being dropped from aircraft.”

“6 of 10 subjects developed a definite bacteremia, and 4 of these were considered to have been infected by the respiratory route; all four of these latter subjects died. However, these four subjects were only 25 meters from the nearest of the 9 bombs that were exploded in a volley.”

In the same document, Fell states as follows with regard to the development of biological weapons using plague bacilli:

“(e) Spraying experiments

The results indicated that this method was highly effective, both with subjects held within a room and also exposed to bacilli spread from aircraft at low altitudes. 30-100 per cent of the subjects used in various trials became infected and the mortality was at least 60 per cent.”

19 Plague Fleas

However, Fell also notes that: “(f) Stability No success was attained in stabilizing plague bacilli either in suspensions or by drying.” So Unit 731 developed a method by which the bacteria are not dispersed directly but spread by infecting their vectors, fleas,and scattering them over mattresses or filling ceramic bombshells with such fleas.

“(g) Infected fleas A great deal of work was done on methods of breeding fleas and infecting them through rats. Methods were developed for producing many kilograms of normal fleas (one gram = 3000 fleas), and for infecting them on a production basis. This flea work is described in great detail and represents an excellent study. It was found that infected fleas survived for about 30 days under the best conditions and were infective for that length of time. It was also found that one flea bite per person usually caused infection. It was also found that if subjects moved freely around a room containing a concentration of 20 fleas per square Diagram describing the testing of meter [0.00024 acre] 6 of 10 subjects infected-flea bombs became infected and of these 4 died. 20 Hisato Yoshimura’s Frostbite Experiments

Hisato Yoshimura conducted research on frostbite in Unit 731 from 1938 to the defeat in 1945. His experiments were cruel ones in which the limbs of human subjects were artificially frozen. In 1941 at a meeting of the Harbin branch of the Manchuria Medical Association, Yoshimura gives a lecture on the result of his scholarship and presents a graph recording the change in the skin temperature and the volume of fingers during the congealment of fingers. (Shown below, left. Since Yohimura’s graph is handwritten and illegible, a copy made by Keishiro Karita is juxtaposed on the right.)

Yoshimura after the war published similar findings in a paper in English and there presents the results obtained from an experiment on a 3-day old infant. (See a panel exhibited later.) That English article, however, does not include the graph shown above which clearly indicates the freezing of the fingers of the subjects. 21 Endurance Test of a Water-Only Diet

Yoshio Kurihara, who worked in Togo Unit in Beiyinhe as a nonmilitary employee from 1935 to 1936, was forced to perform endurance experiments in which subjects were allowed nothing but water. After the war, he testifies that:

I was ordered to do tests under a civilian person, Mr. Satoshi Sugawara, to ascertain how many days men can live on only water.In that experiment, the man on plain water lived for 45 days and the man on distilled water lived for 33 days. The man who was forced tokeep drinking distilled water, cried as death approached, “Sir, please give me water with taste!” The man who lived for 45 days was a doctor named “Zuo Guangya.” He was a real intellectual and not a bandit. (Keiichi Tsuneishi, The Organized Crime of Medical Practitioners. Asahi Shinbun Company, 1994, p. 162)

22 Plague Vaccine Trials and Vivisections

Yoshio Shinozuka (formerly Tamura), an ex junior assistant of Unit 731, writes in his book published in 2004 as follows:

Mr. Yoshio Shinozuka (taken in August 2004)

23 Plague vaccine trials and vivisections (Mr. Yoshio Shinozuka’s testimony, continued)

24 Field Trials of Poison Gas Weapons In the Ishii Network, chemical weapons and poisonous substances were also developed and experimented with as well as biological weapons. This tells us Unit 731 and other institutions of the Ishii Network were not only both laboratories and production plants but also functioned as human experimentation facilities within the Japanese Army. A report about a chemical weapons trial in Unit 731 was discovered after the war. According to the report, firing tests of “kii dan,” or “yellow bombs” (yperite [mustard gas] bombs) were conducted in September 1940. The conditions of the human guinea pigs, such as clothes and outfits, were equalized. These subjects were placed at the fake field gun emplacements, a moat, resting places or observation posts and exposed to yperite.

Extract from the report and an attached map showing the positions of subjects at the test site

25 Mission to Nanjing for an Experiment with Poisonous Substances on Human Subjects Engineer Major Shigeo Ban of the Japanese Army 9th Technology Institute (Noborito Institute) writes in his memoirs published in 2001 about the dispatch of the seven members of Noborito Institute to the Central China Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department in Nanjing in early May of 1941 under the orders of the Japanese Imperial Headquarters to perform an experiment with poisons on human subjects.

26 Poison Trials in Unit 100

Former Sergeant in the Kwantung Army Military Horse Epidemic Prevention Department (Unit 100) Kazuo Mitomo made a statement as defendant at the Soviet military trial in Khabarovsk in 1949 about his experience of assisting in poison testing.

“The poisoned food was given to the experimentees five or six times over a period of two weeks. Korean bindweed was used mostly in soups, I think heroin in porridge, while tobacco was mixed with heroin and bactal. After eating the soup mixed with Korean bindweed the experimentees dropped off into a deep five-hour sleep 30 minutes or an hour later.” (p. 323) “Matsui ordered me to kill that Russian by giving him an injection of potassium cyanide. After the injection that man died at once. I was also present when gendarmes shot three prisoners on whom I had performed experiments.” (p. 80)

From Materials on the Trial of Former Servicemen of the Japanese Army Charged with Manufacturing and Employing Bacteriological Weapons (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1950) 27 Use of Biological Weapons

There are many records and witnesses to show the actual use of biological weapons by the Japanese Army. The accounts by the very offenders, Japanese Army’s high-ranking officers, written in the contemporary official documents, are particularly decisive evidence. In 1940, a then staff officer of the China Expeditionary Army, Lieutenant Colonel Kumao Imoto, writes in the business journal that he had several discussions with a surgeon officer of Unit 731. On October 7, 1940, he receives a report by an officer of Unit 731 about the germ attacks on Ningbo that the unit “has made 6 attacks so far.” Imoto also describes the spraying of plague-infected fleas in Changde in November 1941 and the Japanese Army’s bacteriological warfare in 1942 as part of the “Sekkan [Chekiang- Kiangsi] Operation.”

Japanese Soldiers in the Sekkan Operation 28 Kyushu Imperial University School of Medicine Case From May to June of 1945, Prof. Fukujiro Ishiyama and his students of the First Department of Surgery at the School of Medicine, Kyushu Imperial University, performed experimental surgery and killed 8 POWs who were the crew of a U.S. military B-29 that had been shot down.

●May 17: Removal a whole lung each from 2 POWs ●May 22: Total removal of the stomach of 1 POW, arrest of bleeding by compressing the aorta, thus causing cardiac arrest, then open chest cardiac massage and cardiac surgery; incision in the upper abdomen of another POW, removal of the gallbladder, excision of a lobe of the liver ●May 25: Brain surgery on 1 POW (trigeminal nerve block) ●June 2: Drawing about 500cc of blood from the right femoral artery of 1 POW, injecting him with about 300cc of a blood substitute; mediastinal surgery on another POW; removal of the gallbladder of another POW, injecting 200cc of a blood substitute, removal of the liver, open chest cardiac massage, myocardial incision and suture, hemostasis by pressing the aorta U.S. military victims

29 Research on Hygiene in the Cold Season

Surgeon Major Kazuharu Tanimura at the Datong Army Hospital organized a “winter hygiene research team” and conducted a field exercise in Inner Mongolia from January 31 to February 11,1941. The purpose was to research on frostbite, and on surgery, hemostasis and blood transfusion in tents. The “materials” of the team included 8 Chinese listed as “living bodies,” or experimental materials. Those 8 Chinese human subjects were used in other experiments or surgeries and eventually vivisected or shot to death.

Victims under surveillance during the erection of a tent List of materials: on the left are listed the names, ages, and numbers of 8 Chinese referred to as “living bodies”

30 Tanimura Team’s Frostbite Experiment

Early in the morning of February 6, 1941, Tanimura and his party conducted a frostbite experiment on 6 subjects who were under conditions such as: in wet socks/gloves, intoxicated, hungry, or on atropine.

Team leader Tanimura delivering the memorial address

Funeral address for victims read at a “memorial service” at the end of the exercise

31 Experiments to Develop Battlefield Surgery Techniques

The “winter hygiene research” of Tanimura’s team involved experimental surgery to develop surgical techniques on the battlefield. z February 4,1941: “Temporarily renovated the interior of the operating tent and performed an abdominal section (enterectomy with side-to-side anastomosis) on the living body (No. 1)” and observed the prognosis. z February 5: “For surveillance of surgical wounds, an above-knee amputation of the left leg, the primary suture of the deliberately incised wound of the right thigh, and a resection of the left lower abdominal skin (open wound) were performed on the living body No. 3.” On the “living body No. 7,” a “penetrating gunshot wound through the soft part of the left brachium” and a “penetrating gunshot wound through the soft part of the right thigh” were made. On the “living body No. 6,” a “penetrating gunshot wound through the left lumboabdominal area” and a “penetrating gunshot wound through the left thoracodorsal area” were made. “Frontline treatments” of these respective piercing wounds were investigated. z February 6: As a “frontline surgical treatment on living bodies,” a “ penetrating gunshot wound through the soft part of the right hip” of the “living body No. 5” was excised, following the arrest of bleeding by clamping the “left popliteal artery” and the “incised wound of the right crural muscle” with a hemostat. z February 7: Treatment of a “penetrating gunshot wound through the right chest” was studied on the “living body No. 8.”

32 Experiments on Hemostasis and Blood Transfusion

Tanimura and his team also conducted experiments on methods of hemostasis and blood transfusion. ・ February 5: The “living body No. 6,” who had experimental treatment for the bullet wound, underwent “hemostasis with pressure on the brachial artery”; the “living body No. 7” underwent “hemostasis with pressure on the femoral artery”; “a blood transfusion and an intravenous injection of room-temperature Ringer's solution” were administered to the “living bodies No. 1 and No. 3.” ・ February 6: After “the left popliteal region” of the “living body No. 5” “was cut open in the operating tent, this subject was carried out into the field” and “left popliteal arterial hemostasis with several forceps” and “hemostasis of the incised wound of the right crural flexor with a clamp” were performed. ・ February 8: Hemostasis of the brachium of the same “living body No. 5” was performed using instruments such as a “screw tourniquet” or a “braid,” under several conditions of clothing, as in a greatcoat and a military uniform. ・ February 7: Experimental transfusions of 3 types of blood were performed: “stored blood” in the vacuum bottles, “frozen blood” congealed by exposure to the open air, and the “blood of sheep.” ・ February 8: “Transfusion of the heart’s blood of a corpse” obtained by shooting the “living body No. 8” at 2400 hours the previous day.

33 “Surgery Exercises” in Military Hospitals

In the army hospitals around China, they often anesthetized captive Chinese and vivisected them to death, calling such an activity a “surgery exercise.” These surgical exercises were purportedly intended to train novice surgeons in the treatment of soldiers injured on the frontline. The leader of the “winter hygiene team,” Surgeon Major Kazuharu Tanimura at the Datong Army Hospital, ran a three-day, short-term educational program called the “Mongolian Garrison Army Medical Officers’ War Surgery Group Education” from June 5 to 7 of, probably, 1941. In the reference column of the curriculum, it is written that “6 ○○ materials were prepared” for these practices. Many pieces of testimony about the surgical exercises and the findings of the “winter hygiene research” may reasonably show this “○○ materials” to be living men, who are supposed to have been killed during or after the exercises.

34 2. Japanese Colonial Medicine and Practices

Until defeat in 1945, Japan governed colonies including the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan, founded “Manchukuo,” and went so far as to occupy China and Southeast Asia. This section provides you with information about war and medicine in relation to the history of this colonialism. Colonial medicine and practices here refer to the medicine and practices Japan offered to the colonies and occupied territories in the course of modern colonialism.

In 1895, the colonial government introduced Western medicine into Taiwan, Japan’s first colony.

Above: Goro Ishibashi, Illustrative Map of Today’s World.. Asahi Shinbun Sha, 1943, p. 6

Along with the introduction of the Japanese hygiene system, the Government- General of Taiwan made provisions for a quarantine system and constructed medical institutions and facilities for medical education. The leader of this movement was Doctor Shinpei Goto, Minister of Public Welfare of the Government-General of Taiwan. Goto believed in the legitimacy of Japan’s Shinpei Goto (The Who’s Who of colonial rule over Taiwan on account of the Today Illustrated. Vol. 1. Distribution Society of The hygiene and health care administration Who’s Who of Today Illustrated,

1934) 35 Taiwan̶Medical Policy

Taiwan Governor’s Taipei Clinic at around 1919-20 （afterwards renamed the Taihoku Imperial University Hospital ） from Shigeru Oda, A Hundred Years of Taiwan, Three Generations of the Horiuchi and Oda Families. Nippon Tosho Kankokai, 2002

Taiwan was stigmatized by Japanese as “Shorei Ban-u” (a savage land of miasma). Its colonization by Japan was then publicized as enlightenment. Actually, medical care was first brought in for the preservation of Japanese settlers’ health. The Government-General established the Great Japan Taiwan Hospital (afterwards renamed as the Taiwan Governor’s Taipei Hospital) in 1895 and the Attached Medical Training Center for Locals in 1897. This school later becomes the Taiwan Governor’s Medical School and develops into the Taihoku (Taipei) Imperial University Faculty of Medicine. At that time, malaria was a disease which immensely affected the management of the colony. Hygiene administration in Taiwan since the beginning of the colonization focuses on countermeasures against this fever. The Central Research Hygiene Department was set up and a thorough investigation of malaria was launched; the Taipei Medical School/Taihoku Imperial University Faculty of Medicine also encouraged the study of this infection. In 1939, the Institute of Tropical Medicine was added and the medical research in Taiwan gained the central status in the arena of Japanese tropical medicine. 36 One Example of the Malaria Studies in Taiwan Some research on Malaria involved experiments which were painful to the subjects’ bodies, dangerous, and even non- therapeutic, such as the removal of enlarged spleens from 44 living locals to procure experimental materials found in Muneaki Fujinaga’s “A Surgical Study on Chronic Malarial Splenomegaly” (Journal of the Medical Association of Taiwan 42. 10-11, 1943). Removal of the spleen was not established as a treatment for malaria even at that time. Fujinaga writes in his article that: “The materials were all humans: 38 from the Gaoshan (8 from the Tayal, 3 from the Saisiyat, 13 from the Bunun, 3 from the Tsou, 11 from the Paiwan); 6 Taiwanese (1 Fukienese and 5 Cantonese). . . . The patients underwent several tests upon hospitalization. Prof. Sawada performed splenectomies under local anesthesia.” (p. 83)

On the left is shown a photograph from Fujinaga’s article (p. 99). The youngest subject was an eight-year-old boy.

37 Korean Peninsula̶Medical Education of the Government-General of Korea

Keijo Imperial University Faculty of Medicine Hospital (Frontispiece to Keijo Imperial University Calendar, the 13th Year of Showa. Keijo Imperial University, 1938)

The center of medical education and research in the Korean Peninsula was the Medical College in Keijo, later known as the Keijo [Seoul] Imperial University Faculty of Medicine. The origin of the college dates back to the medical school founded by the government of the Korean Empire even before the Japanese Annexation of Korea. The Korean Government on its own was trying to introduce Western medicine. Under Japan’s increasing influence, however, the Japanese Army Surgeon General Susumu Sato became President of the college in 1907. The Surgeon Generals of the Army had by tradition since then taken that position. That is, the Medical College in Keijo was within the jurisdiction of the Japanese Army. Keijo Imperial University opened in 1924. The Faculty of Medicine was created two years later and bacteriologist Kiyoshi Shiga took office as Dean. Although a few Koreans were employed as lecturers or assistants, the posts of professors and assistant professors were a Japanese monopoly, which kept Koreans away from the place on campus to participate in decision-making. 24 professors (all Japanese), 24 assistant professors (all Japanese), 14 lecturers (6 Koreans), 50 assistants (12 Koreans (Keijo Imperial University Calendar, the 13th Year of Showa. 1938, p. 216-27) 38 Korean Peninsula̶Health Care Policy

The Government-General of Korea in the 1910s saw patients in traveling clinics to spread modern medicine through agricultural villages and held lectures to raise awareness of sanitation (Takenori Matsumoto, The Experiences of "Colonial Modernity" in Korean Villages.Shakai Hyoron Sha, 2005, p. 48-49). Even after the foundation of hospitals and medical schools, however, people in rural districts did not necessarily gain easier access to medical treatment at hospitals. Without a health insurance system, patients had to shoulder the burden of medical fees by themselves; because of this economic factor, the use of hospitals may have been actually difficult for people below the level of urban, middle- or upper-class living. Below is the comparison of the total annual numbers of outpatients at the public Jikei Hospital and provincial hospitals in 1930. While there are 294 patients per 1,000 Japanese, per 1,000 Koreans there areonly about 12, of which the number of women is about half that of men. This shows that hospitals were beyond the reach of ordinary Koreans and that the disparity was extremely large, between races, classes, urban and rural areas, and sexes (Naoki Mizuno et al., eds. Japanese Colonial Rule. Iwanami Shoten, 2001, p. 22-25）.

