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A World Full of Heathens

Towards Understanding Perceptions of History, Society, and the Self Amongst Contemporary Germanic Pagans

By Joshua M. Cragle

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A World Full of Heathens

Towards Understanding Perceptions of History, Society, and the Self Amongst Contemporary Germanic Pagans

Joshua M. Cragle - 10861742

[email protected]

Master Social and Cultural Anthropology

Graduate School of Social Sciences

University of Amsterdam

Academic year 2014-1015

MA Thesis

Word Count: 29,722

Supervisor

Dr. Peter van Rooden

Readers

Dr. Oskar Verkaaik

Dr. Anne de Jong

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Plagiarism Declaration

I declare that this thesis meets the rules and regulation for fraud and plagiarism as by the University of Amsterdam

Joshua M. Cragle, June 1st, 2015

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Dedication

I dedicate this thesis to those Heathens that showed me the of hospitality, by allowing me to attend their , patiently answering my questions, participating in my survey, and having the courage to share intimate stories of their lives and thoughts with me. It was an honor to get to know so many fascinating, kind, and intelligent individuals from the Heathen community around the world.

I would also like to send a special thank you to my family, my friends Brian, Sean, and Jon for their consistent encouragement and support, and Dr. Kyle Wilkison, who has been a consistent teacher and mentor throughout the years.

Last but not least, I would like to dedicate this thesis to my loving wife Mary, without whose support and patience this endeavor would not have been possible.

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“What does our great historical hunger signify, our clutching about us of countless cultures, our consuming desire for knowledge, if not the loss of , of a mythic home, the mythic womb?”

-, The Birth of Tragedy

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Table of Contents Pg.

Introduction 8

0.1 Thesis Summary 8

0.2 Theoretical Framework 9

0.3 Field Methods 11

Chapter 1: Heathenry and Structure 13

1.1 The Current State of Heathenry: Neo-Tribalism and Demographics 13

1.2 Authority, Charisma, and Revelation 18

1.3 Sources, Scholarship, and Authenticity 21

1.4 Recognition and Legitimacy: Politics, , and Hofs 24

Chapter 2: Ethics and Inclusion 28

2.1 An Overview of Heathen Ethics 28

2.2 and the Folkish/Universalist Conundrum 31

2.3 The Role of Gender and Sexual Orientation 37

Chapter 3: Heathens and Society 42

3.1 Organized and 42

3.2 Western Civilization, Modernism, and Globalization 46

Chapter 4: Historical Foundations 53

4.1 Conversion in the Early 53

4.2 Germanic During the Romantic Era 57

4.3 Under the Third Reich and it's Repercussions 61

4.4 Germanic Paganism Since the 1970's 65 6 | P a g e

Conclusion 69

Epilogue: Honoring the Ancestors 72

Bibliography 77

Appendix A: Survey Results 83

Appendix B: Organization Web Pages 102

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Introduction

0.1 Thesis Summary

In of 2015 I set off to research how a Age ethics system was being revived amongst contemporary Germanic Pagans, also known as Heathens. I was particularly interested in what seemed to be a persistent emphasis on the heroic, and what necessitated that emphasis in terms of society, self improvement, and psychology. However, while ethics remained a persistent feature of my research, I gradually found my focus shifting more towards identity. As a result, the purpose of my research became addressing the following question: How do Heathens conceptualize themselves in relation to each other, society, and history? I will argue that Heathenry is essentially a neo-tribal movement with historical foundations rooted deeply in German . Furthermore, I will suggest that the recent growth of Heathenism is largely dependent on perceptions of globalization, a sense of threat to cultural identity, dissatisfaction with modernism, rebellion against the dominance of Judeo-Christian religion, and an overwhelming sense of spiritual void for those of European descent. In addition, I will contest the common stereotypes of Heathens being predominantly far right, racist, and homophobic. Instead, I will show that such individuals make up only a minority of the Heathen demographic, and that most Heathens tend to be inclusive, defenders of diversity, acceptant of alternative sexualities and gender roles, and often far to the left on environmental policies. In order to address these arguments, this thesis will look at Heathen approaches towards: authority, sources, history, inclusion, socio-political processes (such as globalization), and identity.

My hope in writing this thesis is to contribute to the literature on emergent , particularly the recent growth of neo-paganism. Neo-paganism continues to be one of the fastest growing spiritual communities in the West (with 1-4 million adherents). For neo- objective scholarly research is in dire need, as those writing in the field have tended to be neo-pagans themselves, lending much of the literature to romanticism or over-simplification. On the other side, neo-paganism has been misrepresented by scholars, many of whom equate its varying traditions as having similar values and historical origins. While literature and pop-culture have moved away from connecting neo-pagans with and the , pagans are still often demonized, marginalized, and dismissed as simply being driven. In the case of Germanic Neo-Pagans, researchers have often painted a picture of the majority based on case studies with extremists. In this thesis I have tried my utmost to avoid these errors, and simply represent the data which I have collected. I was particularly interested in doing a comparative research project, which took into account similarities and differences between Heathens across geographic boundaries and practice styles. I also tried to include as much data as possible on those Heathens which have often been ignored in previous academic literature. As a result, this thesis is largely composed by the thoughts and 8 | P a g e statements of Heathens themselves. I am aware that my data and interpretations can and should be contested by Heathens and scholars alike, which I readily encourage in order to promote a more balanced discourse on neo-paganism and Heathenry in particular.

0.2 Theoretical Framework

When it comes to the social sciences I have always been highly skeptical of using a single theory to explain cultural phenomena. Too often in academic literature are singular approaches used to reduce extremely complex processes down to nice and neat classification systems that do not correspond with . As a result, I did not start off with the notion of "I am setting off to prove" as more so "I am setting off to understand". By this I mean that, instead of looking for specific data to fit my hypothesis I have instead invested research into particular categories and in the end looked for correlating patterns. This approach is very similar to the controversial Grounded Theory method as proposed by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss in the 1960's (Evans 2013). Essentially, Grounded Theory is an inductive form of qualitative research used to assess visible patterns observed from a variety of methods within separate contexts. Simply put, Grounded Theory is valuable for studying themes, ideas, concepts or social processes (Bowen 2006), particularly for researchers using a variety of formats for data collection.

Grounded theory is also useful in developing a holistic rather than a reductionist perspective. By reductionism, I mean gaining insight into "objects and events by analyzing the elementary parts" (Verschuren 2001:391). While this approach has been very useful, particularly in the natural sciences, it can make the mistake of identifying the "unit as the whole". In contrast, holism tries to use an "ecological approach, which examines how individual components interact to become systems whose nature cannot be completely understood from looking only at the sum of the parts" (Burgelman 2011:594). Holistic researchers tend to focus on: patterns, parallels, group attributes, themes, and more interactive research methods. As opposed to reductionist research which tends to rely on: variables, measurement, deductive knowledge, and linear research strategies (Verschuren 2001).

However, while loosely using Grounded Theory as a starting point, I have also incorporated other theoretical concepts to address each topic I researched. And while these are mentioned in the context of the subjects themselves for each chapter, I will state them briefly here as well. Partially, I will be addressing the function of ethics within Heathenry, for which I use the idea that ethics or moral systems essentially determine ones standing or position in relation to: an ideal self, society, or the /higher reality (Wright 1909). In addition, in order to address identity I will be utilizing approaches from anthropology, sociology, and psychology. Particularly, Golubovic's description that identity refers to "where one belongs" (Golubovic 2010:25), Anthony Giddens notion that identity is a "symbolic 9 | P a g e construction", and the idea of the "narrative self", which suggests that "the stories we live by are cultural texts" (Jones 2003:620).

I will also be addressing heritage and historicity. In terms of heritage, I use the interpretation that heritage is "a mode of cultural production in the present that has recourse to the past" (Chase 2006:148). Heritage then is an aspect of historicity, "a human situation in flow, where versions of the past and future assume present form in relation to events, political needs, available cultural forms and emotional dispositions" (Hirsch 2014:262). Contemporaries establish connections with certain moments of history, which can take the form of what Bourdieu has called "symbolic capital" (Steinmetz 2011). These concepts will be addressed particularly in the context of globalization, which simply "involves the flow of people, ideas, knowledge, and culture" (Herrington 2013).