Patients at the Jikei Hospital and provincial hospitals (1939)

Outpatients per 1,000

Japanese 155,008 294.00

Korean/male 83,549 8.03

Korean/female 43,755 4.36

From The Statistical Yearbook. The Government-General of Korea 39 “Manchukuo”̶Manchuria Medical College

Manchuria Medical College. Yuji Fujikawa, Good-Bye, Fengtien. Kokushokankokai, 1979, p. 46 Manchuria Medical College, which developed out of the Southern Manchurian Medical School founded by the Southern Manchuria Railway in 1911, formed the core of medical investigation and education in Northeast China. The Chinese, however, received discriminatory treatment within the campus, as one of the graduates, Mr. Shen Kui, testifies:

Chinese and Japanese Medical Students “Chinese students kept eating rice like Japanese students, but as the war progresses, only Chinese were forced to eat kaoliang. We protested to the President, but he fooled us with twisted logic that ‘Chinese traditionally ate kaoliang.’ Under the food rationing system, it became illegal for Chinese to eat rice.” (Journal of Research Society for the 15 Years’ War and the Japanese Medical Science and Service. 5-2, 2005, p. 44)

On the Manchuria Medical College Hospital The red-brick, stately ward was used exclusively by Japanese inpatients, particularly by employees of the Southern Manchuria Railway. They had a small blue-brick clinic for Chinese, but Chinese were afraid of the hospital and there were hardly any patients. Chinese inpatients were taken to a gloomy ward different from the Japanese ward. (ibid. p. 45)

40 Discrimination in the Treatment of Patients at Another Hospital̶Dairen Hospital At the Dairen (Dalian) Hospital built by the Southern Manchuria Railway in 1907, patients and nurses were treated differently according to their races. Below is a summary of the testimony by Ms. Chi Xinlan, who worked as nurse at the institution.

There were a Japanese ward and a Chinese ward at the Dairen Hospital. The magnificent Japanese ward was equipped with the then best facilities in the Oriental countries and chiefly for Japanese and the dignitaries of Former Dairen Hospital for the Southern Manchuria Railway (photographed by the 4th Visiting Committee to China of the Research “Manchukuo.” Society for the 15 Years’ War and the Japanese Medical Science and Service) On the other hand, Chinese inpatients were housed in a differentward, dark and semi-underground. I, as a Chinese nurse, worked in the Chinese ward and was never allowed to step foot into the Japanese ward. We faced discrimination in wages and promotions between Japanese and Chinese nurses. We could not take a vacation nor could we live in the dormitory for nurses. One day, the condition of a Chinese inpatient changed suddenly, so I called a Japanese doctor about it. He answered, “A charity (nonpaying) patient. Semi-basement I’ll come tomorrow.” (interviewed on ward, now a Sep. 3, 2006, by the 4th Visiting Committee store-room to China of the Research Society for the 15 (photographed Years’ War and the Japanese Medical by the same Science and Service) society)

41 Medical Research in “Manchukuo”̶Reclamation Medicine Specimen room at the Manchuria Medical College. One label reads, “Endemic Diseases in Manchuria and Mongolia” (満蒙之地方病). They focused on medical From Twenty Five Years of History of the research required for the cultivation of Manchuria Medical College. 1936 Northeast China. Manchuria Medical College: Research Subjects of Each Department

Department of Physiology Significance of psychroesthesia in thermography response to cold weather

Department of Pathology Endemic diseases, kala azar, Kashin-Bek disease, endemic dermatitides, endemic goiter

Department of Microbiology (research topics of each successive professor) Hidezo Toyota: the plague, relapsing fever spirochete, Pseudomonas mallei, typhus fever

Tadao Toda: tubercle bacillus, non-pathogenic acid-fast bacilli, BCG

Masaji Kitano: undulant fever, typhus fever, Manchurian typhus, epidemic hemorrhagic fever

Hikokichi Hiroki: tubercle bacillus, salmonella

Department of Hygiene House sanitation problems of Japanese agricultural settlers in Manchuria

Department of Nutrition Nutritional problems of Japanese agricultural settlers

42 Medical Crimes at Manchuria Medical College Some of the findings of the research at Manchuria Medical College were obtained by means of vivisections of Chinese nationals. Some papers written by the members of the Department of Anatomy include descriptions of experimental materials such as: “Healthy and fresh brains of Northern Chinese adults without history of mental illness” were used (Kenji Oono, “Study on the Cerebral Cortex of Chinese, with Special Reference to the Cellular Composition of the Occipital Region.” Acta Anatomica Nipponica, 19- 6, 1942); or “I often succeeded in obtaining healthy and very fresh brains of Northern Chinese adults with no specific psychiatric history.” (TAKENAKA- Giiti, “Research on the Cerebral Cortex of North Chinese, with Special Reference to the Cellular Composition of the Temporal Lobe.” Acta Anatomica Nipponica, 21-1, 1943).

This picture shows the preparations of brain sections preserved in the archives of the China Medical University. On the exterior of the set is the signature “Oono Kenji.” Photographed by the 3rd Visiting Committee to China of the Research Society for the 15 Years’ War and the Japanese Medical Science and Service

Mr. Zhang Piqing, former laboratory assistant at Manchuria Medical College, had already disclosed these vivisections in 1954. He says, “From the Fall of 1942 to the Spring of ’43, Japanese conducted extremely cruel vivisections some 5 times. After the procedure, me, Liu Xueqi, and a Japanese named Nishimura ×× together would be engaged in the tasks like the clearing of anatomized remains, the burning of bodies in the boiler room, and the burials” (Central Archives, Second Historical Archives of China, and Jilin Academy of Social Sciences, eds., Testimony: Vivisections. Dobunkan Shuppan, 1991, p. 19)

43 Research Materials of Manchuria Medical College̶ Collection of Cadavers

At Manchuria Medical College, they experimented on cadavers of prisoners who died from illness or were executed at theFengtienprison. The “pathological autopsy report” at the left indicates this fact. The man referred to in this document was executed at the Fengtien prison and sent to Manchuria Medical College for dissection.

In the collection of the archives of the China Medical University. Photographed by the 1st Visiting Committee to China of the Research Society for the 15 Years’ War and the Japanese Medical Science and Service Hisaji Nakai, ex- Director of the Justice Correction Department, confesses that during “Manchukuo” times he used to procure the bodies of prisoners who died from diseases or execution at the 1st Fengtien Prison and supply them to Manchuria Medical College for research experiments. (Right: Handwritten Confessions. Vol. 6, p. 71) 44 Manchuria Medical College̶Traveling Consultation Clinic, Epidemic Prevention, Hygiene Guidance Manchuria Medical College, officially to confer the benefit of Japanese medicine on locals, started to dispatch the Mongolian Traveling Clinic Team from 1923. However, the real purpose of the dispatch project was “to make a necessary good impression by promoting some welfare of the residents along the railroad, for an advantageous business development of the companies affiliated with the Southern Manchuria Railway.” (Takashi Hashimoto, “Those Days’ Memory,” The 25th Anniversary Collection of Essays of Manchuria Medical College, Manchuria Medical College, 1936, p344)

Entrance of a visiting clinic team’s clinic. Frontispiece to Willow Seeds Dance on the Land. 1978 In addition, medical students organized special medical teams to offer visiting hygiene guidance to agricultural settlers, and volunteer youth troops at the Southern Manchuria Railway’s training centers. They were also engaged in the Medical students on the back of a truck with the mission prevention of epidemics, of epidemic prevention. Frontispiece to Willow Seeds such as malaria, cholera, Dance on the Land. 1978 and the plague. 45 Occupied Areas in the Chinese Continent̶ Dojin Association Japanese financial and medical leaders played a central role in setting up a foundation called Dojin Association in 1902. This society was established in order to “spread medicine, pharmacy, and their relevant technologies throughout China and other Asian countries.” However, after the Lugouqiao (Marco Polo Bridge) Incident in 1937, the Association fell under the control of the Japanese Military and began to support the war strongly through medical means. In wartime, Fumimaro Konoe served as President and Kenji Kodama and Yoneji Miyakawa as Vice-Presidents. Their inauguration itself clearly speaks of the wartime regime of the foundation. Map of the institutions of the Dojin Association. (Dojin Association Journal of Medicine. 17-10, 1943, p. 89)

The Dojin Association also embarks on epidemic prevention in China from 1938.

Front gate of the Dojin Association Northern China Central Epidemic Prevention Department moved to Xiannongtan, Beijing in 1939. (Forty Years of History of the Dojin Association. p. 448)

46 Activities of the Dojin Association under the Supervision of the Army

Shijiazhuang Dojin Association medical care team starts for a neighboring village to vaccinate under the protection of security personnel. This picture seems to indicate that epidemic prevention was impossible without the escort of the army. (Frontispiece to Tsunemasa Aragaki, Medical Pacification Tour. Toua Koronsha, 1940)

Medical staff on an army truck going to vaccinate. Ironically, on the next wall is written, “Ankyo Rakugyo” (安居楽業), which means “good government from stable living.” (Frontispiece to Tsunemasa Aragaki, Medical Pacification Tour. Toua Koronsha, 1940)

47 Medical Activities of the Dojin Association Dojin Association Medical Care Team Japanese Imperial Army Pacification Unit Clinic

Free Treatment

Internal Medicine, Pediatrics, Surgery, Dermatology, Otolaryngology, Ophthalmology, Urology, Dentistry

Gospel of the People. Right: Sign of a Dojin Association Your Disease Will Be Cured Soon. Clinic. (Tsunemasa Aragaki, Medical Pacification Tour.Toua Koronsha, 1940, p. 77) Dojin Association Medical Care Team

People in the street waiting for cholera vaccinations. This compulsory inoculation was a barter for civilian ID cards and the right-of- passage for local residents. （Dojin Association Journal of Medicine. 13-6, 1939, p. 75)

Dojin Association staff members disinfecting a house. The disinfection of the dwellings of cholera patients was compulsory. （Dojin Association Journal of Medicine. 13-11, 1939, p. 648） 48 Dojin Association Clinics and Medical Schools

Below is a picture of the Dojin Association Beijing Hospital. The ward was completed in 1921. Chinese patients were treated free of charge, but the number of patients declined sharply because of the growing anti- Japanese sentiment after the Liutiaohu Incident in 1931. （Forty Years of History of the Dojin Association. 1943, p. 85)

Left: Dojin Association Qingdao Medical School (afterwards renamed the Qingdao East Asia School of Medicine). It was originally founded for the training of future Chinese doctors. Most students, however, were Japanese. For instance in 1942, the number of students by nationality was: Japanese 227, Taiwanese 88, Chinese 4. （Forty Years of History of the Dojin Association. 1943, p. 173-79）

49 Research Using Locals as Subjects

The following study includes measurement of carotid arterial blood temperature by percutaneous arterial puncture and measurement of cerebrospinal fluid temperature by suboccipital puncture of the cisterna magna. The author of the article very well recognized the danger and pain involved in this experiment that “excessive puncture will cause a lancinating pain in the regions such as the brachia or face or will produce coruscation (sparks in the eye).” Eighteen subjects were healthy except for external injuries. Other 10 subjects were patients with epidemic encephalomyelitis hospitalized at the Dojin Association Hospital. They were all Chinese. Research Paper： Isamu Imamura （Dojin Association Xuzhou Medical Care and Epidemic Prevention Team）, “Research on human carotid blood temperature and cerebrospinal fluid temperature.” （Dojin Association Journal of Medicine. 18-8, 1944）

Dojin Association Journal of Medicine. 18-8, 1944, p. 688. All subjects have Chinese names.

50 Development of Vaccine Using the Bodies of Locals

Subjects (blood donors)：Chinese coolies In order to breed fleas necessary for the development of a vaccine against typhus, they had to enable fleas to suck human blood right from the skin. To facilitate hematophagia, a special rearing box was created. Chinese coolies put it on the skin and raised fleas in it. A flea needs 1cc of blood to grow up. A coolie had to wear 20-30 boxes a day for the bloodsucking. It means about 40-60cc loss of blood a day (about 1800cc a month). With respect to this amount of blood loss, the writers of this research article comment, “it is quite unusual. These subjects are paid about 50 yen a month, which is relatively good for coolies but not necessarily enough to prevent malnutrition of the coolies and to encourage the growth of fed fleas. This vaccine development was intended to protect Japanese colonists from typhus fever. Research Paper: Tsutomu Murakami & Yasue Ishii（Dojin Association Northern China Epidemic Prevention Department）“On the Development of a Vaccine against Typhus Fever (Flea Vaccine).” （Dojin Association Journal of Medicine. 17-8, 1943.） Rearing box designed for blood-sucking fleas. From the above article by Murakami and Ishii. This box was attached with a rubber band to the soft skin of the upper, inner arm of coolies in order to feed the

fleas. 51 Countermeasures against Hansen's disease in Colonies （１） The Government-General of Taiwan and of Korea preceded with the drastic, enforced isolation of sufferers from Hansen's disease, and established nursing homes as well. Sorokdo Rehabilitation Center in Korea had been provided with prison facilities to confine patients before any such prisons were built in the Japanese mainland. Patients in this institution, including Christians, had to worship at a Shinto shrine. Male inmates who refused to visit the shrine or attempted an escape were punished with surgical sterilization. In the mainland of Japan, sterilization was a requirement for marriage between Hansen’s disease patients; in colonies, it was also an instrument of chastisement.

Operating table used for sterilization at the Sorokdo Rehabilitation Center. From Nobuyuki Yaegashi, Bonds. Ningen To Rekishisha, p. 93

The Chosen-Asahi. April 14, 1927. According to this article, Kiyoshi Shiga, Director of the Korean Governor’s Hospital, intends to promote sterilization in Korea. 52 Countermeasures against Hansen's disease in Colonies （2）

Hansen's disease patients had to perform excessive outside labor in spite of their illness. In Sorokdo, the poor food situation added to this overwork sometimes led to the amputation of the limbs, either because of the deterioration of the underlying condition or Patients drying bricks. From Sorokdo frostbite. Rehabilitation Center Annual 1934 Losheng Sanatorium in Taiwan was built by an imperial edict in 1930. Patients were placed under compulsory confinement and forced to undergo sterilization or abortion. The big columbarium still contains many cinerary urns unclaimed by the families of the deceased. The prevailing theory worldwide at that time already held that segregation was unnecessary. Patients in Columbarium storing the ashes of dead colonies as well as in Japan inmates. From Nobuyuki Yaegashi, Bonds. proper, however, were Ningen To Rekishisha, p. 110 hospitalized by force and sometimes dealt with

violently. 53 Surgeons and Military “Comfort Women” (1)

With the onset of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937, there was reportedly a rapid increase around the end of the yearin the number of military comfort stations built by the Japanese Army. Surgeons were commissioned to test military “comfort women” for venereal diseases and thus to prevent transmission to soldiers. Surgeon Tetsuo Aso, originally an obstetrician-gynecologist, was in charge of the medical checks on “comfort women.” He took pictures of them and added some handwritten notes that her costume, Japanese kimono or Korean chogori, spoke of her birthplace. A large percentage of the “comfort women” were girls from colonized areas, such as the Korean Peninsula.

“Comfort women.” Photographed by Tetsuo Aso (From Ryuji Takasaki, Battlefield Reports and Opinions of Medical Officers. Fujishuppan, 1990, p. 114)

Staff who performed medical checks on “comfort women.” Photographed by Tetsuo Aso (ibid., p. 118)

54 Surgeons and Military “Comfort Women” (2)

This report states that a comfort station “is not a site for entertainment but a clean public restroom.” For military surgeons it was an institution to be managed hygienically. The violated human rights of the “comfort women” never gained their professional attention.

Left: Tetsuo Aso, “Active Prevention of Venereal Disease” 1939. (From Ryuji Takasaki, Battlefield Reports and Opinions of Medical Officers. Fujishuppan, 1990, p. 53)

55 Colonial Medicine/Practices and Modern Society Some people say that scientific technology including medicine and medical practices is beneficial to everyone beyond the boundaries of system and ideology. However, when you introduce technologies into the regions over which you cannot claim sovereignty, you should never forget keen scrutiny of the purpose and intention of that activity. Or the question is, will not science and technology be distorted even in the political relations between the rulers and the ruled? Is it possible to keep science from corruption under such circumstances? As shown thus far, it was the Japanese who could make decisions on the direction of medical research and practices in the colonies. If they had truly aimed at a medicine that would lead to the happiness of local residents, they could never have performed enormously dangerous and painful experiments on them. In the first place, the easy availability of subjects and cadavers itself originated in the political, economical, and social disparity between Japanese and locals. Modern medicine to the indigenous people, advertised as “benefit” brought by Japan, did not much permeate among. For social and economic reasons, easy access to hospitals was virtually the privilege to Japanese colonists. Of course, prevention of epidemics such as the plague and cholera was designed for local inhabitants. The chief purpose of it, however, was to secure the colonial administration and preserve military forces. Why did the Dojin Association, which had been chanting the slogan of overseas medical support, quite easily enter the jurisdiction of the Japanese Army? Is it not because it was by nature a colonialist institution? There still remains to be done a historical-evidence-based examination of the involvement of medical professionals with Hansen's disease patients put under compulsory confinement in colonies and with “comfort women,” or sex slaves. Problems concerning colonial medicine and practices were caused not only by a handful of vicious medical workers. Under the influence of state power, ordinary, average doctors and scholars who went abroad also caused those problems due to their disregard for life and human rights along with their racial discrimination. Considering the various inequalities and disparities undeniably present in modern society, these issues are not history. 56 3. Influence of War Policy/Mobilization, and the War Itself on Medical Science

In the 1930s, Japan moved rapidly onto a total war footing, and medical science and practices soon become incorporated into the war policy. The following chronology explains the footsteps.

57 Wartime Regimentation of Medical Science and Medical Practices̶(1)

Year New laws, systems, committees, proposals, or such Its Outline Related matters

1930.11 Japanese Society of Health and Human Ecology “. . . the mission of racial hygiene is nothing but to improve National Sanatorium Nagashima human beings as racial existence.”“. . . such as aiseien tuberculars, psychotics, or lepers” （Hisomu Nagai）

1931 The Leprosy Prevention Association, “Leprosy Prevention Law” (law 518)

1932．9 (Japan acknowledges 12 Non-Profit Foundation “Japan Society for the ・Capital is needed to recover from the Showa Financial “Manchukuo” ) Promotion of Science” Crisis started in 1927. ・Twelve departments are inaugurated as a （“Society for the Promotion of countermeasure against the Showa Crisis (along with the Science” then reestablishes itself growing influence of the discretion of the military since as a quasi-governmental 1937, researches are valued according to the national organization in 1967 and as an policy). independent administrative ・Eighth Department: Medicine & Hygiene institution in 2003. Standing Committee (12 members） （Tokyo Imperial University, 3; Kyoto Im. U, １; Kyushu Im. U, 1; Tohoku Im. U, 1; Hokkaido Im. U, 1; Osaka, Im. U, 1; Keio U, 1; Nagoya, Im. U, 1; Army, 1; Navy, 1） ・Program of the first extension course Pathology under Abnormal Atmospheric Pressure, Winter Clothing of the Emigrants in the Frigid Zone, Studies on Frostbite, Improvement of the Physical Strength of Japanese Nationals, Poisonous Gas Detection Method, Studies on Endemics in Manchuria and Mongolia 1933．1 “Health and Hygiene Study Committee” （Japan's withdrawal from the 10 “Institute for the Research of Population Problems” League of Nations ） “A Long-Term Plan for the Research Study at the 11 Japanese Army Military Medical School”

1934 The “Bill for Racial Eugenic Protection Law” is Ninth General Assembly of The submitted to the 65th Diet. Japan Medical Congress

1935 Education Renovation Council “ . . . education as a rule is directly managed by the state In 1941, the graduation of May 21: “Educational Policy for the Establishment of in order to meet the needs of the state planning required universities is advanced 3 months. Greater East Asia” is determined. by the state policy in such respects as national defense, This reduction in schooling is industry, population.” Thence, emphasis on military confirmed in 1942. training, reduction in years at school, and so forth.

1936 “On the urgent need for the foundation of the Health （February 26 Incident） Ministry . . . According to the results of physical examinations for conscription, the constitution and physique of the Japanese are growing weaker every Subjects of the contemporary open year . . .” （Military Surgeons Association Journal. 279） lectures on medical science 9 The Ministry of Education launches the “Japan “. . . examine and critique the contents and methods of ・Physiology as a Study of Life Promotion of Various Sciences Council”; The Japan each field of discipline based on the first principle of ・How To Protect Ourselves from Society for the Promotion of Science sets up the national polity and the Japanese spirit in order to Infection “National Physical Strength Research Committee.” contribute to the creation and development of our ・Japanese Genetically Examined country’s own scholarship and culture . . .”

1937 The Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ・The 8th Department receives subsidies for research on （The Japan China Incident Starts requests the Army, Navy, and the Ministry of subjects including the national nutritional standards, in July） Commerce and Industry to propose research topics. prevention of TB, improvement of the physical strength of “Enrich the Country, Strengthen The outline of the “Ministry of Health and Society” Japanese, and protection from poison gases. the Military” policy is established. 9 （temporary name） is approved by the Cabinet Subcommittees such as for the investigation of the Ainu, Promulgation of the Preparatory Army Surgeon Law and for the improvement of food, clothing, and shelter of 10 Cabinet Planning Board the Tohoku [northeast] district are added. (they come 12 under the control of the Ministry of Health and Welfare later). The 17th Red Cross Hospital is designated as army

hospital 58 Wartime Regimentation of Medical Science and Medical Practices̶(2) Year New laws, systems, committees, proposals, or Its Outline Related matters such 1938 1 Ministry of Health and Welfare 5 bureaus: physical strength, health, prevention, social welfare/insurance, labor. （Then, due to the encouragement of the war industry and the surging demand 2 “Mobilization of Science Council” In preparation for the National Mobilization Low: wartime for technical engineers, “medical” 3 “National Institute of Public Health Organization systematic control over scientists is commenced. applicants decreased greatly.) Order” (Puppet government in Nanjing.) “National Mobilization Law” April: the 10th General Assembly of the 4 Medical professionals are ordered to declare “Class in Medicine under the Wartime Regime” Japan Medical Congress. 4 their abilities to the government. Under Art. 21of the National Mobilization Low. “Science Advancement Research Committee” Established by the Ministry of Education. Its purpose includes strengthening the association of various research institutions, choosing important subjects for research, and reorganizing universities. This committee is a central regulatory body to regiment universities and research facilities under the cover of “Lectures on Japanese Culture” science advancement. 8 Special lectures are offered at universities (and faculties of Ordered to be held 3 times a year. The Japan Association of Industrial Health sets medicine) “to contribute to the cultivation of the Japanese up the “Medical Education Innovation nationality and to the exultation of the Japanese spirit by The Medical Education Innovation Committee.” means of courses on Japanese culture.” Committee is renamed “Medical Education Innovation Council” in 1942. The “Medical and Pharmaceutical System Contents of the plan: restriction on opening practices, （Education Minister Hashida as designation of work locations of doctors, conscription, etc.） 10 Research Committee” submits the “Health Care president) Improvement Measures.”

1939 The military insists on the urgent need for training surgeons. Suggestion to send out 29, 000 surgeons Specific strategy for the advancement of science Based on a report from the Science Advancement Research in 1942 and 51, 000 in ’44. Committee. （May: Nomonhan Incident） 3 “Principles of Departments and Courses at （Fulfillment of science & technology education is proposed.) Medical Schools” 3 Provisional medical schools are annexed to 7 However, the budget is scarcely allotted. imperial universities and 6 medical colleges The Ministry of Education decide on the 7 “Principles of the Volunteer Youth Investigation Unit for the Cultivation of Asia.”

11 “National Physical Strength Council” The Japan Society for the Promotion of Science sets up the “Racial Science Committee.” 1940 The Japan Society for the Promotion of Science The Racial Science Committee reconfirms the “priority policy” proposes research topics. of scientific research. 4 The cabinet approves the plan for mobilization of science 4 “National Physical Strength Law” Designation of national physical strength management doctors 5 “Citizen Eugenic Law” 7 “Rules for Students of Reclamation Medicine” Formation of the “Special Medical Team of the ７ Volunteer Students Investigation Unit for the 325 personnel arrive at Manchuria to provide medical care to Cultivation of Asia” the staff of the Department of Overseas Affairs and Manchukuo reclamation settlers. 8 “The Outline of Basic National Policies” is Based on this, “the Outline for the Establishment of the determined. Population Policy” is determined. (Jan.1941). 8 “The Medical Education Innovation Committee” This is an innovative plan which also considers medical submits a “Plan for the Innovation of Medial education. However, “new appropriate subjects should be Education.” added in conformity with the rise of the nation and to address the affairs of state. . . .” 3 subjects: basic medical sciences, 8 “Federation of All-Japan Science and Research activities are propelled to be incorporated into the clinical medicine, state medicine. Technology Associations” national policy. Increasing restraints are imposed upon “Military medicine” is included in the scientists through the control of research funds. course of the Department of state medicine. That is, students associations are transformed into patriotic 11 “Consolidation of Organizations for Training of ’ “ Students” is notified. associations.” October: Imperial Rule Assistance System for the mobilization of private companies according to 12 Foundation Scientific Mobilization Association Association. (extra governmental organization of the Cabinet the state policy. Also, systematization of cooperative Planning Board） associations which contribute to national policies. 1941: “Medical Patriotic Association.” 59 Wartime Regimentation of Medical Science and Medical Practices̶(3)

Year New laws, systems, committees, proposals, or such Its Outline Related matters

1941 The revision of the Military Service Law prescribes Humanities students apply for faculties of medicine or medical a special deferment. schools: ". . . the construction of the East Asia Co-Prosperity 1 The “Outline for the Establishment of the Sphere and the pursuance of the truly eternal and sound Population Policy” is decided at the cabinet development from thence are the missions of our Empire. . . .” meeting.

5 The “Outline for the Establishment of a New This prescribes the foundation of the Agency for Technological ". . . scientific and technological Science and Technology System” is decided by Advancement and the priority allocation of funds, and so forth, judgment of important national the cabinet. in order to achieve the general mobilization of scientific policies . . . .” technology. 5 Council for Science and Technology The former Science Council and Invention Promotion The 8th Section deals with Committee are absorbed. 10 ordinary sections and 3 special medicine and health care. committees are set up. （Oct.: Formation of the Tojo 11 “Order concerning the Provisional Curtailment of Cabinet） Lengths of Courses of Universities and Other Higher Educational Institutions in 1942” （Dec.: The Pacific War starts with Medical Workers Requisition Ordinance the attack on Pearl Harbor, Hawaii.) 1942 １ Agency for technological advancement The agency for technological 2 advancement was then called " 4 "National Medical Care Law” agency for aeronautical 4 “Japan Medical Treatment Corporation” technological advancement.” “Research Neighborhood Groups” The 22th subcommittee on medical and hygienic research in "Shanxi Province Academic South Asia is founded. Research Team” under the Decided at the board of directors of the “Federation of All- sponsorship of the Asahi Shimbun; Japan Science and Technology Associations.” "the Khingan Mountains Academic 8 "The Order concerning the Curtailment of the The years at school for students enrolled in 1943 and onward Research Expedition Party” of Lengths of the Courses of Junior High Schools, are reduced to the length of 2 years. Kyoto Imperial University. Only Higher Course of Higher Schools, and Preparatory 70 groups (ex. "Wartime Special Courses of Universities” is decided in cabinet. Science Council Chemical Department”--Study of Blood Substitute （scientific research, No. 91).

1943 １ The Japan Medical Association and the Japan Reorganized by the "National Medical Care Law”. Dental Association become government-regulated organizations. 8 The "Outline of the Strategies for the Rapid ". . . the accomplishment of the Greater East Asia War is the The 1st General Assembly of the Provision of Scientific Research is decided by the only and absolute objective which we strongly advance . . . .” Japan Medical Congress decides cabinet. the "Principles of the Mobilization 9 The deferment of humanities students from of Science in Decisive Battles.” military service is abolished. 9 The Japan Medical Treatment Corporation Practiced in 69 doctorless villages. proposes "medicine of commitment.” 10 "Research Mobilization Committee Organization "Temporary Wartime Researchers Supply System,” "Wartime Order” （Imperial Order No. 778） Researchers Regulations”

12 "Policy of Wartime Emergency Measures on Plan for the mobilization of students into the war industry; the Education” reduction of the humanities and expansion of the sciences. Dec.: 1st mobilization of students

1944 7 The "Outline for the Arrangement of the Plan for Conversion or relocation of legal clerks into engineers or to Oct.: The conscription age is the Mobilization of Scientists” is decided in cabinet. engineering sections . . . lowered to 18.

1945 References: History of Science Society of Japan, Limited to the Japanese mainland, 63 medical education ed. An Outline of the History of Science and institutions (universities and colleges: 17, medical schools: 46). Technology in Japan. General History (Vol. 4), Nurses too are given wartime special treatment (reduction of （Aug. 15: End of the war) Medicine 1（Vol. 24）, Medicine 2 （Vol. 25）, Dai-Ichi the length of education, expansion of licensing systems, Hoki Publishing Co. Ltd. lowering of the age for employment).

60 Examination of the “General Assemblies of the Japan Medical Congress” Preceding and During the Period of the Fifteen Years' War

Even during the Fifteen Years' War, that started with the Manchurian Incident in 1931, General Assemblies of the Japan Medical Congress kept being held （9th, 10th, and 11th）. Those meetings played an important role in enforcing the cooperation and participation of the whole Japanese medical establishment in a war of aggression. We are going to examine those conferences as well as the preceding 8th conference.

61 8th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress (1930）

8th General Time: April 1, 1930 Assembly Place: Osaka Central Public Hall.

28 member societies participated Historical (Jan. 1930: London Naval Conference） （The Showa background Depression starts.）

Guests From Germany and the Republic of China

Chairman (Aihiko Sata）

". . . more than 5 thousand people gathered today. . . . to improve the physical strength of the Japanese and thus to enhance efficiency is much more necessary Outline of the chairman's and is what we doctors . . . are urged to achieve. . . . opening However, this communication between scientific study address and actual facilities is often insufficient . . . the number, size, and equipment of research institutions in Japan are far from equal to those of foreign countries . . . Cited from Transactions of the 8th how can we save our honor as doctors in this General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress. situation?”

＊"Epidemics and Seasonal Changes” Madsen

＊ "Sites of Ocular Tuberculosis, and Juvenile Vascular Diseases” Seinfeld

＊"Irritativeness and Irritability” Special lectures Kunihiko Hashida ・General assemblies ＊ "Is Syphilis Curable? 20 Years of 'Salvarsan' Treatment” Germany, Hoffman are becoming ＊“Studies on Intermediary Amino Acid Metabolism” Furutake Yashiro gigantic. ・Society of Internal medicine/assignment reports “On the Function and Diseases of the Kidney” “Blood Glucose, Especially Combined Blood Glucose” ・Many foreign Characteristics ・Surgical Society/assignment reports of member researchers are societies “Surgery of Intestinal Tuberculosis” Hitoo Iwanaga “Artificial Pneumothorax for the Treatment of Pulmonary Tuberculosis” invited.

“Surgery of Pulmonary Tuberculosis” ・The chairman emphasizes the physical strength of Japanese nationals. Is the policy of “Enrich the Country, Strengthen the Military” at last demanded from the medical establishment? The social role of doctors is also stressed as well as the urgent need for Japanese medicine to advance into the world. 62 9th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress (1934)

Time: April 1, 1934 9th General Place: Tokyo Imperial University Assembly 32 member societies participated.

Historical （Sep. 1931: Manchurian Incident） （Hitler takes background power.）

10 from the Republic of China, 9 from Guests Manchukuo, 2 from India, and 1 from Hawaii.

Chairman（Tatsukichi Irizawa） “. . . （quoting Hitler's My Struggle (Mein Kampf)) . . . whether Outline of the we Japanese are merely porters of culture and chairman's are of a race utterly incapable of cultural opening address creation: we'd like to put this question to the Cited from Transactions of the 9th General Assembly test of reality and prove ourselves. . . . we of the Japan Medical Congress. Above are pictures of definitely will create a new culture in a corner the reception and the exhibition of equipment, such as of Asia and . . .” epidemic-prevention vehicles and water wagons.

“Historical Examination of Medicine” Yu Fujikawa ・The onset of the “Manchurian

“The Development of Orthopedics, and Incident” and the ensuing ‘Krüppelheim’” Kenji Takagi withdrawal from the League of

“The Army Health Care during the Manchurian Nations occurs in opposition to the Special lectures Incident” Army Surgeon General Hitoshi Goda protests from other countries. As

“Chemical Pathological Anatomy with Emphasis a result of this situation, invited on Experimental Studies of Malignant Tumor guests were from Asian countries Induction by Chemicals” Takaoki Sasaki only. This went against to the “The Trend in Internal Pharmacotherapy” trend toward internationalization Shuzo Ozawa observed in the last 8th General Special lectures of the 30th Member Society Assembly of the Japan Medical （Society of Military Medicine） Congress. ＃“War Wounds in the Manchurian Incident” ・The “Manchurian Incident” begins Army Surgeon Lieutenant Colonel Ken to affect special lectures.・The 12th Takeuchi member society, Society of （As a “new treatment for war wounds in the Eugenics （The Japanese Society of chest,” he says in his lecture, “I devised and researched on methods including oleothorax, Health and Human Ecology） Characteristics artificial hydrothorax, compression strongly insists on the enactment of member immobilization of the chest, balloon tamponade of a "sterilization law." This societies of thoracic cavity . . .”) movement indicates the rise of ＃“Field Water Supply Examined from the fascism. Viewpoint of Epidemic Prevention” Army Surgeon Major Shiro Ishii ・Items such as "Ishii's sterile filter,"

(The summary of Shiro Ishii's lecture alone is "army hygiene truck," and "medical not recorded.) aircraft" were exhibited.

＃“Physiology and Pathology under Abnormal ・Shiro Ishii's lecture at the meeting of Atmospheric Pressure” the Society of Military Medicine was not Navy Surgeon Captain Higotaro Tanaka, summarized in the Transactions.

Yoshiharu Kanbayashi 63 10th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress

(1938） Pictures below are taken from Transactions of the 10th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress.

Time: April 1-5, 1938 10th General Assembly Place: Kyoto Imperial University 37 member societies participated.

(July 1937: Sino-Japanese War) (April 1938: Promulgation of the Historical background National Mobilization Law)

5 from the Manchukuo Surgeon Corps, 4 from the Republic of China including the director of the Beijing Municipal Health Guests Bureau, 5 of the representatives of the Nazi Surgeon Corps including Lieutenant General Kafer. Surgeon Captain Hirasawa's celebratory flight Chairman （Kurita Morishima) on a medical aircraft in the sky above the “. . . now other countries are intent on reinforcing and enhancing venue of the General Assembly military preparedness as in a time of frenzy of armaments. So that our country cannot be indifferent to this trend . . . in order Outline of the chairman's to sum up and record the ample experience obtained in the last opening address warfare and consequently to contribute to the future Exhibition of items related to military development and advancement, we here hold lectures . . . in medicine at the site of celebration of the 10th General Assembly of the Japan Medical the lectures on Congress . . . the research department has been set up to put wartime regimentation together a detailed account of the situation of the medical science in Japan . . .”