As a result of the complexity in understanding emergent religions, I also find it necessary to address in a very basic form the function of religion. While this is not the place to debate the various interpretations of this vast topic, I will mention a few examples and where I am situating myself as a researcher. First, there is the structuralist notion (built upon by Levi-Strauss, Mauss, and Evans- Pritchard) that religion helps create order for society and nature by creating systems of meaning. This structure can come in the form of hierarchies (priest castes), rituals (rites of passage, , reciprocity), the creation of sacred space (temples, groves, ), the creation of dogma (law codes, sacred texts), as well as in other forms. There is also the notion that religion addresses the "existential crisis", in that it helps make sense of tragedies and alleviates the fear of (typically a position held in standard psychology and evolutionary biology). I would argue that convincing evidence exists for all of these positions. However, I will be starting my own research with the assumption made by the American anthropologist Weston LaBarre that "religion is the human way to explain our participation in the unknown" and that "symbols are the means of communication" with that unknown (Van Beek 1985). I believe that utilizing LaBarre's idea as a neutral working definition is useful in approaching Germanic Neo-Paganism, as it does not presuppose any negative associations between religious and the believer (ex. escapism, psychological lack, etc.).

Finally, I will also be addressing contemporary Germanic Paganism's relation to neo-tribalism. While tribalism has been written about extensively within anthropology, the concept of contemporary neo-tribes is typically addressed using the theories of Michel Maffesoli. Maffesoli envisioned modern group formations bound by common aesthetic experiences, rituals, secrecy, meaning, and what he termed the "affectual nebula". The affectual nebula is "characterized by a fleeting temporality and a transient, more symbolic or 'virtual' spatial grounding. Contemporary neotribes are constituted by those who share 10 | P a g e the same subway, the same neighborhood bar, the same television program, or the same bulletin board on the . These neotribes organize their territories (even if they are virtual or symbolic territories) and their identities through shared practices and a dionysiac 'being-together,' even if only for a fleeting time, and then adjust themselves to the force of circumstance--in large part because any one individual belongs to multiple and overlapping tribes, to which she gives varying and fluctuating intensities of commitment" (Jacobs 1997:1230). However, Maffesoli has not gone without criticism, as Daragh O'Reilly has noted, "Maffesoli does not bring forward any specific empirical research to support his notion of a neo-tribe" (O'Reilly 2012:343). Nonetheless, I will be using some of Maffesoli's ideas to address certain aspects of Heathen neo-tribalism, including those rooted in Durkheim's interpretations of in relation to communal bonding.

0.3 Field Methods

I took a very interdisciplinary approach to my research topic, utilizing methods prominent in anthropology, sociology, history, and . Prior to my official field work period (January-), during, and after I spent an extensive amount of time reading academic literature, primary historical sources, and authors influential in the Heathen community. This was done in order to gain a solid historical understanding of the development of contemporary Germanic Paganism, as well as to understand how popular Heathens are presenting their to the public. My primary historical focus included: Germanic Paganism in Antiquity and the development of , revival of interest in Paganism during the Romantic Era, the various uses of Germanic Paganism during under the Third Reich, the 1960's counter-culture and the growth of Neo-Paganism, and the specific trajectory of Heathenry since the 1970's.

In addition to the literature, a substantial portion of my time was spent online, during which time I analyzed Heathen organization webpages, forums, blogs, online articles, and social media. In addition, I listened to online Heathen podcasts, and watched hundreds of videos in which Heathens are being interviewed, making statements about their personal beliefs, presenting their altars, or engaging in rituals. The videos were useful in assessing similarities and differences between ritual structures of Heathens from different geographic regions and practice styles. Through these online outlets, I was able to engage Heathens from all around the world, by conducting life histories and interviews. Through social media and forums I distributed a research survey titled Sons and Daughters of the Northern Tradition: A Survey for Contemporary Heathens, which ended up gathering responses from nearly 3,000 Heathens from around the world. While the survey had its flaws (the use of the "Northern Tradition" in the title being one of them), from it I was able to acquire an unbelievable amount of data (results are shown in appendix A). The survey also put me in further contact with hundreds of Heathens, many of whom kindly gave their 11 | P a g e support for my research and opened up to me about their beliefs and lives. While most of the Heathens I interacted with were more than happy to answer my questions, I did encounter skepticism from a few who noted their distrust of academics that had wrongly portrayed them in the past.

In addition to my online interactions, I also engaged in participant observation through attending rituals. I conducted in-person life histories and interviews, travelled to multiple museums in order to attend exhibitions associated with relevant historical periods, talked with experts in the field, attended music events associated with paganism, and travelled to the Islands to attend Up Helly Aa in order to view one of the remnants of Romanticism associated with the and religion. While I was able to gain a vast amount of data from these methods, my research did face some challenges. Particularly, I struggled getting comments from some of the leaders in various Heathen organizations, many of whom agreed to correspond and then never replied when it came time to. However, as I do not know the reasons for their silence their names shall remain anonymous. However, the most significant challenge was the lack of physical Heathen activity, which necessitated the need for online research. Heathen rituals are few and far between, and are often closed to outsiders. However, I was still able to interact to some degree with a local group operating out of Delft, known as the Nine Worlds (Negen Werelden).

In the following chapters, all of those who are quoted have had their names changed, with the exception of public figures. Instead, the gender, age range, and geographic location have been given in order to observe particular patterns as well as to represent Heathens of all types. When references are made to survey results, I am referring to my own research unless otherwise explicitly stated.

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Chapter 1: Heathenry and Structure

"Heathenry at its core is a tribal level Folkway. No structure or organization should exist beyond the tribal level."-Jon, middle aged American male

1.1 The Current State of Heathenry: Neo-Tribalism and Demographics

Throughout its development, Germanic Neo-Paganism has strived towards an essentially neo- tribal structure. The neo-tribe as relates to Heathenry is a symbolic construct, one which takes into account ethnicity and loyalty. Ethnicity here is more than simply being German, English, or "white", but instead Anglo-Saxon, Frankish, Gothic, Norse, etc.; i.e. ancestral tribes. Beyond ethnicity, tribes can be created through systems of loyalty to each other and particular . As a result of these varying loyalties, we find a number of independent Heathen manifestations: Ásatrú (those loyal to the Aesir), Odinism (often folkish Heathens who give primacy to ), Irminism (emphasis on continental Germanic traditions), Fyrnsidu and Theodism (Anglo-Saxon strands), Vanatru (those who venerate the ), Rökkatru or the Northern Tradition (those who venerate the Rökkr), eclectic Pagans with a Germanic focus, and shamanic practitioners whose cosmology is based on Nordic/Germanic culture. Interpretations of the deities vary within each group. From the survey I conducted literal polytheists made up the majority in nearly every geographic region (over 55% of all respondents). The only exception to this was , where the largest percentage of members believed the deities were either archetypes or symbols. Beyond those interpretations are those with "pantheist" beliefs, who see the deities as being manifestations of a single source or as forces of nature, and a small fraction (6%) believed that the deities were simply human stories or ideas. Of course there are also those who combine elements of all of these interpretations. Symbolic interpretation is also particularly prominent in , as Strmiska has noted "Sveinbjorn and his colleagues adopted the name Ásatrú despite the fact that most members of the group did not 'believe' or '' the ancient so much as cherish them as symbols of the ancient heritage whose spiritual values, ideals, and customs they hoped to preserve and promote" (2000:113). In contrast to Heathens in other regions, most do not seem to feel a sense of urgency or need to reclaim a lost heritage. Instead, Icelandic culture has retained a sense of its historical legacy in its language, land, democratic approach to religion, and positive views towards it's pagan past.

Despite varying interpretations of the divine, theological issues seem to cause little division within Heathenry. Instead, most of the divisive issues tend to be over: inclusion, ethics, structure, gender, sexual orientation, and hierarchy; i.e. social issues. In Heathenry there seems to be little debate over the "nature of Odin". Or, where there is debate it appears mostly academic, rather than dogmatic. You can have an atheist, polytheist, and pantheist all as members of the same kindred. "Kindred" is a term often 13 | P a g e used interchangeably with "tribe" by Heathens, however some prefer its use above all others particularly when emphasis is placed on locality.

As a result of there being so many different Heathen variations, it becomes difficult to use any sort of all embracing term. Indeed, from my own research it quickly became clear that attempts to do so are often met with animosity. Even the term "Heathen" is not embraced by everyone. However, for the purposes of this text I will rely upon the term "Heathen" as it seems to be the most accepted and widely used for talking about Germanic Neo-Pagans. Yet, I use this term with the understanding that there is no single unified Heathen religion. This term is simply being used as a way of discussing the growing population of individuals who pay homage to the deities or cosmology of the Germano-Norse traditions in one form or another. As Alan, a middle aged Scandinavian male noted: "The native cultures of -Nordic, Sami, , and travelers-are, just like all cultures, something worth taking care of and cultivating for their own sake. Scandinavia has preserved some interesting medieval cultural practices and traits which may be a useful contribution to global culture if anyone's interested, but they're not unique by any measure. Old and rituals might give some people spiritual satisfaction-- especially in the Scandinavian Diaspora; ceremonies and beliefs that tie people together in a community and the community to the landscape are probably very useful in an age of alienation and displacement. But it seems some people turn to Scandinavia looking for some things they won't find there. There isn't and never was one single "northern tradition", a set of authentically ancient universal rules to live a good life by, now lost to the rest of Europe. I think those who try to claim there is, and draw some sort of authority from it, risk damaging it--like the that's so cold he sits on every fire he finds, extinguishing it. Maybe we do need to organize, to protect those embers from people who'd use them to set fires."