＊"On National Nutrition Issues” Director of the War Ministry Medical Affairs Bureau Chikahiko Koizumi ＊"Genesis and Development of Pulmonary Tuberculosis” Taizo Kumagai Filters at a Special lectures ＊"Problems concerning Experimental Syphilis” military supply Shin-ichi Matsumoto depot ＊“Human Perspiration and Its Abnormality” Yasu Kuno ＊“Endocrine Function and Cellular Silver Reaction” Yutaka Kon

Characteristics of member The meetings of each member society were held on the 1st, 2nd, societies 5th, and 6th day. The emphasis was on the “medical lectures.”

The War Ministry Medical Affairs Bureau asks for the significance of the Japanese

Association of Medical Sciences under the wartime Surgeon Lieutenant General Kafer and his regime. corps from Germany In response to this requirement, the 3rd Exhibited materials: poison gas Board meeting in November 1937 decides that the equipment, references of the China 10th General Assembly should not be of a purely Incident and related war wounds, scientific nature. The five-day General Assembly is including bone and cervical injuries completely converted to “medical lectures under the wartime regime.” ＊“The military and medical “We gave a salute with the right hand and establishment together raised the welcomed Surgeon Lieutenant General Kafer and large banner of patriotic medicine” his corps in truly splendid Nazi uniforms from our to hold the congress. ally Germany and then guests from the Republic of China and the Manchurian Empire . . . the hall was ＊An “army medical aircraft” filled with a chorus of cheers”（Transactions, p3）. donated by the nurses comes flying Even the opening ceremony was entirely militaristic. over the the site of the assembly.

64 10th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress （1938） Special Features―“Medical Lectures under the Wartime Regime”

◎ “Medical Lectures under the Wartime Regime” ◎ “Medical Lectures under the Wartime Regime”

＃ “War Surgery, Aeromedicine and Poison Gas ＃ “Food Issues” Issues” ・The Situation of Army Rations Army Surgeon Major Motoo Ishikawa ・On the Long-Term Damage from Poison Gas Nazi Army Surgeon Lieutenant General Otto Muntsch ・The Situation of Navy Rations Navy Surgeon Commander Odashima Shokichi ・The Present and Future of Aeromedicine ・Family Food Issues Koichi Sugimoto Army Surgeon Lieutenant General Yoshinobu Terashi ・General Food Issues Saburo Kakiuchi ・Poison Gas and Gas Protection in the Urban Areas Navy Surgeon Captain Nobutatsu Fukui ◎ “Medical Lectures under the Wartime Regime” ・Facial and Cervical Injuries in the China Incident Army Surgeon Lieutenant Colonel Tsutomu Saito ＃ “Issues concerning Physical Strength”

・Treatment of Bone Injuries in the China Incident ・On Physical Education Michio Ogasawara Army Surgeon Lieutenant Colonel Masuki Miyoshi ・In Relation to Labor Gito Teruoka ・War Wounds in General in the China Incident ・In Relation to Mental Health Koichi Miyake Army Surgeon Colonel Ken Takeuchi ・National Physical Strength Issues in General ・War Wounds in the China Incident Haruo Hayashi Professor at Tokyo Imperial University Masao Tsudsuki ◎ “Medical Lectures under the Wartime Regime”

◎ “Medical Lectures under the Wartime Regime” ＃ “Epidemic Prevention Issues” ・The Epidemic Prevention of Ports by the Navy ＃ “Pulmonary Tuberculosis and Pleurisy Issues” Navy Surgeon Captain Toshio Shibata ・Tuberculous Primary Complex in the Lung ・National Epidemic Prevention Rokuro Takano Ogata Tomosaburo ・Epidemic Prevention in General Takeo Tamiya ・A Few Microbiological and Immunological Views on Tuberculosis Tadao Toda ＃ “Nearsightedness Issues” ・On the Trend of TB Prevention Rokuro Takano ・Nearsightedness in Japan Shinobu Ishihara ・Exudative Pleurisy Arao Imamura

・Clinical Perspectives of Pulmonary Tuberculosis during ＃ “Issues concerning Endemic Diseases in the War Tokio Mito Manchuria and Northern China” ・Endemic Diseases in Manchuria and Northern China and Its Treatment and Prevention Tokio Takamori ・On Keshan Disease Toshio Okabe

65 11th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress (1942）

11th Time: March 25-30 1942 General Place: Tokyo Imperial University Assembly 35 member societies participated.

Historical (Dec. 1941: The Pacific War starts.) background （The Imperial Rule Assistance Association is set up.）

Ministry of the Interior of the Nationalist Government, Chief Director Guests of the Chinese Medical Association, Minister of the Great Manchukuo Public Welfare Department

Vice-chairman of the General Assembly （Yoneji Miyakawa） “Ladies and gentlemen, now 6 years have passed since the Greater East Asia War started . . . we have received the gracious Imperial mandate . . . From Transactions of the 11th General Outline of we will stand up armed against the barbarous and presumptuous Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress the America and Britain and . . . will achieve a truly earthshaking brilliant chairman's feat of arms . . . needless to say, the ABCD Powers is now utterly opening shattered . . . There is a plan to set up an East Asia Medical address Association which should be helpful to the construction of Greater ・The “Federation of All-Japan Science and East Asia . . . The special lectures deal with topical subjects . . . Technology Associations” is founded in we wish to be on the frontline of the ever-developing medicine of the accordance with the “National Mobilization world . . . so that we can actually construct Greater East Asia . . .” Law” （section 9 deals with medicine and ・Japanese Medical Ethics and Its Relation to Medicine and Foreign Teachings (Buddhism, Confucianism, Christianity) Tasuku Yamazaki hygiene). The state control of scientific ・Exotoxins of Pathogenic Bacteria Seigo Hosoya technology intensifies so that each ・Genesis and Conditions of Schizophrenia Yushi Uchimura research neighborhood group is set up ・Morbidity of Schizophrenia Mitsuzo Shimota according to a different purpose for the ・War-related Diseases in the Last Incident, “Malaria” in Particular Special Tsukio Ibuki research. lectures ・Interaction between Pathology and Clinics of Tuberculosis (Basics of ・The emphasis was on: the “establishment X-ray Interpretation） Harumichi Oka ・Industry and Tuberculosis Gito Teruoka of military medicine;”a “proposal for the ・Tuberculosis in Young Colonial Settlers Shigekiyo Endo foundation of the Greater East Asia ・Epidemiological Study/Prevention of Tuberculosis Medical Association;” and the regulation of Arao Imamura medical research in line with national policy. ・A vote of thanks to Army and Navy Ministers and the Imperial Army is passed at the beginning of the ・At member society meetings, the themes opening ceremony. of presentations changed to “military medical” ones, such as heat and cold ・Proposal to exclude foreign technical terms resistance, epidemics on the continent, ・The commemorative photographs show Shiro Ishii, race-based review of mental disorders, Commander of Unit 731, Masaji Kitano (later aeromedicine, otolaryngology, pathology Commander of Unit 731), and Koji Ando, Chief of associated with low pressure or the Unit 731 Dairen Branch. acceleration, instruments for bone injuries.

（Transactions of the General Assembly were ・At the meeting of the Society of Military intended to be of 677 pages. However, because of Medicine and Surgery, Shiro Ishii made a the paper shortage, only Vol. 1, pages 1-460, was presentation on “Songo fever”proposing it published. Vol. 2 was expected to be published in as a distinct entity and to name it June 1944 but may not have been distributed.) “epidemic hemorrhagic fever.”

66 Wartime Regime Intensification and Health Care Reform

With the involvement in the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, the health care system was suddenly changed to fit the wartime regime.

As the war extended, “Healthy Soldiers, Healthy People” became an important national policy which led to the health care reform to execute it.

For the general mobilization of the medical establishment, the free medical practitioner system was considered as an obstacle. The practitioner-centered, medical service system at the time was thought to thwart the policy to increase military power and to hinder the execution of the health and welfare administration.

Therefore, in 1938, the “Medical and Pharmaceutical System Research Committee,” an advisory body of the Minister of Health and Welfare, was established to study measures against it. As a result, the “Health Care Improvement Measures” (picture below) were released in 1940.

67 “Health Care Improvement Measures” and “National Medical Care Law”

The “Health Care Improvement Measures” consist of “1. spread of medicine,” “2. improvement of medical service,” “3. reorganization of medical associations.” The drift of this report covers a wide range of the health care system and includes restriction on opening practices, designation of work locations of doctors, and peacetime conscription. A special section is provided to discuss the reorganization of the Japan Medical Association. The Japan Medical Association fiercely opposes this, but public opinion under government control remains silent about it. The foundation of the “Imperial Rule Assistance Association” generates criticism of the JMA's policy from inside and JMA eventually loses its power. Medical associations composed of medical practitioners are at last dissolved for the reorganization of doctors' groups under state control. In 1942, the revision of the “Medical Practitioners Law” and the “Dental Practitioners Law” along with the enactment of the “National Medical Care Law” which prescribes the foundation of the “Japan Medical Treatment Corporation”contribute to the enforcement of the “ Health Care Improvement Measures.” Doctors now have to support and strengthen the wartime regime.

68 Foundation of the “Japan Medical Treatment Corporation”and the Government-regulated Japan Medical Association (1) The Japan Medical Treatment Corporation was founded in accordance with the “National Medical Care Law” mainly with government financial support. This corporation was chiefly engaged in the management of hospitals, clinics, and tuberculosis sanatoriums nationwide.

Blueprint for the Japan Medical Treatment Corporation and its place in health care administration.（Taku Nomura, Medicine and People's Life. 1981, Aoki Shoten, p. 95)

At first, the Ministry of Health and Welfare increased bureaucratic control over medical facilities through the Japan Medical Treatment Corporation which was separate from the Japan Medical Association. Eventually, however, Ryukichi Inada, President of the Japan Medical Treatment Corporation, was also inaugurated as President of the government-regulated Japan Medical Association. This enabled the state to bring doctors and medical institutions in Japan under complete control.

69 Foundation of the “Japan Medical Treatment Corporation”and the Government-regulated Japan Medical Association (2) In November 1942, the Japan Medical Association held the 27th General Assembly and dissolved. “We will continue and strengthen our support and efforts to produce good results out of professional dedication” (President Kitajima's address, Taku Nomura, The Japan Medical Association. 1976, Keisoshobo, p. 53).

The government-regulated Japan Medical Association was established on January 28, 1943. “Ryukichi Inada, the new President of the Japan Medical Association, is also President of the Japan Medical Treatment Corporation. To execute national medical policy, these associations function as the hub of the government and will be provided with primary support”（Japanese Medicine and Health Insurance. No.3317, 1943, quoted in Taku Nomura, The Japan Medical Association. 1976, Keisoshobo, p. 54).

Right: foundation ceremony of the new Japan Medical Association in the presence of the military. From Japanese Medicine and Health Insurance. No.33 26, March 27, 1943

・the Government’s intention of the future reorganization of the Japan Medical Association Minister of Health and Welfare Koizumi (pictured left) says: “Now that I, a doctor , have become Minister of Health and From Japanese Medicine Welfare, I heard some of my colleagues are happy to imagine and Health Insurance. No.3343, July 26, 1941 that they can do what they want. If that's what you think, it would be a total opposite.” (Taku Nomura, The Japan Medical Association. 1976, p. 46)

70 Wartime Regime of the Kyoto Medical Association (1)

At the 22nd Regular General Assembly of the Kyoto Medical Association（Feb. 14, 1942）, doctors including Toyosaburo Takahashi （President of the Kyoto Medical Association and Vice-president of the Japan Medical Association, pictured right) From Fifty Years of History of criticized the “National Medical Care Law” the Kyoto City Medical which was in preparation at that time. Association. 1943

“. . . when I closely and thoroughly read the National Medical Care Law, I wonder whether it is immaculate as the ideal guidelines for our professional dedication. This, I cannot but somewhat call into question, which is very regrettable.”

Other members also mourned over this as the destruction of the medical practitioner system. These voices are evaluated in their record that “as far as the Kyoto Medical Association is concerned, there was much disapproval and resistance” or that “then, these were the most daring and direct criticism by medical practitioners against the National Medical Care Law.” However, despite their resistance, “overwhelmed by the wartime trend, the reorganization definitely went on to be executed.”

Twenty Years of History of the Kyoto Medical Association. 1968, p. 71

71 Wartime Regime of the Kyoto Medical Association (2)

・September 1938: The “Kyoto Medical Association” Air Raid Medical Team is organized. ・March 1942: 1st Regular General Assembly of the “Government-regulated Kyoto Medical Association” The following items were resolved in response to the contemporary situation.

Proclamation Under the august powers of the Emperor, the Imperial Army has been achieving brilliant results and the glory of the Emperor spreads in all directions. Truly moving. We swear that we will join our hearts and hands to dedicate ourselves to the development of the fortunes of our nation. Resolution According to spirit of the National Medical Care Law, we will strive for the certain victory and complete accomplishment of the Greater East Asia War and cooperate on the execution of the national medical policy. Vote of thanks It has been 3 years since the Greater East Asia War started. The Imperial soldiers of our country advanced into the distant foreign areas, overcame the hardships, and exalted the national authority in and out of Japan.We really cannot express our excitement enough. Here at the 1st General Assembly of the Kyoto Medical Association, we humbly pass a resolution of thanks, praise the great achievements, tender our heartfelt gratitude, and pray for the continued fortunes of war.

From Twenty Years of History of the Kyoto Medical Association.1968, p. 67 ・December 1943: 2nd Extraordinary General Assembly of the “Government-regulated Kyoto Medical Association” A report was made concerning the establishment of the Kyoto Medical Association’s Labor Service Patriotic Group. “With dedicated labor service as their motto, the purposes of the group are divided into systematic mobilization, emergency mobilization, and extraordinary mobilization. Each division concentrated on its training.”

Organization of the Kyoto Medical Association’s Labor Service Patriotic Group

From Twenty Years of History of the Kyoto Medical Association.1968, p. 68

72 Fifteen Years' War and the “Japan Society for the Promotion of Science” (1)

Establishment of the “Japan Society for the Promotion of Science” ＊Set up in 1932 as a juridical foundation. ＊As a countermeasure against the economic panic at the beginning of the Showa era. ＊Launched with the Imperial grant and governmental funds. ＊President: Prime Minister, Board Chairman: President of the Imperial Academy, Director General: Prince Chichibu

Objective of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ＊Proposition “Academic research is the foundation of the prosperity of a nation and also can strengthen the national authority . . .” “Current thought, economy, and industry in particular have such difficult problems that canbe adequately used to promote academic study . . .” ＊Agreement and objective “Our purpose is to encourage and promote the natural and human sciences and their applied research, put them to practical use, and contribute to the improvement of industry and defense which will eventually lead to the welfare of mankind.” ＊Board Chairman Sakurai “. . . for the first time in our country, we have established a system to organize and promote joint research projects concerning important issues . . .”

（For a time right after the end of the war, the Government stopped approving of the Society as a national institution for the promotion of science, and the subsidies from the Ministry of Education were abolished.)

73 Fifteen Years' War and the “Japan Society for the Promotion of Science” (2)

Various Committees ＊Standing committees （1st-12th Committees）―8th Committee （medicine and hygiene） ＊Research committees （finance, natural disasters in the Osaka region, Tohoku improvement, national physical strength, Manchuria, Korea） ＊Research Institutes―Continental Academy of Sciences, disaster science, tropical organisms in Palau, geophysical prospecting ＊Subcommittees （60 percent belong to the 8th and 9th Standing Committees) ・Medicine （including national nutritional standards, national physical strength） (Subcommittee) Research teams of the 8th Standing Committee （1932-1948） ＊Epidemic encephalitis （Chairman: Ryukichi Inada） ＊Medical and folkloristic research on the Ainu （Hisomu Nagai） ＊Research on the national nutritional standards （Saburo Kakiuchi） ＊ Research for the improvement of food, clothing, and shelter of the Tohoku [northeast] district （Haruo Hayashi） ＊Research on the national physical strength （Haruo Hayashi） ＊Research on endemics （Yoneji Miyakawa） ＊Eugenic issues （Koichi Miyake） ＊Research on clothing and shelter （Shozo Toda） ＊Medical and hygienic studies of Manchuria and Mongolia in North China (Chikahiko Koizumi) ＊Aeromedical research (Higotaro Tanaka) ＊Reseach on myopia （Shinobu Ishihara） ＊Research on the prevention of cerebral hemorrhage （Chujiro Nishino） ＊Psychiatric study of personality （Chikahiko Koizumi） ＊Research on dysentery, diarrhea, enteritis, and food poisoning （Yoshihide Miki） ＊Research on the breeding of rats （Kaname Okada） ＊Research on malignant influenza （Inada Ryukichi） ＊Physiology of microorganisms and its application （Keita Shibata） Special Committee＊Fundamental study of inheritance （Mamoru Oguma） Special Committee＊New research on the Japanese population

policy （Haruo Hayashi) 74 Fifteen Years' War and National Health and Disease (1) Evacuation of Schoolchildren and Malnutrition From around 1943, air raids on Japanese civilians became fierce. The government decided in Cabinet the “Outline for Carrying out Evacuations” and started to evacuate elementary school students living in urban areas including Tokyo. In June 1944, the “Outline for the Promotion of the Evacuation of Schoolchildren” was decided. Evacuation to the houses of relatives or acquaintances was recommended for students in the 3rd to 6th grade of National Elementary Schools in 13 cities. Those who couldn't find refuge in the country were compelled to live together in inns or temples in rural districts. This is the so called “evacuation of schoolchildren.”Group evacuation was started in August which led up to a total of 450,000 evacuees in 1945. There is a record of a child who secretly ate salt with parched sesame. This is a glimpse ofthe miserable life and malnutrition of children in wartime, in particular the evacuated ones. Wartime malnutrition affected the Japanese people in various ways. Several reports show that of the about 2,300,000 Japanese military and civilian personnel who died in the Fifteen Years' War, about 1,400,000 (60 percent) died of malnutrition or hunger. (Akira Fujiwara, The Starvation of Japanese Army in World War II. Aoki Shoten).

75 Fifteen Years' War and National Health and Disease (2) Decrease in Height and Weight

It took about 10 years after the war to restore the original average height and weight. “Confidential” data on the examination of the height and weight of schoolchildren

The National Physical Strength Law was enforced to bring up young people as potential combatants. Healthy life projects were also proposed. On the contrary, however, the results of conscription examinations continued to show every year a decrease in the physical strength of the youth. The main factor behind this decrease was presumed, even at that time, to be the severe food shortage. Naturally, the influence on children's growth was also discussed. However, the government, determined to keep this information secret from Japanese citizens and “British and American savage ogres,” classifying the national statistics as “confidential” and prohibiting their publication. Therefore, as Graph 1 (above left) shows, that period is represented by mere dotted lines. Graph 2 (above right) is drawn from the survey in Sendai City. This demonstrates children's growth in height and weight began to be affected from around 1939. Due to the Fifteen Years' War, children lost no less than 5cm (2 in) of height and 2.5kg (5.5 lb) of weight. 76 Fifteen Years' War and National Health and Disease (3) Infectious Diseases Recurrence of various infections after the Manchurian Incident

Various infections were prevalent at the beginning of the Meiji period. The graph above shows the decrease of such epidemics in the course of Japan's modernization. Following the temporary decrease, however, a strange recurrence of some infectious epidemics can be observed between about 1932 and 1933. It is about this time when Japan started to intrude into Northeast China (the Manchurian Incident). Recurrent infections include dysentery, cholera, smallpox, diphtheria, typhus fever, and epidemic cerebrospinal meningitis. In 1945 when the war ended, 250,000 people suffered from infectious diseases. This was a relapse to severe infection outbreaks in the Meiji Era. Its major causes were the poor nutritional status, insufficient epidemic prevention personnel, and drug shortages. In addition, diseases brought by the returnees from overseas territories may have also contributed to this situation. 77 Fifteen Years' War and National Health and Disease (4) Tuberculosis

In the first half of the 20th century, the mortality rate of tuberculosis in Japan was extremely high. Moreover, from 1920 to 1930, the mortality rate of tuberculosis steadily declined every year in various countries with the exception of Japan. On the contrary, there is an increase during the period represented by a dotted line.

Figure 5 Figure 6

①Tuberculosis also spread among the military. ②Tuberculosis affected spinners, potters, food workers, and mechanics. ③From 1933, the mortality rate of tuberculosis increased rapidly (figure above right). ④Measures for tuberculosis control did not work. ⑤Near the end of the war, half of the inpatients at tuberculosis sanatoriums died. ⑥The mortality rate among inpatients in “leprosariums” rose as high as 27 percent. Possible factors for this rise in mortality include wretched labor conditions, food insufficiency, and ruined medical facilities under the wartime regime. These undoubtedly caused the spread of tuberculosis among young people and massive deaths of

tuberculars. 78 Fifteen Years' War and National Health and Disease (5) Influence on Mental Patients The table on the right shows the annual numbers of inpatients and deaths at the Tokyo Metropolitan Matsuzawa Hospital and Iwakura Hospital from 1936 to 1956.

The mortality rate in the Matsuzawa Hospital surges in 1938 and continues to increase until 1940 when it amounts to 21.9 percent, with 352 deaths. After a slight decrease, it again shows a sharp increase in 1944 and 1945. In 1945 when the war ends, of 1,169 inpatients, as many as 478 die which is about 41 percent. Seijun Tatetsu analyzed the changes in the mortality rate in the Matsuzawa Hospital, stating that the “dominant and annually increasing causes of death are chiefly malnutrition and chronic enteritis.” He goes on to examine the hospital meals at the time as follows. The distribution control of rice starts in April 1939.The Rice Control System is launched in October 1940. The ration of rice is reduced to 330g (0.7lb) (1,148cal) in April 1941 and to 297g (0.65lb) (1,034cal) in July 1945. Meanwhile, after the war in 1950, the daily average ration for a patient at (three) National Mental Hospitals contains 2,233 calories and 89.1g (0.2lb) protein. This comparison shows that 1,034 calories of rice during the war were hardly enough to maintain life.

79 Medical Care for Hansen's Disease Before and During the War

Before the Fifteen Years' War Kensuke Mitsuda, ex-Director of the National Sanatorium Nagashima Aiseien was born in Hofu City in 1876. When he was studying pathology at Tokyo Imperial University, he developed an interest in Hansen's disease. In accordance with the assertion at the 1st International Congress of Leprology in Berlin in 1897 that the isolation of patients was necessary, he was confirmed in his opinion that isolation is needed for the eradication of the disease. He later created the “Recovery Ward” at Tokyo Almshouse, the first isolation ward for “leprosy” patients in Japan. He thus led the project for the isolation of “wandering lepers.” He cooperated in the foundation of housing facilities for “wandering lepers” in several places in Japan (Law No. 11, 1907). He also conducted the first sterilization operation on an inpatient in 1915. In addition, the right for directors to punish and detain patients was proposed and accomplished by him.

During the Fifteen Years' War Doctor Mitsuda believed that the isolated confinement of all Hansen's disease patients is necessary for the purification of the country. He promoted the project to establish sanatoriums all over Japan. He worked hard for the enactment of the Leprosy Prevention Law and even became Director of the National Sanatorium Nagashima Aiseien in 1931.He allowed marriages between inpatients on the condition that they undergo sterilization and abortion. With the establishment of the general mobilization, the sanatorium isolation policy was forcibly applied to Hansen's disease patients as to tuberculosis patients. Then from around 1937, Mitsuda began to take advantage of the activities of the Imperial Family and religious figures to build up the “Non-Leprosy Prefecture Campaign” as a movement by the government and the people. The encouragement to inform on unknown patients led to the burning of “leprosy villages” by the police and the compulsory confinement of patients. The “Non-Leprosy Prefecture Campaign” thus promoted prejudice and discrimination against Hansen's disease.

80 A Long-term Plan for the Research Study at the Japanese Army Military Medical School This plan was published on November 22, 1933. (An Outline of the History of Science and Technology in Japan. Vol. 25, Materials 5-22 “Fifty Years of History of the Japanese Army Military Medical School”) At the time this project was announced, Chikahiko Koizumi was in office as President of the Military Medical School. (I) Permanent plan for the research study 1. Military hygiene and chemical weapons (1) Research on the treatment of chemical weapons poisoning; (2) Research on the detoxification of units poisoned with chemical weapons; (3) Biological and medical research on gas masks and anti-gas clothing, and their invention; (4) Research on medical services in chemical warfare; (5) Research on new chemicals; (6) Research on the development of endurance in aircrafts; (7) Aviation psychology and medicine; (8) Research on military skills; (9) Research on military food; (10) Research on military clothing; (11) Research on barracks 2. Military epidemic prevention (1) Research on the prevention of military tuberculosis; (2) Research on the immune effect of vaccination against “typhoid” and comparative study of the efficacy of various vaccination methods; (3) Research on the rationalization of epidemic prevention services 3. War wounds, military diseases, and medicine for selecting soldiers (1) Research on military surgery; (2) Research on war wounds; (3) Research on employment and education for the disabled in war; (4) Research on the prevention and treatment of tuberculosis and pleurisy in the army; (5) Investigation of endemic diseases and infections in neighboring overseas territories ―Physical examination items (6)-(15) omitted― 4. Drugs and sanitary supplies (1) Invention and improvement of physicochemical analysis apparatus for military use; (2) Research on the manufacturing methods of substitutes (made from domestic materials) of significant imported drugs; (3) For engagement in special bacteriological research, Epidemic Prevention Department staff will be dispatched to Manchuria.; (4) The education for medical staff should be carried out in order to propagate the knowledge of chemical warfare. （rest omitted）

81 Medical Scientists Who Helped in the Research of the “Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory” (1) Analysis of Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Report－Part 2 1) History of Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Report Part 2

Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Report Part 2 (hereafter “Part 2”) is one of the journals of the Ishii Network. The highest institution of the network is the Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory built in 1932 at the Military Medical School. Its other subordinate organizations include the Kwantung Army and Unit 731. The journal was forfeited to the GHQ after the war and preserved in the Library of Congress. Following its disclosure to the public, it was reprinted by Fujishuppan in May, 2004. According to Keiichi Tsuneishi, “Part 2” published articles from No. 1 (accepted on December 13, 1939) to No. 947. The reprint has a total of 718 articles, 691 preserved at the Library of Congress and 27 discovered in Japan so far.

2) Characteristics of the research papers

There are many “confidential” articles.The book covers research topics in the following order: basic research including various bacteria and rickettsias studies to Ishii's filter improvement research, enhancement of bacterial toxicity, mass production and storage of bacteria, research on rats and fleas as bacterial carriers, research on culture media, vaccination, situation of epidemics on each front line, outline of wartime epidemic prevention and the Army Medical Department service. Translations of foreign research papers (information on the Soviets, research on bacteriological warfare) are also included. Characteristically, this journal frequently publishes articles on topics possibly related to the execution of bacteriological warfare such as enhancement of bacterial toxicity, mass production and storage of bacteria, and survival time of bacteria in the water. Some papers involve experiments on mental patients (No. 36, 212, 252, 655), and on medical students (No. 632).

82 Medical Scientists Who Helped in the Research of the “Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory” (2)

Cover of Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Report

No. 201 to No. 300 3) Authors of “Part 2” articles 1. Chiefly written by surgeons who belonged to the “Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory.” Those who did not belong to the Military Medical School include military physicians in Internal Medicine at the First Tokyo Provisional Army Hospital, grade A student surgeons, Hygiene Department student company officers. Distinctive features are articles submitted by personnel of overseas expeditionary armies and epidemic prevention and water supply departments listed below. Northern China Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, Central China Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, Southern Expeditionary Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, Burma Expeditionary Unit 6834, 5th Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, Kwantung Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, 12th Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, Central China Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department Fuji Unit, Kwantung Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department Dairen Research Institute, North China 2nd Expeditionary Unit 1856, 24th Field Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, 2nd Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, 5th Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, Sumiyoshi Unit and so on. In other words, this “Part 2” published articles of the “Ishii Network” branches on the Chinese front during the Fifteen Years' War as well as articles of the “Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory.” 2. Another noticeable feature is the frequent appearances of“commissioned” or “advisory” “medical scientists.” The titles of those scientists include “commissioned,” “advisory commissioned DM,” “commissioned DM,” “advisory DM,” “commissioned DS.” Single-authored articles by commissioned researchers are specifically noted as “Research commissioned by the Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory.” There is a total of 20 articles, of which 11 are written by Rokuzo Kobayashi, one article each by Ren Kimura, Kiyoshi Takewaki, Masao Iguchi, Tetsu Sakamura, Tenji Taniguchi, Kikuo Ogyu, Yoshio Aoki, （Masajiro Inoue, Masayoshi Ishibashi).

83 Medical Scientists Who Helped in the Research of the “Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory” (3)

Quartan malaria experiment on mental patients

84 Medical Scientists Who Helped in the Research of the “Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory” (4)

4) Cooperation of civilian doctors and medical scientists in writing articles

＊The titles of these civilian doctors include Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory commissioned researcher, Japanese Army Military Medical School commissioned member, and army engineer. They were engaged in joint research with army surgeons, individual commissioned researches,and research guidance for surgeons and commissioned doctors. A total of 30 such researchers belonged to the following institutions.

＊“Commissioned” or “advisory” researchers from “universities” or “colleges” who were engaged in writing or guidance belonged to Keio University School of Medicine, Tokyo Imperial University Facultyof Medicine, Kyoto Imperial University Faculty of Medicine, Osaka Imperial University School of Medicine, Hokkaido Imperial University School of Medicine, Nagasaki Medical College, Kanazawa Medical College, Chiba Medical College, Kitasato Institute, and Hiroshima University of Literature and Science.

In addition, systematically involved in the commissioned research were the members of the laboratories of scientists such as Profs. Saburo Kojima, Seigo Hosoya, and Ken Yanagisawa at Tokyo Imperial University (Institute for Infections Diseases), Prof. Rokuzo Kobayashi at Keio University School of Medicine, Profs. Senji Uchino and Ren Kimura at Kyoto Imperial University Faculty of Medicine, and Prof. Norio Ogata at Chiba Medical College.

85 Medical Scientists Who Helped in the Research of the “Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory” (5) 5) April 1941: 1st “Gas Gangrene Committee” Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Report―Part 2 (article No. 146) Chairman Army Surgeon Major General Shiro Ishii Members ＊War Ministry Army Surgeon Major Fumio Otsuka Army Surgeon Major Ryoichi Naito ＊Military Medical School Army Surgeon Lieutenant Colonel Yoshio Hayama Army Surgeon Captain Hajime Uemura ＊Unit 731 in Manchuria Army Surgeon Major Hidetoshi Nakaguro Army Engineer Shimpei Eshima ＊Institute for Infections Diseases Tokyo Imperial University Professor Seigo Hosoya ＊Kitasato Institute Keio University Professor and Kitasato Institute Chief Rokuzo Kobayashi Kitasato Institute Vice Chief Masao Iguchi ＊Dairen Research Institute Director and Army Engineer Koji Ando Army Engineer Susumu Sekihara ＊Manchukuo National Hygiene Technology Agency Research Officer Goro Kawase Researcher Masao Shimazaki ＊Institute of Tropical Medicine Engineer Yasuichi Nagano

Visiting inspectors: 17 army surgeons, 4 engineers （Kawakami, Ishimitsu, Kasahara, Kurauchi

At the end of this “article No. 146” in “Part 2” is a section titled “Establishment of standing committees and duties of committees,” which describes future research themes of each group. In that sectionis written “7. Judgment of special effects (Unit 731 in Manchuria).”

86 Prewar Medical Education and Training of Surgeons

Medical education ○ 9 imperial universities (Hokkaido, Tohoku, Tokyo, Nagoya, Kyoto, Osaka, Kyushu, Taihoku, Keijo)：4-year course ○ 6 national medical colleges (Chiba, Niigata, Kanazawa, Okayama, Nagasaki, Kumamoto) ○ Kyoto Prefectural Medical College ○ Private medical universities and colleges （Keio University School of Medicine, Tokyo Jikeikai Medical University, Nippon Medical School, Manchuria Medical College)○National Tokyo Higher Dental School ○ National medical schools (Maebashi, Aomori, Matsumoto, Karafuto, Tokushima, Yonago) ○ Private medical schools and dental schools ○ “Provisional special division of medicine”: ex. Osaka Imperial University School of Medicine Provisional Special Division of Medicine

Training of surgeons ○ 1st course (cursus honorum of army surgeons) ・Japanese Army Military Medical School Graduate of the faculty of medicine at an imperial university or a medical college→Army Hygiene Department Scholarship student Graduate of a medical school or higher medical school→Army Hygiene Department Scholarship pupil

・Probationary medical officer in an infantry regiment Graduate of a university→Surgeon First Lieutenant Graduate of a medical school→Surgeon Second Lieutenant

・Military Medical School grade A student （Called the tempousen party after the graduation badge with a shape similar to a tempousen, or an Edo coin): qualified for application to the captain and the first lieutenant

・Military Medical School grade B student

○ 2nd course (semi cursus honorum of army surgeons) ・Short-term military training system for surgeons ・Cadet special application system

○ 3rd course ・Surgeon reserve men system

○4th course ・Hygiene Department cadet Short-tem training of surgeons

1939: The military insists on the urgent need for training surgeons (29,000 surgeons in 1942 and 51,000 in 1944). 13 provisional special divisions of medicine were established at 7 imperial universities and 6 medical colleges. The “Specialized School Order” stipulated that “men useful to the country should be trained”“according to the Imperial Way.” The educational policy for the “faculty of medicine” stipulated that thirty-hours of “military medicine” lectures be given in the 4th year.

87 4.4. PostwarPostwar MedicalMedical EstablishmentEstablishment inin JapanJapan andand thethe UnitUnit 731731 IssueIssue

Based on the “Historical Facts about the Offences Committed by Medical Scholars and Doctors during the War,” “Japanese Colonial Medicine and Practices,” and “Influence of War Policy/Mobilization, and the War Itself on Medical Science,” all of which are represented by the Unit 731 issue, we would like to consider why, even in wartime, Unit 731 could possibly come into existence. What supported the foundation of the doctors and medical scientists of Unit 731?

Of course, Unit 731 served such causes as the “Realm of Peace and Prosperity” and the “establishment of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere.” It is also true that doctors and medical scientists in the unit “loyally did what the Army ordered them to do.” But is that all that was needed to lead them to “human experimentation” and “vivisections?”