Like the term "pagan", the word "heathen" ( hǣthen) was used in a derogatory way to denote a country dweller, and had implications of being uncivilized or not belonging to the Church. Contemporary Germanic Pagans appear to mostly embrace the term, almost as an act of defiance against Christianity and its historical uses. This is simply one of many ways in which Heathenry often defines itself in reaction to Judeo-Christian traditions (see Ch.3).

Despite sometimes being portrayed as a movement for marginalized youths, survey and census data suggests that Heathenry is made up of essentially "normal" demographics. Nearly 37% of individuals from my survey were between the ages of 30 and 45, which was by far the largest age group. This suggests that Heathenry is first and foremost a tradition made up mostly of adults. Nearly 90% claim to be entirely of European descent, with 8% having an ethnic mixture. Despite debate over issues of race and ethnicity, Heathenry remains a predominantly European tradition. Debates over the number of Heathens 14 | P a g e globally remain unclear, as prior census data has often lumped them in with other neo-pagans. However, conservative estimates usually put the number at around 20,000 worldwide. According to the 2013 World Wide Heathen Census there was a total of 16,700 (http://www.norsemyth.org/2014/01/worldwide- heathen-census-2013-results.html). From this source and my own survey it becomes clear that the U.S. has by far the largest number of Heathens, followed by high numbers in Western Europe, Northern Europe and Iceland, the U.K., , and . However, smaller contingents also exist in Latin America and Eastern Europe. In terms of gender, Heathenry is predominantly composed of men, with 67% of respondents identifying as male, 31% as female, and 2% as transgender (high compared to estimates of the population at large).

In terms of employment, 58% of respondents were employed full-time, 19% part-time. Occupations were spread fairly evenly between blue collar and white collar jobs. However, there was a noticeably large number of military and law enforcement personnel (6% of respondents). Heathens also appear to be above average in terms of education, with 19% having a two-year or technical degree, 22% a bachelors, and 13% a graduate degree. This data is in line with other neo-pagan groups which tend to be better educated than the population at large. Also, while previous data has caused speculation about the high number of computing/IT majors within Heathenry, my own survey showed liberal arts to be by far the largest field of study (27%), with computing at (7%). However, there was a high number of engineering and technology majors (14%), science majors (12%), and healthcare majors (9%).

Survey data also suggests that most contemporary Heathens are fairly new to practicing Germanic Neo-Paganism. Roughly 47% have been involved for less than five years, 25% five to ten years, 16% ten to twenty years, and 12% over twenty years. In addition, most Heathens also appear to be solitary practitioners. Nearly 52% of respondents stated that they practiced alone, 41% belonged to a kindred or organization, and 7% stated that they were only "virtual" Heathens and interacted entirely online. What this suggests is that, either by choice or lack of option, most Heathens remain alone in their faith. It is important to note however that, the independent and private nature of many Heathens is often something that is defended as being positive. As Kara a middle aged Scandinavian woman noted, "Ásatrú in its modern form is a non-violent, personal, non-evangelizing religion, open to new input and rooted in tradition. Since we do not have any (good) written accounts of how these beliefs were practiced its mostly based on 'if it feels right' and so it is an open and accepting religion allowing for variation. Thereby it offers an escape from the constant wars which are all rooted in religious and cultural differences. We do not tell others how to live their lives." Kara's sentiments were replicated by many others, especially in regards to . From the survey results, 66% of Heathens opposed any form of proselytizing. 15 | P a g e

Whereas 20% believed in doing so sometimes or selectively, 12% wanted to casually, and only 1.5% wanted to evangelize as much as possible.

While a desire for growth within Heathenry was expressed by many individuals, how to go about actually growing becomes a much more divisive issue. By and large Heathens maintain a strong belief in the necessity for diversity, and often cite historical representations of as being syncretic as a reason to oppose aggressive evangelism. Again here is another way in which Heathenry defines itself in relation to monotheistic traditions. As Brian a middle aged American male noted, "The ancient Heathens did not have much structure. Structure is MONOTHEISTIC, not polytheistic. Too much monotheistic thought in Heathenry." Or in the words of Sarah, a young adult Norwegian female, "I'm a member of the Norwegian Bifrost, and in my opinion this organization has just enough structure and just enough freedom to make our own choices. I see a tendency in very organized Heathenry, Odinism, etc. to become very dogmatic (especially in a way that mirrors Christian dogma, which is strange to me) and I do not see this as a good ."

While many Heathens are of a solitary nature, most do not appear to be "in the closet" about their beliefs. Instead, 47% of respondents said they were entirely open, 26% were open to most people, 18% were open to a select few, and only 8% were not open, or wanted to be but felt they couldn't be. Most Heathens appear to take great pride in their faith, for example William a middle-aged British soldier who notes, "I am a veteran of a number of conflicts (Northern , Bosnia, Iraq, Afghanistan) and the consequence of that means I struggle to talk to people who haven't been through similar things, and I don't suffer fools easily, so limit what I say to people I don't know. However, I am openly Pagan, and to everyone I speak to." However a smaller number did note that they struggled being Heathen in a Christian environment, or in a culture that misunderstands what being Heathen actually means.

As solitary Heathens appear to make up the largest practice style, it should be unsurprising that nearly 41% do not engage in any form of group ritual. However, even for those who belong to a kindred or organization, 34% only attended four or less group rituals annually, 18% between five and ten, 5% between ten and twenty, and only 2% attended more than twenty. As a result, most Heathens appear to be fairly inactive, at least when it comes to communal practice. The lack of activity is particularly odd given Heathenry's primary interest in creating a tribal structure, with community or family as the central theme. As Karl, a young adult Canadian male noted, "As a tribal set of traditions it deals with the inter-workings of the tribe. It maintains (Old English friðu, meaning peace or protection) among the members, builds strong communities, and provides social security for those of the tribe. The rest of the world consists of outsiders, not of family, kith, tribe, etc." However, despite this seemingly deep interest in 16 | P a g e securing the needs of the tribe, as Jane a middle aged American female noted, "organizing Heathens is like herding ". Jane's remark appears to echo with some truth in that, while many Heathens desire a sense of community, often they are too independently oriented to get them in the same room. Indeed, often when Heathen organizations start to build momentum they become suspect of coming too near to being an "". This is particularly apparent with some of the larger American organizations such as the Ásatrú Folk Assembly or The Troth (now international). Yet, despite resistance, many do call for larger confederations or international alliances. Take the following comment from Chloe, a middle aged American female, "Ours is an ancient path much like Greece, Rome, Celt, and further back. We should be spending more time uniting the clans, kindreds, all over the world to achieve common goals. See more temples built. Make the other recognized religions view us legitimately and respect us and our beliefs." Or as Ben, a middle aged American male noted, there is a need for "a loose confederation of autonomous tribes". Others expressed beliefs that such international organizations are essentially useless and that the only real organized activity should take place at a grass roots level.

As a result, Heathens finds themselves in a bit of a conundrum in terms of their desires to maintain an autonomous tribal structure, while also growing as a spiritual tradition. The lack of organized activity, the resentment towards larger organizations and alliances, and the fact that most individuals appear to be solitary, make achieving a sense of recognition and legitimacy all the more difficult for those who desire it. It is likely this very conundrum that has contributed to the growth of so many online Heathen communities. Indeed, it is often through the internet that many Heathens first come to know their faith. In addition, between communal gatherings kindreds are often maintained through forums, social media, and organization web pages. While the internet appears to be a positive tool in maintaining Heathen groups, a number of individuals also expressed their annoyance to me with those that "refuse to get out from behind the computer". How are Heathens to revive a "folk way" without the physical presence of the folk? It is important to keep in mind here as well the role that children play in this debate. As mentioned earlier, the largest Heathen demographic consists of middle aged adults, many of whom have children they wish to pass their beliefs onto. In a sense, this is a form of institutionalization which requires a solidified "institution" to be in place, i.e. a body of literature, set beliefs, , or strong oral tradition.

During this process of kindreds creating various forms of structure and organization, they are often looking to learn from each other to see how they will define themselves. Very often this takes place by comparing Heathen developments in different geographic regions. As Fjara a young adult Norwegian female noted, " has just amount of structure, but it is my impression that the U.S. has way too much." As will become apparent in Ch. 2 and Ch.3, U.S. heathens are often perceived abroad as 17 | P a g e containing the most: racist, monotheist-oriented, and structured Heathen groups. However, recent data has suggested otherwise and that, with the exception of Northern Europeans, most Heathens appear to display very similar trends globally.

Historically we have evidence of particular cultic regions, for example Wotan worship appears strongest in Northern and Scandinavia (Williamson 2004:105). It is interesting to consider the possible reemergence of cultic sites today based on the reconstruction of tribal affiliations. For example, a number of Western European survey respondents felt connected to the because of her association with the Low Counties. Or as Alex, a young English male noted, "I perhaps feel most connected with Tiw/Tyr, as I feel he embodies selfless sacrifice well, which I see to be highly respectable. Additionally, he was considered a chief , above Woden/Odin, to the west Germanic people before Woden saw an increase in popularity and, being English, I aim to angle things to be 'more west Germanic' rather than as Norse-oriented as many people make it (though I understand there is simply more surviving north Germanic relevant text due to Scandinavia being Christianized later, and I don't resent Scandinavians or the Norse 'bias' in Heathenry at all). Additionally, it's a small thing, but my family name is derived from Mars (bloody bringing their newly-taken Latin names to Britain!), the Roman , and the Romans supposedly saw Tiw as the 'Germanic Mars'." Alex's comment shows the degree to which perceptions of ancestry play into spiritual terminology as well as association with particular deities. While more research needs to be done, it would be interesting to see if contemporary Heathens are to a large extent reviving cultic sites based on geographic associations. Indeed, it is fairly likely that this may extend to class as well (for gender see Ch.2). As one U.K. Heathen noted, he felt connected to because "he protects the working class". Similar sentiments for Thor were expressed by Heathens globally. While Odin remains the most popular deity revered for contemporary Heathens, there is considerable evidence that he was historically associated with the "aristocratic" classes, while Thor/Donar remained the "god of the commoners".

1.2 Authority, Charisma, and Revelation

One of the key elements contributing to the Heathen debate over structure and organization is the question of who or what to base authority on? Essentially this comes down to group choice, singular leadership, or historical sources (see 1.3). While many Heathen organizations attempt to create a tribal structure, within a kindred authority is often fairly egalitarian. Indeed, many Heathens use historical perceptions of found in the Icelandic Allthing (general assembly) as a model for decision making. As a result, kindred members often have equal status in terms of power and decision making for the group. However, this does not mean that Heathens lack leadership or entirely lack hierarchy. Often 18 | P a g e group founders or elected individuals will be responsible for organizing group meetings, collecting membership dues, or tending to other administrative functions. These leadership roles may cycle through different members of the group, and seldom give preference to any gender. Members are typically bound to each other through ethical obligations, as well as the signing of bylaws. Rituals are led by a male priest () or a female priestess (gythia). These terms are derived from the gothar, which roughly translates to "those who speak the godly tongue". However, as Devyn Gillette has noted in The Pentagram and the Hammer, "Their leadership of rituals is not reflective of a greater level of spiritual development or rank." Indeed, authority based on self-proclaimed spiritual insight is often an uncomfortable topic for many Heathens, which brings us to the subject of divine revelation.

One example of a well known Heathen leader claiming divine revelation comes in the figure of Galina Krasskova. Krasskova, who has a Masters degree in from NYU, is also the author of many influential books within the Heathen community. Indeed, out of a list of hundreds of sources, Krasskova was the 9th most popular for influencing contemporary Heathens beliefs (3% of 1,828 respondents). However, despite her influence, Krasskova becomes controversial for some Heathens because of her tendency to "enter trance states in which she claimed to be possessed by Woden and other Nordic deities...Krasskova also practiced runic in which she claimed to receive messages from the Nordic deities", which brings uneasiness because of "the lack of any clear criteria by which to evaluate the genuineness of claims of divine communication or possession. There is also worry about how unbalanced or unscrupulous individuals might use such claims to enhance their own prestige or power" (Strmiska 2007:170-171). Such sentiments were expressed by a number of my respondents, as one Western European noted, "Heathenry is not meant to be structured, in the old days it was every /village for himself. Unfortunately many people claim titles (valkyria, gothi, etc...) they did not deserve, or do not have a clue what it entails! Just because you start up a group, does not mean you are the best possible leader for it!" Or in the words of Karen, a young adult American female, "Unfortunately, most of those who want to organize heathenry have a personal agenda or seek power." However, it is important to note that despite a seemingly large amount of skepticism towards divine revelation, a substantial percentage of respondents in my research indicated being directly called by the gods, having spiritual dreams or visions, and maintaining direct communication with the divine. As a result, such experiences seem acceptable within Heathen discourse, while using such experiences as a basis for authority does not.

Most Heathens recognize that they are essentially creating a modern spiritual tradition, and despite a love of history are often focused on the role Heathenry will play in the contemporary world or future. Most do not want to recreate the Viking Age, even if some members dabble in blacksmithing. 19 | P a g e

Heathens recognize that the west has been cut off from the pre-Christian for a very long time, and so they do the best they can to recapture ancient Germanic Paganism's essence. However, some smaller groups do claim a continuity. One such group is the Odin Brotherhood, a "secret society" which claims to have a direct line going back to the early fifteenth century, as well as claims to have access to esoteric knowledge. Their origin story begins with a young widow who was caught honoring the old gods by a malicious priest, who after failing to seduce her, had her burnt slowly alive. The widow's children then continued their mother's faith in secret, passing on her knowledge to the present day (Mirabello 2003:20). The Odin Brotherhood is also one of the few Heathen organizations, to my knowledge, that requires an initiation process. Hierarchical initiations are much more common in other forms of neo-paganism, being the most obvious. Thus, while such groups do exist, they represent a minority and are seldom taken seriously by Heathens at large.

While questions of continuity, hierarchy, and revelation remain problematic, there often still exists an appreciation for strong leadership. Indeed, leadership is often cited as a virtue, one which has its roots in the cultural values of the Germanic tribes. Part of this has to do with the Heathen emphasis on being proactive and taking charge of your own life. One contemporary figure that perhaps represents this desire is Steve McNallen of the Ásatrú Folk Assembly. Both revered and despised, McNallen has been a pivotal figure in shaping the development of Heathenry since the 1970's (see Ch.4). From discussions with a few members of the AFA, it became clear that McNallen had earned respect in large part because of his leadership skills. However, one of the qualities that makes McNallen such a controversial figure is the fact that he possesses charisma, a trait admired by some and mistrusted by others. In November of 2014 I attended an ancestor honoring (Old English for "feast" or "banquet") with a Dutch Heathen group known as the Nine Worlds (Negen Werelden). The symbel took place in Delft, with the participation of twelve people. Prior to the ritual, I had the chance to talk with a number of the members of the group, all of whom were very hospitable and open to my questions. With a few of the members, Steve McNallen came up as well as perceptions of the AFA. Each member I discussed this with expressed reservations towards McNallen, one even claiming that she didn't trust him because he was an "ideologue". Others had concerns about McNallen's stance on racial issues, for example his views on genetics and their role in shaping . McNallen's opinions on these topics can be found on the AFA's blog (http://www.asatrufolkassemblyblog.org/).

To be fair to McNallen, he has worked tirelessly since his early involvement to rid his organizations of neo-Nazi elements, and although he identifies as folkish he is outspoken against racial extremists. Yet, this does not prevent many Heathens from seeing him as well as others like him as misusing their leadership roles for political, racial, or power agendas. As one American Heathen noted, 20 | P a g e

"We need fewer bigots determining the structure and organization in Heathenry." Or in the words of Lily, a young American female, "Heathenry doesn't lend itself to structure and I believe that's a positive thing. The large groups and associations should be watched as they, purposely or not, end up as being the mouthpiece for the group at large. Having the most vocal Heathen group support racism is unacceptable."