Those doctors and scientists may have been conscious that they are engaged in state-of-the-art medical research which is impossible in peacetime. They may have erroneously believed that a little sacrifice for “fruitful research” cannot be avoided. Moreover, there can be found a consistent and outright discriminatory indifference towards the victims.

Were these wartime medical crimes examined and repented after the war and so now are extinct? Let us next see the postwar situation.

88 Destruction of Evidence, Annihilation of “Logs,” and Escape of the Unit Members and Their Families

Just before the defeat, on August 10, 1945, the Unit 731facilities were blown up, and the imprisoned human subjects called “logs” were all killed. Most of the documents and research materials were also disposed of by burning. At the same time, the members of the Unit and their families were ordered to get out of the land.

Directions of the Commander of the Kwantung Army (General Staff Operations’ Section Chief) Shigeharu Asaeda to the Commander of Unit 731 Shiro Ishii

“Your unit must be completely dissolved, its members return to the Japanese mainland as soon as possible, and all evidence be permanently evaporated from this planet.

It is already ordered that 1 engineering company and 5 tons of explosives are assigned to your unit, with which the facilities of your unit should be blasted.

Logs in the building must be disposed of by the electric motors and burned in the boilers, all ashes of which should be washed away in the Songhua River.

The 53 medical officers with a doctorate in bacteriology should be directly repatriated to Japan by the warplane of your unit.

Other staff including women and children must be transported to Dairen on the Southern Manchuria Railway and then to the mainland. The Kwantung Army Traffic Department Director has already telegraphed the headquarters of the Southern Manchuria Railway on this matter. At Pingfang Station, a through limited-express to Dairen (2,500 people can board) is awaiting.

(Fukiko Aoki, Unit Seven Three One. Shinchosha, 2005, p. 129)

89 Photographed in March 1994, boiler room with signs of destruction

Photographed in February 2007, site of Unit 731 (entrance and remains of “ro house”）

Escape route of the members of Unit 731 and their families (Unit 731 Exhibition Executive Committee, Unit 731--Hidden Bacteriological Warfare and Human Experimentation, July 1993 to December 1994. 1995, p. 76)

90 ImmunityImmunity toto MedicalMedical CrimesCrimes inin thethe FifteenFifteen Years'Years' WarWar During the Japanese invasion into China, Unit 731 developed, produced, and used biological and chemical weapons. In the course of such development, the Unit also performed experiments and vivisections on many Asian people. Its members should have been convicted as war criminals as the Nazis were. However, all of the Unit, including Commander Shiro Ishii, was granted immunity from prosecution for war crimes.

Below is the postwar scheme to obtain that immunity.

First, a complete cover-up of the unit was perpetrated for the “Preservation of the National Polity” (dissolve the responsibility of the Emperor who was the chief executive and help the Emperor system survive after the war).

Second, at the time of escape, members and their families were ordered to remain silent in the future. Commander Shiro Ishii said before all the parties, “Carry the secret of the Unit to your grave! If you ever talk about it, I will find you wherever you are by whatever means.”He also ordered them neither to contact each other nor to take public office.

Third, to prepare for the Cold War with the Soviet Union, the General Headquarters (GHQ) made a deal to conceal the facts. Because of this deal, the offenses of Unit 731 were not prosecuted as war crimes in the Tokyo Trial. Meanwhile, the U.S. military was provided withthe research data of the Unit.

Later, when the testimony of the members of Unit 731 at the Khabarovsk Trial in the Soviet Union and the Special Military Tribunal in China clarified the facts about the Unit, they had already been offered immunity by GHQ at the Tokyo Trial.

91 ImmunityImmunity GrantedGranted byby thethe UU..SS.A..A.

“Every step, interrogation, or contact . . . The utmost secrecy is essential in order to protect the interests of the United States and to guard against embarrassment.” “. . . make no effort toward prosecution or ‘any form of publicity of this case without G-2 [Army Intelligence] concurrence.’” (Sheldon H. Harris, Factories of Death: Japan's Biological Warfare 1932-45 and the American Cover-up. Routledge, 1994, p. 208)

April 1946: Prosecutor Keenan of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East decides not to bring charges against Shiro Ishii and his men. January 1947: The Soviet Union demands that members of biological and chemical weapons units be handed over. "The final decision on war crimes immunity must have been taken, therefore, in civilian offices in Washington, DC, and not in Camp Detrick, in Occupation Headquarters in Tokyo, or at the Pentagon." (ibid. p. 204)

"Evidence gathered in this investigation has greatly supplemented and amplified previous aspects of this field. It represents data which have been obtained by Japanese scientists at the expenditure of many millions of dollars and years of work. Information has accrued with respect to human susceptibility to those diseases as indicated by specific infectious doses of bacteria. Such information could not be obtained in our own laboratories because of scruples attached to human experimentation. These data were secured with a total outlay of ¥250,000 to date, a mere pittance by comparison with the actual cost of the studies. (Edwin V. Hill's report in 1947, ibid. p. 190) U.S. document concerning immunity, showing part of the decision by the State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee

92 War Participation Not Mentioned at all in the 12th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress Just after the War (1947) The U.S. Medical Corps from GHQ and April 1 to 6, 1947: 1 year behind the scheduled dates, the General Assembly of the Japan their lectures were Medical Congress was held at the Osaka Central Public Hall. 35 member societies (excluding the Society of Military Medicine) featured at the 12th 11 guests including GHQ/SCAP Public Health and Welfare Section Chief Colonel Sams.

General Assembly held ＊Vice-chairman Yukichi Satni's address at the Osaka Central “. . . soon after the end of the war . . . the one-year postponement was inevitable, but Public Hall from April now we can hold this congress . . . thanks to the sympathetic support and guidance of the General Headquarters of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers Public 1st to 6th, 1947. Health and Welfare Section . . . on the damage to the human body caused by the atomic In this assembly, the bombs . . . is going to be lectured in this congress by the permission of the GHQ/SCAP general mobilization of PHW. (Organizational Problems) . . . the Japanese Association of Medical Sciences must the GHQ medical corps change part of its rules to add some permanent systems, and merge with the Japan and specialists at army Medical Association . . . so that we can form a single and the only organization that hospitals informed includes the whole medical professionals . . .as Japanese medicine . . . is no better than imitation and mimicry . . . we have to be ready to restart now . . . based on the high Japanese doctors of standards of ethics . . . Japanese medical scientists now must rise to the occasion and contemporary are obliged to be prepared and act as the saviors of our country. American medicine. ＊Special lectures Japanese lecturers “American Public Health Administration” (Colonel Sams）, “Nutrition and Medicine” （Colonel Howe）, “New Drugs in the Surgical Field” (Lieutenant Colonel Bower), on atomic bomb “Indication for Pro-frontal Lobectomy and Its Postoperative Care” （Major Schröder), focused on such topics “State Management of Research Institutions” （Captain Boque）, “Summary of the as “clinical, Recent Development in the Gynecological Field” (First Lieutenant Jones) pathological, and ＊Member society meetings were held on the first 2 and last 2 days. The general assembly was on the 3rd and 4th days. radiological” aspects. ＊Lectures They could not report “Epidemiological Study of Japanese Encephalitis”(Tokushiro Mitamura), “Specificity of the damage done by Oxygen” (Shigeru Akamatsu), “Field of Oxidation‐reduction Potential” (Hideo Kubo), “Experimental and Histological Research on the Autonomic Center” (Toshiyuki Kurotsu), the atomic bombs but “Sensory Nerve Tract in Brain Stem and Spinal Cord” (Masaru Kuru), “Radiological Study had to respect GHQ’s of Atomic Bomb” (Masanori Nakaizumi), “Clinical Practice in Atomic Bomb Injuries” intentions. (Takehiko Kikuchi), “Pathology Caused by Atomic Bomb” (Ryojun Kinoshita) It was the very first postwar General ＊“The American medical corps of the GHQ and their lectures attract attention . . . if this phenomenon is to be understood as obligatory obedience to the occupation forces, Assembly. During the as the inevitable obsequiousness to the military in wartime, it is evidence of a close whole session, however, correspondence between medicine and society.” (100 Years of History of the General Assemblies of the Japan Medical Congress. Ed. 25th General Assembly of the Japan the Japanese medical Medical Congress Record Committee）＊On the whole, they did not repent their establishment did not participation in the war during the congress. examine and repent its ＊In this assembly, the general mobilization of the GHQ medical corps and specialists at participation in the war. army hospitals informed Japanese doctors of today's American medicine (Vice-chairman Satani's closing address).

93 UnitUnit 731731--relatedrelated TrialsTrials Tokyo Trial (International Military Tribunal for the Far East, May 1946 to November 1948) At the Tokyo Trial, where Class-A war criminals during the aggressive war against China and the Pacific War were judged, the Unit 731 issue should also have been prosecuted. Around October 1946, the facts about the Unit had already been clarified by the questioning of roughly 100 military personnel involved in bacteriological warfare and taken as POWs into the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union demanded of America through the prosecuting counsel of the Tokyo Trial that three officers of the Unit, including Shiro Ishii, be questioned. However, Japan, in exchange for the presentation of the research data to the U.S.A., had already been promised by GHQ immunity from prosecution for bacteriological warfare personnel. In the Cold War, the monopoly of such data suited American global and national interests. On August 1st, 1947, immunity for the war criminals was confirmed by the U.S. Government. The U.S. military (GHQ) drew up four detailed accounts, the Sanders Report in November 1945, the Thompson Report in May 1946, the Fell Report in June 1947, and the Hill Report in December, and took exclusive possession of the “fruits” of the Unit 731 research. Thus, in the Tokyo Trial, Unit 731 was not discussed except for part of the bacteriological warfare in China.

94 Khabarovsk Trial (December 1949) While America granted immunity to Unit 731, the Soviet Union independently brought captive members to trial. Along with the Nuremberg Doctors Trials conducted from December 1946 to July 1947, in which human experimentation by Nazi doctors were judged, this Soviet trial was one of the two greatest medical trials after the war. It has not, however, received adequate historical recognition. Twelve persons were tried, including General Otozo Yamada, Surgeon Lieutenant General Ryuji Kajitsuka, Surgeon Major General Kiyoshi Kawashima, Surgeon Lieutenant Colonel Toshihide Nishi, and Surgeon Major Tomio Karasawa. The detailed testimony of the defendants includes Kawashima's account of germ-bomb experiments, Nishi's account of physiological experiments, Yoshio Koto's account of bacterial experiments. It was a public trial and its record was translated into Japanese in 1950. The 738-page report is one of the few documents that describe the Japanese Army's operations and actions in bacteriological weapons development.

Part of the examination of Kajitsuka (Record of the Khabarovsk Trial, 1950)

※ On the Khabarovsk Trial, we are showing the video of an NHK documentary, “Bacteriological Warfare Unit 731” broadcast in April 1992.

95 Supreme Court of the People's Republic of China Special Military Tribunal (1956)

In China the country most afflicted by Unit 731, former members who had been taken POWs went on trial in 1956, ten years after the war. In the previous year, 1955, pardons for Japanese military personnel in the Chinese war criminal camp were proposed by Premier Zhou Enlai. As a result, the number of the defendants was limited to five. In addition, even Surgeon Major Hideo Sakakibara, who had been given the most severe 13-year sentence, was granted a pardon the next year and returned to Japan. Many of the witnesses, including Mr. Yoshio Tamura (afterward Shinozuka), an ex-junior assistant of Unit 731, formed Tyuukiren (Association of Returnees from China) after their return home. They continue to confess their wartime misdeeds throughout Japan.

Scene from the military tribunal in China Chinese witness testifying against the Unit 731Linkou Branch Commander Sakakibara

（From Awakening. Chang Cheng Xiang Gang Wen Hua Chu Ban Gong Si, 1991)

Record of the Supreme Court of the People's Republic of China Special Military Tribunal, 2005

96 Postwar Prosecution of Vivisections at Kyushu Imperial University Faculty of Medicine

Vivisections performed in May to June of 1945 at Kyushu Imperial University Faculty of Medicine were brought to an American military court (the International Military Tribunal for the Far East) in Yokohama in 1948. Of the 14 Kyushu Imperial University people involved, 3 were hanged, and others received imprisonment including 2 lifetime sentences.

Soon after the involved personnel Military tribunal in Yokohama (From Toshio Toono, Infamy） were arrested by the occupation army, Kyushu Imperial University Faculty of The prison terms of the 14 convicts were Medicine set up a “Basic and Clinical reduced with the onset of the Korean War in Committee” and for the first time issued a 1950. All of them were released in a short statement about the case. It asserted, period of time. “They just appropriated the university About 10 years after the incident, facilities, and we have nothing at all to do Professor Goichi Hiramitsu, who had offered a with the event.” room for the vivisection, wrote: “Courageous Professor Ishiyama dared to perform After the above judgment had been unacceptable surgeries; if he, before suicide, had pronounced, the Faculty of Medicine set his research findings down on a piece of declared: “based on reflection upon medical paper, how that could have been helpful to the research and its appropriate direction, we as development of medicine.” He sounds as if he doctors will strengthen the recognition of affirms the vivisection itself (Bungeishunju. the dignity of human life and body. In order December, 1957). to follow through this calling of ours, we In addition, History of Kyushu never will yield to pressure from the University: in Commemoration of the Fiftieth authority including the state and the Anniversary of Its Foundation (1911-1961) military.” (1967) very ambiguously states that “many aspects of this event remain to be investigated.” However, unlike the Nuremberg Trials, this declaration pays almost no The moral responsibility of doctors attention to the recognition and who “just followed their bosses' orders”cannot consideration of the dignity of man and life, be denied. On this point, there is no need to human rights, and medical ethics. mention the Nuremberg Trials.

97 The Defense by Counsel at the Nuremberg Trials

Among the Allied Nuremberg Trials against Nazi Germany, the 1st of the 12 “Subsequent Nuremberg Trials” conducted independently by the United States judged 23 defendants, of which 20 were doctors. This trial is also known as the “Doctors' Trial” or the “Medical Case.” It brought to court crimes during the Nazi period committed by doctors in the name of medicine. The counsel for the defense argued as follows:

1. Research is necessary in times of war and national emergency. Military and civilian survival may depend on the scientific and medical knowledge derived from human experimentation. Extreme circumstances demand extreme action. 2. The use of prisoners as research subjects is a universally accepted practice. The defense counsel cited examples of human experimentation on prisoners throughout the world, with particular emphasis on research conducted in U.S. penitentiaries. 3. The prisoners utilized for human experimentation were already condemned to death. Thus, prisoner involvement in human experimentation actually served the prisoners' best interests by keeping them alive and preventing their certain execution. 4. Experimental subjects were selected by the military leaders or the prisoners themselves. An individual physician thus could not be held responsible for the selections. 5. In times of war, all members of society must contribute to the war effort. This includes the military, civilians, and those who are incarcerated. 6. The Germans physicians involved in human experimentation were only following the German law [Therefore, they cannot be judged by the U.S. law]. 7. There are no universal standards of research ethics. Standards have varied according to time and place. The defense counsel cited 60 published papers involving human experimentation carried out throughout the world. Many of these experiments involved questionable informed consent, serious consequences, and repeated justification of the research based on the necessity of the data for scientific progress. 8. If the physicians did not participate in the research, they would be putting their own lives at risk and might be killed. Furthermore, if the physicians did not carry out the medical experiments themselves, less skilled non-medical technicians would perform surgery and medical tests, producing even greater harm. 9. The state determined the necessity for human experimentation. The physicians were just following orders. 10. Sometimes it is necessary to tolerate a lesser evil, the killing of some, to achieve a greater good, the saving of many. That the experiments were useful, the defense claimed, was evident by the use of the data derived from Nazi human experimentation by the United States and Britain in the war against Japan. 11. The prisoners' consent to participation in human experimentation was tacit. Since there were no statements stating that the subjects did not consent, it should be assumed that a valid consent existed. 12. Without human experimentation, there would be no way to advance the progress of science and medicine.

(From Michael A. Grodin, "Historical Origins of the Nuremberg Code.” The Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code: Human Rights in Human Experimentation Ed. George J. Annas and Michael A. Grodin. (New York, OUP, 1992, p. 122- 23)

The verdict was delivered on August 20, 1947, pronouncing the Nuremberg Code (see next panel), which became the basis for the Declaration of Helsinki, international ethical principles for human experimentation. The defense was rejected.

98 Judgment on the Nazi Germany’s Medical Crimes Guidelines for Permissible Human Experimentation “The Nuremberg Code”

1. The voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential. This means that the person involved should have legal capacity to give consent; should be so situated as to be able to exercise free power of choice, without the intervention of any element of force, fraud, deceit, duress, over-reaching, or other ulterior form of constraint or coercion; and should have sufficient knowledge and comprehension of the elements of the subject matter involved as to enable him to make an understanding and enlightened decision. This latter element requires that before the acceptance of an affirmative decision by the experimental subject there should be made known to him the nature, duration, and purpose of the experiment; the method and means by which it is to be conducted; all inconveniences and hazards reasonable to be expected; and the effects upon his health or person which may possibly come from his participation in the experiment. The duty and responsibility for ascertaining the quality of the consent rests upon each individual who initiates, directs or engages in the experiment. It is a personal duty and responsibility which may not be delegated to another with impunity. 2. The experiment should be such as to yield fruitful results for the good of society, unprocurable by other methods or means of study, and not random and unnecessary in nature. 3. The experiment should be so designed and based on the results of animal experimentation and a knowledge of the natural history of the disease or other problem under study that the anticipated results will justify the performance of the experiment. 4. The experiment should be so conducted as to avoid all unnecessary physical and mental suffering and injury. 5. No experiment should be conducted where there is an a priori reason to believe that death or disabling injury will occur; except, perhaps, in those experiments where the experimental physicians also serve as subjects. 6. The degree of risk to be taken should never exceed that determined by the humanitarian importance of the problem to be solved by the experiment. 7. Proper preparations should be made and adequate facilities provided to protect the experimental subject against even remote possibilities of injury, disability, or death. 8. The experiment should be conducted only by scientifically qualified persons. The highest degree of skill and care should be required through all stages of the experiment of those who conduct or engage in the experiment. 9. During the course of the experiment the human subject should be at liberty to bring the experiment to an end if he has reached the physical or mental state where continuation of the experiment seems to him to be impossible. 10. During the course of the experiment the scientist in charge must be prepared to terminate the experiment at any stage, if he has probable cause to believe, in the exercise of the good faith, superior skill and careful judgment required of him that a continuation of the experiment is likely to result in injury, disability, or death to the experimental subject.