So how then are Heathens addressing these concerns? Samuel, an adult American male noted that, "a vetting process for like a seminary program respected by the community would be useful." Samuel's suggestion was echoed by others, and seems to be taking form in a number of organizations. For example, The Troth offers such training programs for clergy, as well as educational programs for Germanic lore, children's courses, outreach programs for prisoners, and even produces its own Heathen journal Idunna (http://www.thetroth.org/index.php). However, even with the existence of such programs, many Heathens will question what organizations are basing their authority on? Others will shun such attempts as being too similar to typical organized religion, "Imposing a set structure assumes 'correctness' and makes us no different from any other organized religion" notes Brad, an adult American male. As a result, it is often not to individual authority or the influence of larger organizations that many Heathens turn to for their spiritual or organizational foundations. Instead, the majority of Heathens turn to the sources themselves, which brings us to scholarship.

1.3 Sources, Scholarship, and Authenticity

"Odin sacrificed an eye to gain knowledge, a symbol that in order to gain knowledge, one must sacrifice something precious...and also, sacrificing an eye could imply that you have to give up looking at things the way you do."-Martin, young adult Scandinavian male

The above quote signifies the most commonly praised of Odin's attributes: i.e. the pursuit of . Roughly 34% of 2,004 Heathens claimed to have a deep connection with Odin, and in nearly every single case it was his quest for knowledge that Heathens wished to emulate. Any brief look into Heathen organizations will quickly display the level to which they invest in learning and providing relevant scholarship to members, including some going so far as to learn archaic languages such as or Old Norse. While many Heathens are often suspicious of academic writers attempting to portray them, suspicion which I frequently encountered myself, they are very quick to uphold the value of historical scholarship dealing with Germanic culture. As Devyn Gillette has noted in The Pentagram and the Hammer, "The Ásatrú fascination with academic minutae often reaches a point at which one suspects some Ásatrúar would be willing to revise their core religious beliefs if a new academic source could be found." Heathen organizations also appear to be very efficient at providing source materials to their members. Any brief look into organization web pages (available in appendix B) will find a multitude of PDF's of both historical and contemporary works. Common examples include: ' , Saxo 21 | P a g e

Grammaticus' , a number of the Icelandic , Jacob Grimms' Teutonic , 's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, , and most importantly the Prose and Poetic . Over 50% of survey respondents cited the Eddas as being one of the most significant sources for constructing their beliefs, by far the most relied upon source, with the Icelandic sagas coming in second with 15% of respondents. For many, "these and other peripheral sources, including archeological, linguistic, and historical research, are the foundations of Heathen reconstruction" (Snook 2013:53).

While these texts provide a foundation, they are not to be confused with establishing . A statement from Forn Siðr's () website noted, "The Poetic and other source texts are read with respect, but not dogmatic. We are independent-minded beings who feel humility before the whole we are part of" (http://www.fornsidr.dk/). Partially, textual reliance appears to vary based on region as well, for example some members Forn Siðr noted that their group relied more on local than the Eddas.

However, while these sources are not used by most Heathens to establish dogma, they go beyond simply being sources for guidance. Indeed, it would be safe to argue that these sources are primarily used to authenticate and establish a sense of legitimacy for contemporary Heathenry. This sense of legitimacy comes from the idea that Heathens have actual historical material from which to build their faith and in turn construct their own spiritual and cultural identities. These materials are used to further develop ties to heritage and historicity, which creates the "ongoing social production of accounts of pasts and futures" (Hirsch 2005:262), essentially resulting in the production of " of history" (Hirsch 2005:268). Some psychologists would describe this process as constructing a "narrative self", as "the stories we live by are cultural texts" (Jones 2003:620). Take the example of Catherine, a young adult Canadian female discussing what Heathenry has to offer the modern world, "For many in , we have links to a rich history but intense acculturation during the settler years stripped many families of a cultural heritage. This is one way of reconnecting with ancestors purposefully erased in the name of fitting into the British colonies. There is a fear of for some-and this is valid in some instances, but for others it is the only way to reconnect." The scholar Michael Smith has noted a similar sentiment, "knowing your ancestry and lineage gives you 'place' in history, identity, and belonging. This is something that is sorely, and catastrophically, missing in our current mainstream society" (2004:8).

It is significant to note that, influential sources and scholarship are not limited to the Germanic world. Indeed, akin to what we saw during the Romantic Period (see Ch.4), many Heathens also utilize sources from eastern philosophy/religion, , and the occult. One key example, found particularly among folkish Heathens, is an interest in the Indo-Europeans. As a result, it is not uncommon 22 | P a g e to find Heathens who are familiar with the Bhagavad Gita, the Vedas, etc. The spiritual foundations for most Heathens appear to be quite diverse. While nearly half have at one point or another been affiliated with Christianity, over 22% of 2,072 Heathen respondents had prior experience in other forms of Paganism (Celtic, Slavic, Egyptian, Wiccan, etc.), 4% had dabbled in eastern beliefs (, Daoism, , etc.), 3% , Western Esotericism, or the occult, 2% in , and 1% had experience in Satanism. Over 21% had no prior spiritual associations, or defined themselves as atheist or agnostic.

While primary texts remain important for solidifying many Heathen beliefs, it is also clear that a number of secondary and modern individuals have had an immense impact on both drawing people into Heathenry and shaping their beliefs. Perhaps the most important of these is Kveldulf Gundarsson (Stephen Grundy), an American author responsible for a number of influential books. Of 1,828 respondents, nearly 10% listed Gundarsson as being one of their most influential sources, making him the most relied upon contemporary source for Heathens. Behind Gundarsson was Diana Paxson an American author cited by roughly 5% of respondents, and then Edred Thorsson (Stephen Flowers), also an American author who was at one point Gundarsson's professor (cited by 3%). Edred Thorsson has been a controversial figure to some due to his associations with the Satanic , but remains a significant figure nonetheless (Smith 2003:7). However, some of the Heathens I spoke with referred to Thorsson as a "pretend scholar", and expressed irritation at how many Heathens relied upon him. These sources extended across geographic regions, possibly giving credence to the idea that Heathenry is partially an American export. Other significant contemporary or recent sources included: H.R. Ellis Davidson (English), Galina Krasskova (American), Vilhelm Grønbech (Danish), Freya Aswynn (Dutch), and Raven Kaldera (American). The most popular fiction authors included: Kevin Crossley-Holland (English), Neil Gaiman (English), Padraic Colum (Irish), and most significantly J.R.R Tolkien (English).

While fear of dogma remains intact for many Heathens, there also remains a desire for a solidified body of knowledge. As Kyle, a middle aged American male noted, "We need to stop assuming Heathenry is a single point of view, and allow for its various iterations to develop, while also unifying behind a single holy book of compiled wisdom," Kyle's comment shows once again the struggle within Heathenry trying to maintain a tribal sense of autonomy, while also creating some sense of a common foundation. One example of an attempt to do this has come in the form of the Norroena Society. A revival of the early 20th century publishing operation led by Rasmus Anderson, the Norroena Society is composed of individuals dedicated to the production of scholarly investigations into Germanic religion and culture (http://www.norroena.org/). To date, their most influential publication has been the Ásatrú Edda, which essentially answers Kyle's call to create a book of wisdom for Heathens, 23 | P a g e combining elements of the lore with a summary of basic beliefs. According to Mark Puryear, a key individual part of its creation, the desire for this publication was not to create any form of dogma but to have something solid to pass onto his children and share with other Heathens (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W6-Re57Xao). Similar attempts to provide a place for collective Heathen knowledge have been made by Mark Ludwig Stinson and his online library located on his website Temple of our Heathen Gods (http://heathengods.com/library/). Stinson was also an influential source cited by many American Heathens.

What these attempts show is a desire expressed by many Heathens for a deeper foundation, a common body of literature, and most importantly authenticity. However, this desire for authenticity or legitimacy does not stop with scholarship. The road to legitimacy is one which must go through political struggles, the acquisition of land, and the building of hofs (Old Norse for "hall", used by Heathens to denote temples).

1.4 Recognition and Legitimacy: Politics, Land, and Hofs

"Religion should be personal study and reflection, not rigid dogma like Christianity. However, I think we do need a name for our faith so it can be recognized as an official religion by government agencies, as well as inclusion in census surveys, etc. It would be nice to have some Heathen political candidates as well. I believe increasing public knowledge of Heathenry would make it seem less outlandish to the unfamiliar, and less stigmatized for political candidates or fundraising agencies to declare their religious affiliation as Heathenry, Forn Sed, Odinism, etc."