99 The Japan Medical Association's Resolution and the German Medical Association's Statement When They Joined the World Medical Association

In 1951, the medical associations of Japan and Germany were admitted to the World Medical Association on the condition that they express “repentance” for their wartime medical crimes. Their respective resolutions and statements explicitly show the difference between their attitudes toward their war crimes.

＊Japan Medical Association (March 1949)

At the annual meeting of the House of Delegates of the Japan Medical Association, held on March 30, 1949, the following resolution was unanimously passed: “That the Japan Medical Association, representing the doctors of Japan, takes this occasion to denounce atrocities perpetrated on the enemy during the war period, and to condemn acts of maltreatment of patients which are alleged and in some cases known to have occurred. A Takahashi, MD President The Japan Medical Association

100 ＊German Medical Association (submitted September 1949, revised January 1950) The German medical profession had to acknowledge with indignation and with deep regret the participation, during the time of the Third Reich, of certain German doctors, both individually and collectively, in numerous acts of cruelty and oppression, and in the organization and perpetration of brutal experiments on human beings without their consent. We acknowledge, that in performing these acts and experiments, which have resulted in the deaths of millions of human beings, the German medical profession has violated the ethical tradition of Medicine, has debased the honor of the medical profession, and has prostituted medical science in the service of war and political hatred. The convicted criminals have been punished, some by allied, others by German courts. We express our regret that the system of dictatorship rendered impossible insight into those occurrences and has strangled every expression of free opinion. We hereby declare that we abhor and reject the crimes perpetrated since 1933 in Germany and in other countries by members of our profession. In making this statement to the WMA we solemnly promise the medical profession and the whole world that we will do all we can to prevent in the future such a betrayal of medicine through German doctors. We here by repeat our resolution adopted on October 18, 1947, on our initiative and published thereafter and refer to the reports issued by the “Arbeitsgemeinschaft Westdeutscher Aerztekammern” [the West German Medical Association] concerning the Nuremburg trials against 20 SS doctors, scientists and threehigh officials and to our position expressed in this publication. The German medical organization will do its best to prosecute medical men who shall be found guilty of offenses against their professional duties by professional jurisdiction. We shall act in the same manner against doctors who are not willing to promise high standard of professional behavior in the future.

(rest omitted) (From The Journal of the Japan Medical Association. 26-1, July 1951)

101 Recognition of the Unit 731 Research by the Postwar Japanese Medical Establishment

Degrees kept being granted to the “Unit 731” personnel even after the War. Below is a list of the doctor's degrees and the schools which conferred them after the war on some of the authors of the articles in the Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Report (published by the supposed center of Unit 731, the Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory in Tokyo) discovered in the Library of Congress. In some cases, articles in the Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Report were submitted as doctoral theses and accepted.

学位授与 国会図書館請 博士論文題名(国会図書館関西館所蔵分)、学位は特 陸軍軍医学校防疫研究室報 者氏名 求記号 記ない場合医学学位大学年号 告2部の論文の号数など 除菌濾過器主素材としての珪藻土に関する実験的研 飯田貞雄 UT51-61-F389 阪大、'46 究 上田正明 UT51-61-F160 粘質ニ関スル細菌生物学的研究 京大、'46 宇佐美正 北大、'46、 UT51-59-N1041 細菌の呼吸に対する阻害物質の影響に就て (独文) 一郎 理学 柴田進 UT51-61-F241 「マラリア」の発生と其の防遏に関する研究 京大、'46 鈴木清綱 UT51-61-F396 ヂフテリー菌並に毒素のマウス脳内接種の研究 慶大、'46 赤痢菌族の分類に就て[参考資料:インフルエンザ/金 園口忠男 UT51-61-F212 熊大、'46 原出版､1980. 10。 FC14-93] 粘質の細菌感染能増強作 中野信雄 UT51-61-F464 組織内に在るペスト菌染色法に関する研究 慶大、'46 用、877ペスト治療法 帆刈喜四 UT51-61-F445 恙虫病に関する研究 新潟大、'46 男 三谷恒夫 UT51-61-F323 グリコール類の微生物学的応用 京大、'46 7濾水機、12蚤、31チフ ス、68/251殺蚤剤、84清澄 作用、105＆106ダニ、 村国茂 UT51-61-F123 「ケオピスネズミノミ」に関する実験的研究 東大、'46 32/158/165/188/192/201/2 15/218/245/269/344/547/6 18(林実)ケオピスネズミノ ミ 渡辺廉 UT51-61-F456 破傷風トキソイドの予防的効力について 熊大、'46 武漢附近に於て分離せる「ゲルトネル」氏腸炎菌に 京都府医、 溝上三郎 UT51-61-G310 就いて '47 中沢徳弥 UT51-61-G181 臓器戦傷の後遺機能障碍について 東大、'47 遠藤武 UT51-61-G272 流行性脳脊髄炎菌に関する研究 東北、'47 春日亀助 UT51-61-G256 腸炎菌の菌株別による免疫 慶応、'47 川島四郎 UT51-61-G7 破傷風抗毒馬血清の製法 名大、'47 坂口正雄 UT51-61-G368 腸チフス菌の変異について 慶応、'47 林武夫 UT51-61-G314 B.C.G.に関する実験的研究 東北大、'47 樋渡喜一 UT51-61-G39 野兎病菌の培養に関する研究 慶大、'47 横山郁郎 UT51-61-H143 青年期結核初感染に関する臨床的知見補遺 名大、'48 一条泰一 UT51-61-H303 脳脊髓液糖量の変化に関する研究 新潟、'49

102 Postwar Publication of the “Fruits” of Human Experimentation Example of an Osaka Medical Practitioner who served in Unit 731 Former Surgeon Lieutenant Colonel Naeo Ikeda conducted human experiments on the logs (Chinese POWs) in his research at Unit 731 on the epidemic prevalent in northern “Manchuria” in 1938 which was characterized by traits such as fever, proteinuria, and hemorrhagic diathesis. He showed that the inoculation of patients' blood into the logs could cause the condition. Unit 731 Commander Shiro Ishii named this “epidemic hemorrhagic fever.” Ikeda worked as a medical practitioner after the war. In 1959, he was awarded a degree by his alma mater Niigata University for his research on rat- carried viral epidemic hemorrhagic fever. Even after the conferment, he shamelessly continued to present the “findings” of the Unit 731 research at academic conferences (e.g., at the Divisional Meeting of the Japanese Dermatological Association in 1967). He also kept publishing his proud “research results” in association journals and the newsletters of societies such as the Osaka Medical Association and the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association of which he was a member. He never felt a guilty conscience about and repentance for the inhumane human experimentation which brought such results. He justified himself that “the war forced him to it.” ＊Below is the evening edition of the Mainichi on October 16, 1981, reporting ex- surgeon Naeo Ikeda's confession of his human experiments. It says, “This is the first time during and after the war that a Unit member who personally conducted experiments speaks of his experience.”

103 Hisato Yoshimura’s Article on Frostbite Experiments Hisato Yoshimura's three-part article published from 1950 to 1952, “Studies on the Reactivity of Skin Vessels to Extreme Cold (Part I-III)” （The Japanese Journal of Physiology: below) introduces an experiment in which a baby is used as subject, when it was 3-day, 1- month, and 6-months old. Yoshimura defends himself in Seventy- seven Years in Retrospect published in 1984, saying that “(this experiment) was performed upon my joint researcher Mr. Toshiyuki Iida's second son.”

Yoshimura was a professor at Kyoto Prefectural Medical College and later became its President. In 1978, he was awarded the Order of the Rising Sun, Third Class, for his pioneer research in “environment al adaptation.”

104 HisatoHisato Yoshimura'sYoshimura's ExcuseExcuse

Recently, Mr. Seiichi Morimura's The Devil’s Gluttony described that the unit I belonged to had committed war crimes. Because of this bestseller, I am under attack from all over the country now. However, that unit was making investigations into bacteriological warfare, and I, a physiologist, was engaged in a different kind of research as I said at the beginning. That is, these newspapers and people of the press make up a story as if Iwas responsible for the things I actually had nothing to do with. It's a complete fabrication. They set me as a target, who has achieved a certain social status, and just try to impress themselves with their piece of writing. First of all, it is wrong to think that an individual can act according to his free will and conscience in the military. Young reporters know nothing about the army, much less about what war is. Their articles are obviously misinformation given from today's democratic point of view. Where on earth is such an army in which you can act according to the conscience? In addition, there used to be a distinct difference between officers and civilian personnel at that time. Officers could ignore civilian personnel, but not at all vice versa. Moreover, in that period, you could never follow your conscience to act against the commander's order. In the first place, because the unit I belonged to during the war committed war crimes, why should I, who didn't personally supervise such acts, be censuredby the press? It is inexplicably off the mark at all to lay blame on me, unless the press is motivated by some hidden reasons. (Hisato Yoshimura, Seventy- seven Years in Retrospect. Professor Yoshimura's 77th Birthday Commemorative Committee, 1984)

Yoshimura's excuse cited above seem to be the same as “If the physicians did not participate in the research, they would be putting their own lives at risk and might be killed,” or “The physicians were just following orders,” the rejected arguments of the defense counsel at the Nuremberg Trials, which became the origin of the Declaration of Helsinki, international ethical principles for human experimentation.

※Compare him with Sueo Akimoto, another member of Unit 731. Mr. Akimoto abandoned his occupation as a doctor after the war and dedicated himself to the education of medical technicians. He also published a book of repentance titled Questioning Medical Ethics--From My Experience in Unit 731 (Keisoshobo, 1983). For further information on Mr. Akimoto, we are showing the video of a TV show “Do You Really Know about It?! Unit 731 and Medical Scientists” broadcast in March 2000. 105 Examination of Medical Crimes by the German Medical Establishment ＊Der Wert Des Menschen: Medizin in Deutschland 1918-1945 (The Value of the Human Being: Medicine in Germany 1918-1945) (November 1989, Arztekammer Berlin (Berlin Medical Association)) This book was published under the guidance of two medical historians, Dr. Christian Pross and Dr. Götz Aly. In 1993, selected parts of the book were translated into Japanese by former Kyoto University Professor Kozo Hayashi. It includes: ①Nutritional and health standards of German nationals at the end of the First World War ②Rise of racial hygiene and eugenics ③Doctors' dedication to the “national health” (German Medical Practitioners Law, 1926) ④Birth of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute as the center of anthropology, genetics, and eugenics (1927) ⑤Julius Moses' warning against medical experiments (1932) ⑥Higher rate of Nazification among doctors ⑦Doctors' contribution as “agents of the state” to the prevention of the birth of babies with hereditary diseases (1933) ⑧Action T4 (1940-45)－the killing or the mentally ill as “life unworthy of life” (“euthanasia”) ⑨Human experimentation in the concentration camps Fukosha, 1993 ⑩Josef Mengele and others' various experiments on and production of specimens of the Jewish people ⑪Nuremberg Doctors' Trial

106 Difference between the Medical Establishments of Japan and Germany concerning the Examination of and Repentance for Medical Crimes

＊Accusation against the Japan Medical Association of the war responsibility at the World Medical Association meeting 6-point resolution proposed by Franzblau M.D. (U.S.A.) in 1996 at the World Medical Association Associate Members Meeting

1. WHEREAS, the crimes of Japanese physicians in the Japan Imperial Army, from the period 1932 to 1945, are well documented, and 2. WHEREAS, there is no record of the Japan Medical Association ever officially repudiating the barbarous and horrific actions of the physicians in this unit, and (3 and 4 omitted) 5. [Be it] RESOLVED, that the World Medical Association ask the Japan Medical Association to officially repudiate Unit 731 of the Imperial Japanese Army during the period 1932 to 1945 and, be it further 6. RESOLVED, that the Japan Medical Association request the Japanese government to explain why physicians employed in Unit 731 have never been prosecuted for murder and crimes against humanity.

＊The Japan Medical Association's response to the quoted resolution (excerpt) In 1951, we issued a statement and were admitted to the World Medical Association. The Japan Medical Association . . . considers this matter has already been talked out. Since a similar resolution is introduced again this time, Japanese associate members, before discussion of it . . . according to the rules of WMA meeting management, unanimously made a motion to indefinitely postpone this resolution, in order for this sort of resolution never to be brought before the associate meeting hereafter.

107 “To look away from the Unit 731 issue is to degrade yourselves.” （University of California, dermatologist, Michael J. Franzblau）

Soldiers from the Eighth Route Army transferred to Unit 731 as “logs” (From Crime Evidence Exhibition Hall of Japanese 731 Troop Source Book) 108 Ryoichi Naito, Founder of the Japan Blood Bank (the Predecessor of the Green Cross Corp.) “About Dried Human Plasma--My Apology” (Excerpt) Published in Acta Obstetrica et Gynaecologica Japonica Vol. 15 No. 11 (September 1963)

“. . . emulating the U.S.A., Japan started to produce dried plasma in 1943 at the Japanese Army Military Medical School. Just before the war when I was a teacher at the Japanese Army Military Medical School, I was trained in the vacuum freeze-drying method in Philadelphia. My guilt is that I, drawing on this experience, developed the production method of dried plasma in Japan, and consequently caused hepatitis in many patients through the use of this product. (omitted)

There is no report concerning the number of hepatitis cases in Japan caused by this dried human plasma. However, according to the hypothesis that 800 liters (211 U.S. gallons) of dried human plasma were divided into 8,000 injections per month, 5 percent of which caused hepatitis, it would amount to 5,000 patients every year. Even if we estimate the mortality rate to be 1 percent, 500 people died in the past 10 years. . . .”

Naito developed this first Japanese, vacuum freeze-drying machine for the freeze-drying of bacteria. This occasioned the Green Cross Corp. to start a business in blood products (From 30 Years of History of the Green Cross Corp.)

109 UnitUnit 731,731, thethe GreenGreen CrossCross Corp,Corp, andand thethe HIVHIV--taintedtainted BloodBlood ScandalScandal At the back of the HIV-tainted blood scandal, which is a major postwar medical crime, the strong influence of Unit 731 can be detected. The origin of the blood products administered to hemophiliacs can be traced back to the research results of Ryoichi Naito, chief instructor at the Japanese Army Military Medical School Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory, which was the center of Unit 731. His investigation was originally intended to produce dried plasma using freeze-drying equipment for the development of bacteriological weapons. His work in the Unit enabled Naito to set up the predecessor of the Green Cross Corp. after the war with former members including Masaji Kitano and Hideo Futagi.

In the Spring of 1979, the world's first AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) patient was identified in New York. Selling blood was common in the U.S.A. at that time. Such obtained blood was purified into blood products and some of these products were infected with HIV (human immunodeficiency virus).

The Green Cross Corp. then enjoyed a monopoly of blood imported from America. Some of the products of the corporation had been contaminated with HIV. In spite of suspected HIV contamination, the company continued to produce and sell its products, which led to a large number of HIV infections in Japan.

The National Institute of Health (NIH) labeled those products as “approved by the State” and guaranteed their safety. In fact, many of its directors-generals used to belong to Unit 731 (see the chart on the next panel). These infected blood products then continued to be administered to patients with hemophilia for about 10 years.

110 As a result, 1,800 of nearly 5,000 haemophiliacs in Japan bacame infected with HIV via blood products used for treatment. Over 300 of them developed AIDS and died.

Chart showing the relationship between Unit 731 and the HIV-tainted blood scandal (by Kenichiro Yamaguchi)

111 History of the Green Cross Corp. and HIV in Japan

1943 Ryoichi Naito produces dried plasma for transfusion at the Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory, general headquarters of Unit 731.

1945 Unit 731 members destruct the facilities, kill all the “logs,” and flee to Japan.

1951 Ryoichi Naito, Masaji Kitano, Hideo Futagi, and others found the Japan Blood Bank.

The company procure blood for transfusion for the U.S. military in the Korean War.

1958 Takeshi Abe visits Ryoichi Naito.

1963 Ryoichi Naito, “About Dried Human Plasma--My Apology”

1964 Renamed the Green Cross Corp.

1965 Starts to import blood plasma from U.S.A

1975 An old woman is administered fluorocarbon as artificial blood and dies (the agent produced mainly by the Green Cross Corp., license for use granted by the NIH).

1976 The Ministry of Health and Welfare approves the sale of unheated blood products, which start to be used for the treatment of hemophilia.

1981 The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reports the first case of AIDS in California.

Teikyo University Professor Takeshi Abe is told the risk of HIV infection via blood products.