-Samantha, young adult American female

Samantha's sentiments reflect a number of challenges Heathens face in trying to legitimate their faith: political recognition, marginalization, and popular perceptions of Heathens. Heathenry faces marginalization in its contemporary form as a result of being small in numbers. With an estimated 20,000 adherents globally it becomes difficult to enact change. However, that doesn't stop many Heathen organizations from trying. Yet, while Heathenry is continuing to grow, the lack of enthusiasm for evangelism, the closed nature of many Heathen groups, and inter-group fighting severely limit its potential. Indeed, the marginalization label is often worn as a badge of honor by many Heathens who would disdain any association with "organized religion" or the "mainstream". For many, proactive attempts to convert or grow the faith are incongruous with both historical and contemporary Paganism. It is likely perceptions of historical and contemporary marginalization that also contribute to a fascination with the "heroic". By this I mean that, through constructing an image that is set against larger socio- political forces, one may construct an identity that is defined by overcoming adversity. 24 | P a g e

Yet, some would argue that Heathenry is less marginalized by its numerical inferiority than by its public image. If you bring up the term "Germanic Neo-Pagan" to many people it conjures up images of or ironclad bearded men. A number of Heathens expressed their frustration with these stereotypes to me, in that it hinders their faith being taken seriously. Steven, a middle aged Northern European noted, "My general view is that the existing Nordic Neo-Pagan groups are more of an ethno-nostalgic costume club, than an actual religion." Or in the words of Paul, an older American male, "We need to grow up and stop playing with swords and such." Yet, for some the use of historical garb is a way of externalizing identity, expressing appreciation for ancestral traditions, and creating a sense of authenticity. In some cases historical tools are used for ritual significance, such as in the case of a or carved rune sets.

Alain de Benoist has written that, "Identity becomes complete through recognition" (2004:30). Recognition always implies acknowledgement by a higher institution, be it family, community, state, etc. For most religious organizations, recognition mostly implies political acceptance. For Heathens, political acceptance has come easier in some places than in others. In the West political recognition as an official religion has come fairly easily (particularly in Iceland), however some Scandinavian organizations such as the Norwegian Åsatrufellesskapet Bifrost have had a tougher time. Yet, in other communities the process has been met with outright political animosity. For example, in Russia there has been a rapid growth within the pagan community in the city of Novsibirsk, where philosophical traditionalism, Slavic/Germanic revivalism, as well as mysticism are merging together to create groups such as Svarte Aske ( Ash). These growing movements have been officially labeled by Russian officials as a threat to the state (see the documentary Pagan Novsibirsk at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0pEYSLEK9vU). Part of the problem in Russia, that has been witnessed elsewhere, is the common perception that Heathens are predominantly composed of far right nationalist racists (see Ch.2). Even where official recognition as a religion has come easily, other forms of political recognition have been more challenging. For example, since the 1970's a number of Heathen organizations have participated in activism to: preserver or claim spiritual/heritage rights for historical artifacts, bring recognition to historical figures (ex. ), promote the ability of incarcerated Heathens to practice and have access to literature and spiritual tools, and in the U.S. attempted to have Thor's Hammer as an official symbol for use on Ásatrúar veteran's tombstones (which was finally allowed in May of 2013).

Beyond the political sphere, Heathens strive for growth and recognition through the acquisition of land and the building of temples. Organizations in the U.S. and Scandinavia are currently working to attain this goal, and recently Iceland has announced blueprints for the first major Heathen temple to be 25 | P a g e built in over 1000 years. Michael, an adult American male has noted "I believe a public place of regular worship and congregation would be a huge advancement to Heathenry. I understand that a few such places exist, but as an objective the community in the U.S. should aim to have one such place in at least every quarter of the country. This would allow people to build a greater sense of community, and disseminate ideas moving forwards." Or in the words of an American transgender teen, "I believe that we need to form active real-life communities and build temples to our gods, but hierarchy and official codification of beliefs should be avoided."

However, as is the Heathen tendency, debate surrounding temples often brings members back to historical sources. While evidence does exist for the use of temples by early (ex. Uppsala in ), much of the archeological and historical evidence (ex. Tacitus, Ibn Fadlan, Einhard) point to outdoor worship being the primary mode of religious activity. While of sorts seem to have been common (ex. the in Germany), early Germans appear to have attributed sacred qualities to nature itself. As a result, many contemporary Heathens believe that having a sacred and protected space to practice and gather in nature is of vital importance. Devyn Gillette in The Pentagram and the Hammer has noted: Some highly eco-aware Wiccans, for example, may balk that Norse Pagans, being generally more conservative, might be prone to support legislation that is anti-environmental, or that the Ásatrú ritual of 'land taking' (i.e., ownership) defies most understandings of land stewardship. To 'own' the land, such a person would argue, is inherently 'un-Pagan'...While some of these assertions may have some limited merit, it is also true that Ásatrú tends to feature a reverence of local land spirits on a greater scale than many Wiccans seem to, with entire holidays devoted to the reverence of 'minor' local spirits...Wiccans by and large may be more interested in the respectful occult use of the land (herbalism), but Asatuar seem to pay more attention to making votive offerings to land spirits.

For Heathens, the land is the abode of the (Landvættir). The trees, groves, and lakes are places of power. Of 2,731 respondents, nearly 80% said that they believed nature was sacred and should be protected. Others felt deep connections with deities because of their connection to the land, such as , , and Skaði. Beyond the spiritual motives, other Heathens have voiced the need for land based on a desire to return to agricultural practices. While some folkish Heathens may discuss this using Romantic notions of "", it is more often spoken of as a necessity for returning people to a connection with nature and becoming more attuned to seasonal cycles (many use a variation of the Wheel of the Year found in other pagan traditions).

In relation to ecology, Heathens are much in line with other neo-pagans on the necessity for environmental protection, as nature represents a haven for authentic worship. As Michael York as noted, "Even when pagan sanctuaries escaped Christian demolition, they have come invariably under the custodianship of the state that has, in turn, restricted or denied access for the contemporary pagan. Neo- 26 | P a g e paganism has instead, almost as a defensive response, shifted its focus to what remains of pristine nature, but now the threat is road-projects, airport expansion, construction of commercial centers, and the like. Consequently, much of contemporary Western paganism concerns itself with land protection, road protest, and other environmental protection efforts" (York 2001:369).

Due to its attempt at creating a neo-tribal structure, Heathenry faces a number of challenges in trying to: establish organization, codify knowledge, create systems of authority (spiritual and scholarly), acquire land, and build temples. The lack of unity makes smaller communities easy targets for social stereotypes and political agendas. Despite being comprised of essentially non-marginal demographics, Heathenry's structure (for better or worse) only reinforces its marginalized circumstance. The struggle that many Heathens face is in trying to maintain their autonomous tribal essence, while also managing to enact positive changes for their communities.

27 | P a g e

Chapter 2: Ethics and Inclusion

"In the struggle for existence, the folk who always remain lasting winners are those who develop themselves with the preservation of their moral force. With the disappearance of morality, higher spiritual and intellectual rank is also lost."

- (1908, The Secret of the )

2.1 An Overview of Heathen Ethics

When asked what they believed Heathenry had to offer the modern world, among the most common responses were: ethics, morals, and virtue. Of 1,938 respondents, 18% said Heathenry offered: courage honor, strength, and pride, another 15% morals or ethics, and 8% believed Heathenry offered: hospitality, altruism, and tolerance. Combined, this suggests 1) many Heathens believe contemporary society to be morally lacking, and 2) that ethics is one of the most (if not the most) highly valued attributes within Heathen discourse. As a result, it is essential in any attempt to understand how Heathens conceptualize themselves to take ethics into account. This is particularly important given the complex nature of Heathen ethics, which appears to combine elements of a Viking Age warrior ethos alongside: communal obligations, stoic philosophy, a rejection of Christian piety, , and an ideal of self-reliance reminiscent of American transcendentalists. In this chapter I will look into the common attributes of Heathen ethics found globally, and then towards an analysis of some of the most divisive issues: inclusion, gender, and sexual orientation.

Ethics, or moral systems help to determine one's standing within the universe, either in relation to the divine (higher reality), society, or an ideal self (Wright 1909:90). Evolutionary psychologists and biological anthropologists posit that ethical systems evolved in order to maintain order amongst groups, or in the case of the brains empathetic mechanisms (ex. mirror neurons or the anterior cingular cortex) to offer an advantage for survival. While this is not the place to discuss the evolutionary history of ethics, suffice it to say that ethics are typically used to bind groups together through obligations, which in turn help maintain a sense of harmony. For Heathens, this sense of obligation remains fundamental in relation to the self, kindred, community, nature, and to a lesser extent the divine. Akin to other polytheist systems, the ethical standards of the deities vary, tend to be amoral, or simply do not exist. It should be noted as well that, many Heathens also expressed a sense of approval over deities such as Odin and specifically for their amoral characteristics. Such characteristics made the deities more relatable, and helped Heathens formulate what they considered a more "rational or realistic moral ".

Heathen ethics are framed within a cosmological and socio-political system that is historically rooted in a period defined by conflict and struggle, i.e. the Viking Age or Early Medieval Europe. 28 | P a g e

Consistent warfare, migrations, the establishment and maintenance of settlements, and the ever present quest for food all necessitated the development of a warrior ethos for early Germanic peoples. For many contemporary Heathens, this kind of ethos is something worth remembering. A survey of Heathen organization calendars will display the degree to which this historical appreciation extends. For example, it is common for groups to have holidays dedicated to "heroic" figures (often from the Icelandic Sagas), jarls, kings, fallen warriors, and some even commemorate historical events such as the Viking raid on the monastery at Lindisfarne in 793 CE. It is also common for Heathen groups to hold a blót (Old Norse "sacrifice") dedicated to warrior ancestors or spirits known as the (Old Norse "single fighters").

In addition to an appreciation for a warrior ethos, and partially the result of trying to create a neo- tribal structure, is a reliance upon a system of oath giving. Kindred members are often bound to each other by oaths (troths), which are taken very seriously, as breaking them is believed to effect group (Old Norse "luck"). As a result, members are expected to honor oaths sworn in front of others, and uphold ethical standards, "To an increasing number of Heathens, a person's individual and community value is found in their honor, trustworthiness and deeds, rather than their race, ethnicity or personal connection to a deity" (Snook: 2013:63). For many Heathens, reputation is everything. In order to attain reputation, one must be proactive in their deeds. As a result, many Heathens blatantly reject what they see as passive moral systems, the most cited examples being Christian piety or the notion of submission found in . As Heathens do not see their deities as being morally perfect, omniscient, or as monarchical, the notion of seeking forgiveness and the concept of "sin" are seen as unnecessary. Many Heathens even suggest that such concepts are "incompatible with human nature". A rejection of sin also includes a rejection of salvation. One confronts their errors by owning up to them and changing their actions, as "the sense of living a dignified life without any hope of a miraculous salvation is central to the ethics and of the ancient Norse texts" (Strmiska 2000:125). Or in the words of Kayla, an American transgender teen, "Paganism in general has shown people their cultural roots and engendered religious diversity, as well as a greater appreciation for our home (to us, our mother). The Germanic tradition's moral atmosphere, which absolutely abolishes sin and forgiveness, and emphasizes personal responsibility and wisdom, is in my opinion superior to Abrahamic religion's idea of obedience as the highest good." The notion of taking responsibility for one's actions is hardly relegated to Germanic Paganism, and finds much in common with contemporary secular humanist values. What separates Heathen ethics is the emphasis on stoic and a warrior ethos, which are seldom utilized in common discourse today (outside perhaps the military).

As mentioned in the previous chapter, Heathens rely heavily on the Prose and Poetic Eddas for constructing their beliefs. This holds particularly true when it comes to constructing a Heathen value 29 | P a g e system. Specifically, the most commonly cited source for Heathen ethics is the Hávamál ("Sayings of the High One"), a poem found in the attributed to Odin. A summary of the Hávamál's teachings would include: prudence, hospitality, prudence, humility, wisdom, sobriety, acceptance of mortality, life affirmation, action, hospitality, respect, awareness, reciprocity, loyalty, gratitude, love, self reliance, reputation, sacrifice, and wisdom. It is from the Hávamál that we are told the famous story of Odin himself on (the ), as he peered down into the Well of Urd. From this act he gained the secret teachings of the runes. This story is one of the most commonly referenced in Heathen discourse. The reliance on the Hávamál is seen within Heathen groups internationally and it is safe to argue that the ethics promoted within the Hávamál would generally be accepted by most Heathens, regardless of style or geographic location. However, division does start to arise once groups begin codifying its teachings into any kind of moral law.

This division has most clearly been seen in the creation of the (found predominantly in Ásatrú groups) and the Nine Noble Charges (often used by Odinists), as well as others. Although there are variations, typically the Nine Noble Virtues are as follows: courage, truth, honor, fidelity, hospitality, discipline, industriousness, self-reliance, and perseverance. From 2,736 respondents, 52% said that they used the NNV as a guide, 23% as sacred laws, and 22% didn't use them at all. Other responders relied upon other ethical codes or personal values. Patterns of use were fairly similar across geographic regions, with the exception of Northern Europe, where nearly 63% of respondents said they didn't use them at all. Indeed, many responders went beyond mere rejection, expressing their displeasure that such codes had even been created. Take the following comments:

"NNV is to me a Heathen version of the Ten Commandments."-Young adult Scandinavian female

"The Nine Noble Virtues is an US concept without relevance to real Ásatrú, but the Hávamál and Eddas are."-Middle aged Northern European male

"I am Swedish. We don't recognize made up foreign stuff."-Middle aged Swedish male

"It is a stupid American invention to try to fit a Christian view on heathendom-why on cant you let it go? America-heathendom does not require the 10 commandments, it is lame. Be Christian if that is what you want...Scandinavia and the Nordics find it lame."-Middle aged Scandinavian male

"There are no Nine Noble Virtues. It's an American invention that has nothing to do with the origins of my faith."-Middle aged Northern European female 30 | P a g e

"NNV are complete and utter bullshit, and have nothing to do with Heathenry/Ásatrú."-Middle aged Northern European male

"The NNV are a pale copy of the Ten Commandments as many Heathens seem to use it as such. In the same way some Heathens have to pray facing north, just because Muslims must face towards a specific place during . NNV is RIDICULED among any serious Heathens I've met in Norway."-Young Norwegian male

Other Northern Europeans classified the NNV as "American BS", "dogma", "very American", "AFA influenced nonsense", or as " nonsense". However, while the NNV were indeed created in the U.S., survey data shows very clearly that they are used beyond the U.S. With 75% of Heathens using them in some form or another, Northern Europe stands out as the exception. In fact Latin Americans were the highest users of the NNV (85%), followed by the U.S. (83%), Canada (83%), Australia (76%), U.K. (71%) Western Europe (70%), and Northern Europe (33%). Many of those who rejected the NNV emphasized their own reliance on the Hávamál or the Icelandic Sagas, which are the very sources from which the NNV were coined. Many of those that defend their use have suggested that they are simply "points of reference" often used to summarize key values found in the texts. As Ryan, a young American adult male noted, "The Nine Noble Virtues are a good approximation of the values held by our ancestors but are by no means sacred or a be all and end all. Nor did any such official code exist historically." Despite a surprisingly large percent of individuals using the NNV as sacred laws, Ryan's sentiments were those that were voiced most frequently. What this suggests is that, despite agreeing on the actual values themselves, many Heathens are divided over the act of codifying such values. This again shows that the current structure of Heathen groups is caught between the fear of becoming an organized religion and the desire for something more unifying (such as a common ethical code).

2.2 Racism and the Folkish/Universalist Conundrum

One of the most widely written about aspects of Germanic Neo-Paganism is the problem of racism. Partially, this is a result of Germanic Paganism's historical legacy (see Ch.4), however it is also largely the result of contemporary racial extremists who have been particularly loud in voicing their opinions. As one middle aged American male notes, "Racism is a problem if even one follower . They are the loud mouthed douches that people will use to degrade our beliefs." Or in the words of Ben, an elderly American male "The racists are loud and get noticed. In real life, I have not seen racist behavior or opinions spoken at any Heathen event I've attended. That's several dozen events, hundreds of people." Some of the most well known examples of outspoken racists would include: Lane, who "saw Odinism as an expression of the white man's racial " (see Ch.4), Michael Moynihan of the band 31 | P a g e

Blood Axis who has connections to American neo-, Kristian Espedal () of the Norwegian band and the neo-folk band who has referred to other races and Muslims as "subhuman", Valgard Murray, co-founder of the Arizona Kindred and the Ásatrú Alliance who was influenced by the Danish Odinist , and Stephen McNallen, founder of the AFA, whose racial sentiments have been seen as controversial by many. Unfortunately, be it from organization leaders or icons, many well known Heathens have maintained clear associations with neo-Fascist elements. As a result, the high degree of scrutiny contemporary Heathens face is not unfounded. For example John, an elderly Australian male wrote, "We should fight for racism!"Or in the words of Sam, a middle aged American male, "Racism is science and evolution in practice." From many Heathens I encountered the typical annoyance when being asked about racism, for example when asked if he thought racism was a problem, one middle aged American replied, "I am proud to be white and this question is itself a form of anti-White activity." Immediate defensive responses are quite common for Heathens addressing this issue, which are often expressed following heavy sighs suggesting "ugh, not this again". Others expressed concerns that, while racism is a problem, over addressing it can do as much damage to Heathenry's image as not addressing it at all.