1982 The CDC reports 3 hemophiliac AIDS cases in The Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR). The CDC notifies the NIH of this matter.

American subsidiary Alpha Therapeutic Corp. reports the Green Cross about the “HIV contamination of blood sold in U.S.A”

1983 The Ministry of Health and Welfare sets up an AIDS Study Group (head: Takeshi Abe).

Sep. 1984 Prof. Takeshi Abe sends serum of 48 hemophiliacs to America. 23 of them found positive for HIV.

May 1985 The Ministry of Health and Welfare certifies (three) hemophiliacs as AIDS patients for the first time.

July The Ministry of Health and Welfare approves the sale of heated coagulation factor VIII concentrates (2 years and 4 months later than in U.S.A.). No instructions issued to recall unheated blood products.

Mar. 1988 Takeshi Abe and his colleagues publish an article titled “Continuous Detection of HIV Antibodies and HIV Antigens in Hemophiliac and Its Clinical Significance” in Journal of the Japan Society of Blood Transfusion Vol. 34 Part 3.

End of 1988 The Green Cross finishes recalling unheated blood products.

1989 Osaka HIV Lawsuit (May), Tokyo HIV Lawsuit (Oct.)

Apr. 1994 217 hemophiliac patients/their family members accuse Takeshi Abe of attempted murder.

Mar. 1995 Conclusion of the Tokyo HIV Lawsuit (1st-4th actions)

July Conclusion of the Osaka HIV Lawsuit (1st-10th actions)

Oct. The Tokyo and Osaka District Courts advise both sides to compromise.

Since 1996 While the compromise being made, the media frequently take up the association of the HIV-tainted blood scandal with Unit 731and the NIH.

112 Past Discussions about “Medical Crimes” in the Diet

・March 1, 1950 Representative Katsumi Kikunami asked about Shiro Ishii in the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives. Minister of Justice, Ueda replied: “. . . as to the recent reports about Japanese war criminals involved in a strategy of bacteriologicalwarfare, I think the Government should not be concerned with it . . .” “. . . the Government heard of a fact of that kind, but is not authorized nor bound to investigate it.”

・April 6, 1982 In the Committee on Cabinet, House of Councilors, Representative Toshio Sakaki asked about the “military and civilian personnel of the Kwantung Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department” and about the “human experimentation.” Director of the Security Division, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, replied: “According to the registry of overseas personnel . . . as of January 1, 1945 . . . there is a total of 1,550 members . . . including 2,009 employees.” “. . . It is over 30 years ago, when our country was still under occupation . . . we don't know whether the fact you pointed out and the relevant records actually exist.”

・December 17, 1997 and April 2, 1998 Councilor Kimiko Kurihara asked in the House of Councilors about the return of Unit 731-related data from America (in 1958). The Government's reply: “. . . as to Unit 731, formally known as the Kwantung Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department, no material is known to exist concerning its activities and its relation to bacteriological warfare.”

・February 18, 1999 Representative Koh Tanaka asked about the same data. Director General of the Defense Agency Norota replied: “With regard to specific activities of the unit which Representative Tanaka just asked about [i.e., about the alleged human experimentation], we understand that no data is found.” 113 Hansen's Disease and Dr. Kensuke Mitsuda in the Postwar Days

Leader of the isolation policy against human rights Thanks to the introduction of Promin after the war, Hansen's disease was now a curable disease. A revision of the “Leprosy Prevention Law” was then planned under the new Constitution. However, when three directors of leprosariums including Dr. Kensuke Mitsuda made statements in the Diet, they all insisted that isolation be maintained. The isolation policy was decided to be continued in the new “Leprosy Prevention Law.” In addition, even sterilization was made lawful under the Eugenics Protection Law. While foreign countries continued to abandon the isolation policy, it remained in Japan under the “Leprosy Prevention Law” even after the death of Dr. Mitsuda in 1964. It was not until 1996 that the law was finally repealed. Dr. Mitsuda disregarded the human rights of Hansen's disease patients and intended to annihilate their existence. Japanese fascism possibly intensified and advanced his policy. The wartime medical system was not examined nor reflected upon after the war. Dr. Mitsuda continued to take the lead in the treatment of Hansen's disease. Some also point out that his insistence on the isolation policy was meant to preserve his own vested interests, for example, to keep hiring the staff of sanatoriums, or to afford employment as directors or medical officers to his acquaintances or students.

The complete resolution is yet to come. In 2001, a lawsuit in Kumamoto seeking redress by the state concluded in a complete victory of patients. However, in 2003, former patients were refused to be allowed stay at a spa Hotel in Kurokawa, Kumamoto. Another scandal is the recent discovery of samples of fetuses of Hansen's disease patients. No compensation has been provided to patients in former sanatoriumsin Taiwan and Korea. These issues indicate that prejudice and discrimination are still there. We have not solved these problems at all.

114 Judicial Response to “Medical Crimes” Lawsuit against the Japanese Germ Warfare Conducted by Unit 731

The victims of the Ishii Network's biological weapons and the victims' family members are now in the middle of a lawsuit against the Japanese Government seeking an apology and compensation. During the trial, in August 2002, the Tokyo District Court judged that the former Imperial Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Departments, including Unit 731, had conducted research for biological weapons development and had produced such weapons which had been actually used in various parts of China (bacteriological warfare). However, the claim of the plaintiffs was completely dismissed on account of the absence during the war of a law prescribing state compensation for war damages. The plaintiffs appealed to the Tokyo High Court, which denied the appeal in July 2005 on the same grounds.

Plaintiffs and their supporters protesting against the judgment

115 Education in Medical Ethics and War Crimes Committed by Medical Scientists Outline of the Results of the “Medical Education Survey” (1)

(Objective) To grasp the situation of today's Japanese medical education in research and ethics for the preparation of the “War and Medicine” Exhibition. (Time and Method) On December 20, 2006, letters asking for cooperation in the survey were sent nationwide to medical deans, presidents, and persons responsiblefor medical education of 80 universities and medical colleges. On February 7, 2007, the same questionnaire was sent again to the institutions which did not answer it. The questionnaire was to be sent back in the enclosed return envelope or by FAX. (Response rate, etc.) Of 80 schools, 41 replied to the survey: the response rate is 51.3 percent. One of the 41 was not filled in and thus not included in the result. Other 40 responses were valid and used as the denominator. (Results) 医学史の講義

なし 1. Does your university/college 45.0% offer lectures or seminars on medical ethics? あり No ------0 ＝ 0% 55.5% Yes ------40/40 ＝ 100.0%

2. Does your university/college offer lectures or seminars on the 医学概論の講義 なし history of medicine? 22.5% No ------18/40 ＝ 45.0% Yes ------22/40 ＝ 55.5%

3. Does your university/college offer lectures or seminars on あり introduction to medicine and 77.5% philosophy of medicine? No ------9/40 ＝ 22.5% Yes ------31/40 ＝ 77.5% 116 Outline of the Results of the “Medical Education Survey” (2)

4. Does your university/college offer lectures or seminars on the Declaration of Helsinki = 医学研究倫理の講義 Ethical Principles for Medical Research NA Involving Human Subjects? 37.5% なし 37.5% No ------15/40 ＝ 37.5% Yes ------10/40 ＝ 25.0% No response ------15/40 ＝ 37.5%

あり 5. Does your university/college offer lectures or 25.0% seminars on doctors' war crimes (including offenses by Nazi doctors and Unit 731, vivisections in the Fifteen Years' War by 医師の戦争犯罪の講義 surgeons, vivisections of U.S. military POWs ＮＡ at Kyushu Imperial University)? 2.5% No ---- 30/40 ＝ 75.0% あり ・Might offer in the future 1/30 ＝ 3.3% 22.5% ・Not going to offer such lectures 25/30 ＝ 86.7% Yes ---- 9/40 ＝ 22.5% No response ----- 1/40 ＝ 2.5% なし 75.0%

(Conclusion) This is the first survey of “education in medical ethics and doctors' War Crimes.” Half of the universities and colleges sent back our questionnaire. This survey can therefore be said to illustrate the situation of today's medical education. All of those institutions conduct education in medical ethics. This fact shows the recognition by the contemporary, medical establishmentof the significance of medical ethics in medical education. However, only 23 percent of them give lessons on the Declaration of Helsinki, which states the ethical principles for medical research. The same rate applies to education in war crimes by doctors. We still have a weakness in facing the historical facts and learning from them. A comparison with the medical education in Germany is required. One of the 2 former imperial universities that produced Unit 731 commanders offers a lecture on Unit 731 and shows the names of related medical scientists and their postwar positions. The other university did not return the survey. We hope all universities and colleges will attend to this issue

117 On the War Participation of Each Member Society Outline of the Results of the “Member Societies Survey” (Objective) To grasp the situation of how each member society of the Japanese Association of Medical Sciences examines the relationship of medicine and war for the preparation of the “War and Medicine” Exhibition.

(Time and method) On February 8, 2007, letters asking for cooperation in the survey were sent to 101 member societies of the Japanese Association ofMedical Sciences. The questionnaire was to be sent back in the enclosed return envelope or by FAX.

(Response rate) 25 of the 101 societies returned the survey: the response rate was 24.8 percent. One of the 25 questionnaires was not filled in and thus not included in the result. Other 24 responses were valid and used as the denominator. 31 of the 101 societies have existed since before the War. 5 of them replied to our survey.

(Results)

1. In wartime, General Assemblies of the Japanese Association of Medical Sciences (Japan Medical Congresses) were mobilized and participated in the war. Has your society discussed this matter or passed any resolution on it? No ------24/24 ＝ 100.0% Yes ------0 ＝ 0%

2. In order to be admitted to the World Medical Association, the Japan Medical Association passed a “resolution to denounce atrocities during war period” at the annual meeting of the House of Delegates in 1949. Has your society discussed this resolution or wartime inhumanity by doctors or passed any resolution on these issues? No ------24/24 ＝ 100.0% Yes ------0 ＝ 0 %

3. One of the major wartime atrocities include the human experimentation conducted by Unit 731(the Kwantung Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department). Has your society investigated the presence of members who conducted medical research in or in association with Unit 731? No ------24/24 ＝ 100.0% Yes ------0 ＝ 0%

(Comment) ＊We asked whether there is any future “plan for discussion, resolution, or investigation” regarding the 3 questions sited above. No society answered “Yes.” However, it deserves recognition that 15 societies (62.5 percent) are performing some activities “to promote full awareness of medical ethics in the members.” 118 Request to the Japanese Association of Medical Sciences for Official Examination into and Repentance on the War Participation by Medical Scientists and Doctors -- Declaration of the “War and Medicine” Exhibition in Osaka, 2007 -- The 27th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress was held in Osaka from March 31 to April 8, 2007. This is the 60th anniversary year of the end of the “Fifteen Years' War,” in which Japan invaded China from 1931 to 1945. It is also the 70th anniversary since the “Second Sino-Japanese War” started with the Lugouqiao (Marco Polo Bridge) Incident.

Along with the rapid development in medical science and practice, higher standards of medical ethics are required of the scholars and doctors. To meet this requirement, serious reflection on the path of medical science and practice thus far is quite important. The main theme of the 27th assembly is “the Origin of Life and Medicine̶Life, Humanity, Dream,” which encourages the “information transmission from the origin.” This must be in response to the strong demand on the medical profession for a “reflection from the original point of view.”

The “reflection from the original point of view” will never be possible without reflecting upon the moralities of Japanese medicine during the early Showa and WWII period to the following “postwar” period. The postwar Japanese medical establishment has not yet settled issues, such as the participation of the Japan Medical Association and the Japanese Association of Medical Sciences in the “Fifteen Years’ War,” or the inhumane and cruel “human experimentation” and “vivisections” performed by Japanese medical scholars/doctors. These unsolved problems inevitably call out for our serious, though overdue, examination and repentance.

The Japan Medical Association published a statement when it joined the World Medical Association in 1951. The only official comment on the war-related issues as it is, it cannot be regarded as serious repentance for the wartime atrocities by the Japanese medical profession.

The Japanese medical establishment did not follow up this statement with any examination of nor repentance for its past.

This atmosphere of Japanese medicine is not irrelevant to the large number of repeated events of medical and pharmaceutical malpractice in the postwar period which have victimized so many lives.

History tells us “those who wink at the past also wink at the present.” The 27th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress therefore could have afforded us a good opportunity to reflect upon the footsteps of the pre- and postwar medical establishment of Japan, with reference to its association with the “War.” Some appealed to the Executive Committee of the 27th General Assembly to officially exhibit these panels during the Congress.

Regrettably, however, our appeal was rejected. We had to hold the “War and Medicine” Exhibition independently in Osaka during the Congress’ session. We featured an exhibition to confront and reexamine the “war and medicine” issues. An international symposium was also conducted which included a reconsideration and discussion with doctors and medical scientists all over Japan.

We hope this “War and Medicine” Exhibition will contribute to a thorough education in medical ethics at universities and colleges nationwide. We also hope that each member society will take this opportunity to examine and repent its past and present. It is also requested that, at the 28th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress, four years hence, the Japanese Association of Medical Sciences officially hold a “war and medicine” exhibition and arrange events such as an international symposium.

We will never stop pursuing these issues and will try to derive lessons therefrom that will be applied to the medical science and practices in the future. Executive Committee of the “War and Medicine” Exhibition at the 27th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress

119 Executive Committee Member Groups and Its Organization

1. Member groups (in no particular order) Research Society for the 15 Years’ War and the Japanese Medical Science and Service, Osaka Medical Practitioners Association, Japanese Medical and Dental Practitioners for the Improvement of Medical Care, Japan Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions, Osaka Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions, Kyoto Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions, Shiga Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions, Hyogo Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions, Nara Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions, Wakayama Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions, Society for Studying Present Medical Practice in Japan, Japanese Medical and Dental Practitioners for the Improvement of Medical Care Kinki Branch, Shin-I- Kyo (New Japanese Medical Association) 2. Organization Chairman Katsuo Nishiyama (Professor at Shiga University of Medical Science) Vice-chairman Nobuaki Ikeda (President of the Osaka Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions (OSAKA Min-iren)), Eiji Takamoto（Chairman of the Board of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association), Kenichiro Yamaguchi (Representative of the Society for Studying Present Medical Practice in Japan) Advisers and editors Haruo Akimoto (Emeritus Professor at Kanazawa University), Shozo Azami (Honorary President of the Research Society for the 15 Years’ War and the Japanese Medical Science and Service）, Ikuro Anzai (Director of the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University), Tetsuya Oda （Manager of the Osaka Branch of the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War), Hideyo Shimono （President of the Settsu Medical Association), Ken-yu Sumie （President of the Japanese Medical and Dental Practitioners for the Improvement of Medical Care), Ken Yuasa (former surgeon, former doctor at Nishi-Ogikubo Clinic), Hideo Tsuchiyama (former President of Nagasaki University), Toshio Toono (Chairman of Toono Obstetrics and Gynecology), Yasushi Hida (President of the Japan Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions (MIN-IREN)), Kazuhiko Fujisaki (Professor at Gifu University, School of Medicine), Yutaka Yoshida (Professor at Hitotsubashi University) Bureau Chief Katsuyuki Takeda (Co-director of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association) Committee Members (more than 1 per member group, or individual members: in the order of the Japanese syllabary) Kenji Inoue (Vice-chairman of the Board of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association), Sachiko Kakita (Japanese Medical and Dental Practitioners for the Improvement of Medical Care Kinki Branch; Director of the Japanese Medical and Dental Practitioners for the Improvement of Medical Care), Keishiro Karita (former Professor at Tohoku University, President of the Research Society for the 15 Years’ War and the Japanese Medical Science and Service), Osamu Kobe (Instructor at Osaka University of Arts), Takasumi Koyama (Director of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association), Keiko Suenaga (Instructor at Fukushima Medical University), Takashi Tsuchiya (Associate Professor at Osaka City University), Fumio Nagase (Secretary General of the Japan Federeation of Democratic Medical Institutions), Kenzo Hamano (Professor at Kwansei Gakuin University）, Masaya Hirai （Honorary Chairman of the Board of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association), Kiyoshi Muraoka (Professor at Bukkyo University), Tadashi Muroi (Secretary General of the Japanese Medical and Dental Practitioners for the Improvement of Medical Care), Hiroshi Yamagami （Assistant Executive Director of the Osaka Dental Practitioner's Association, Director of the Japanese Medical and Dental Practitioners for the Improvement of Medical Care), Takeshi Yoshinaka （Director of Kyoto Min-iren Chuo Hospital）,Yasushi Wakata（Director of Kinkikoto Nursing School） Staff Shigeru Iwasaki （Assistant Director General of the Japanese Medical and Dental Practitioners for the Improvement of Medical Care), Kazuhiko Kawazoe （Secretary General of the Osaka Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions), Masanobu Sugishima (Secretary General of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association), Bunei Nagano (Manager of the Secretariat of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association), Fumio Hara (Consultant of the Secretariat of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association), Fumiyuki Hojo （Assistant Director General of the Osaka Federation of Democratic Medical Institutions), Kenji Yoshimi (Secretary of the Secretariat of the Osaka Medical Practitioners Association) Supporter ABC Project ＊12 Panels, （７）（８）（９）（10）（13）（14）（15）（17）（18）（20）（21）（22）, were supervised by Kanagawa University Professor Keiichi Tsuneishi.

120 “War and Medicine” Exhibition at the 27th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress

Exhibition Panels Brochure

Published April 1, 2007

Publisher Executive Committee of the “War and Medicine” Exhibition at the 27th General Assembly of the Japan Medical Congress

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