Perceptions of racism within Heathenry are often formed, like other sentiments, along geographic lines. Most commonly, racism is touted as being an American problem. This was another sentiment expressed particularly by Northern Europeans, many of whom suggested racism wasn't really an issue for them. Some believed the reason for American racism was an overcompensation for being disconnected from their roots, whereas Scandinavians were still in the old country and part of Nordic culture. As a result, Scandinavians felt less threatened. As Joseph, a middle aged Scandinavian male noted, "racism is a very big problem--and mostly because the big American organizations made it so. Stop the Folkish bullshit. And pour tar and feathers over McNallen." Or as Scott, another middle aged Scandinavian male commented, "Racism in Ásatrú comes from USA, in Scandinavia we avoid racist people." Lenny, a young Australian male, mimicked the same sentiments, "There seems to be a greater number of racist Heathens in American kindreds than in Europe or other places. There is no support for racism in the lore." Some Americans would agree. For example, Oscar a young American male who stated, "Racism in Heathenry is often, but not always, limited to the English speaking world, and is often perceived as a racialist religion, when in fact racialist Heathens make up the global minority. However, racist/homophobic organizations like the AFA and the need to be more thoroughly opposed by the non-racist groups like the Troth." Yet, while the Anglophone world received the most criticism, others in Western Europe believed racism to be a problem particularly for Austrian and German Heathens, or among Flemish Heathens in Belgium. Heathens also often make assumptions about racial 32 | P a g e stance based on the name of a kindred or organization. Typically, those associated with Odinism, or who have Odin, Wotan, etc. in their name are more likely to identify as folkish, and as a result more likely to face accusations of racism. Alex, a middle aged American female noted, "Ásatrú and Germanic Heathenry are historically reconstructed religions. Odinism is some racist crap and most people who call themselves Odinists have little knowledge of what our ancestors actually believed or practiced."

While racism has played a serious role throughout the revival of Germanic Paganism, it has also been unfairly used to characterize Heathens at large. Because many Heathens gravitate towards conservative beliefs, there is often an assumption that this implies they tend to be racist or homophobic, or far right nationalists. While other ethnically reconstructed neo-Pagan groups have struggled with similar sentiments (ex. Celtic or Slavic Pagans), Heathens have faced such criticisms consistently. Yet, statistical data and research into the major Heathen organizations show the degree to which racism is rejected and in many places combated. It is quite common for Heathen websites to display statements on their homepages against any form of political extremism. For example, take the following statement from Ravenwood Kindred of Indiana's website, "Fascism is anathema to the spirit of Ásatrú!...Our primary judgment about any person is whether or not they are true to the Aesir and the Vanir. Race and lineage is unimportant to that judgment."

Of 2,730 people surveyed, 33% believed racism to be a serious problem for Heathens and/or that it should be fought against, 22% said it was a problem only for a small minority, 18% didn't think racism was a problem or believed it was a common misconception about Heathens, while 25% believed it was no more of a problem for Heathens than for any other group. The remaining 2% were unsure or said it didn't matter whether racism was a problem or not. Latin Americans were by far the highest in believing racism to be a serious problem (55%) , followed by the U.S. and Canada (34%), Western Europe (31%), Northern Europe (29%), Australia (26%), and the U.K. (22%). This issue is something which Heathens remain divided over, and is often a defining feature of how Heathens identify themselves as individuals and as kindreds. As a result, I will look into how different types of Heathens address issues of inclusion, by analyzing the perspectives of those identifying as: universalist, folkish, and centrist (which includes tribalist Heathens). However, in doing this it is important to keep in mind that some Heathens abhor these terms, as Greg a middle aged American male wrote, "Polytheists were accepting of all, but not universalist or folkish. That is modern monotheistic thought, but Heathens with Christian backgrounds don't realize it is monotheistic though." The idea that creating such dichotomies is contrary to polytheism was expressed by others, as was the notion that such concepts were "outdated" or "irrelevant". 33 | P a g e

Despite past speculation to the contrary, universalist Heathens appear to make up the largest contingent of the Heathen demographic. Of 2,735 Heathens surveyed nearly 48% identified as universalists. is the idea that anyone who feels called to become a Germanic Heathen should be able to do so, regardless of their ethnic, racial, or cultural background. For the universalist, "ethnicity is an elastic construct based upon circumstance, ever shifting and relative" (Snook 2013:58). This point is often reinforced using history, as there has never been any such thing as a "pure" Germanic people or culture. To many universalist Heathens, folkish Heathenry is considered a front for racism, hateful , and as a threat to the overall image of Heathenry. As , a middle aged U.K. male noted, "Racial has no basis or place in our faith and we need to reclaim it from these wannabe NAZIs." Or in the words of Sarah, a young adult Scandinavian female, "We have a very important task in combating racism and bigotry, which unfortunately has become our greatest burden and the greatest threat to our religious beliefs and traditions. Fortunately we also have a tradition of being warriors that never surrender, we just have to realize that the battlefield now lies inside our own ranks (and within our very selves)." To the universalist, humans have no say in who does or does not feel called by the deities, to pretend to be able to discern the will of the deities is seen as being both arrogant and ignorant. Karen, a middle aged American female noted, "Everyone who is sincerely and truly called to the Gods can be Heathen. There is no 'be allowed'. We cannot second guess the Gods. What goes between the Gods and an individual is none of anyone else's fucking business! The Gods are big Boys and Girls now and can take care of themselves if someone is 'not supposed to be' worshipping them!" Other universalists expressed annoyance with folkish Heathens for using "" to justify racial religion, including the idea of a racial or folk soul, or the notion that culture is inherent in biology; concepts which are rooted deeply in (See Ch.4).

From my own survey, folkish Heathens made up nearly 15% of respondents. Folkish Heathens hold the position that Germanic Heathens ought to be of Northern European, Germanic, or at the very least European descent, Heathenry is viewed fundamentally as . For the folkish Heathen, "ethnicity survives because it is primordial, tied to blood and ancestry. It is a matter of tribal belonging, and element of gemeinschaft" (Snook 2013:58). The "Folk-Soul is the primordial essence of the folk from the beginning: a spiritual spark of our divine heritage with our gods along with a meta-memory from the depths of the Wells" (Smith 2004:26). Many folkish Heathens adhere to archetypal interpretations of the divine, as one young American male noted, "I see the face of Odin in all Germanic people" (recalling sentiments that can be found in Jung's 1936 Wotan essay). Folkish Heathens typically express their concerns with what they see as threats to European culture and identity, as well as what they see as double standards for those of European descent. Take the words of Brent, an adult American male, "I'm proud of 34 | P a g e my heritage. Unfortunately, that means your racist only if you're white. The problem is the double standards in the world. Everyone should be able to be proud, including people of European descent." Or in the words of Justin, a middle aged Australian male, "We should be proud of our ancestors-which includes our gods. This is not some terrible sin called 'racism'. It is perfectly natural." , a Western European added, "I believe it is only that makes us believe racism is a serious problem. We have every right to call our religion native and Germanic without being called racists." Indeed, universalism itself is often counted as one of the greatest threats, as Matt, a middle aged Canadian male noted, "Universalism is a pox that is holding heathenry back, keeping us from uniting and is instead trying to force it into the box of modern social conformity."

To the folkish Heathen, universalism represents homogenization and loss of identity and culture. Folkish heathens consistently make the point that, their views are not based on perceptions of superiority, but on the idea that they are entitled to their own ethnic heritage the same way other ethnic groups are. Jessica, a young U.K. female noted, "It is not racism to prefer our Sacred Germanic Folk, just as prefer their own." Comparisons are often made to , Native American religions, etc. As a result, many folkish Heathens say they would not be comfortable with people of non-Germanic descent joining their kindred, but would instead encourage them to rediscover their own native traditions. As Adam, a middle aged American male noted, "Heathenry is European. If a non-European is interested in Heathenry, I will work hard to point them in the direction of their own native traditions (which generally have strong parallels with Heathenry). It's not a racist superior/inferior thing at all. Just a common misconception about the source and purpose of religion." Matthew, a young Norwegian male noted similar sentiments, "I think everyone should be allowed to be Heathens, but I don't think that an Arab should be a Nordic pagan. An Arab should find his own roots, same with Europeans. Us Norwegian people should find our roots and look upon the Nordic gods, while other parts of the world should find their own roots, because they all have a pagan religion before Christianity or Islam destroyed it and took it from them." One middle aged Australian woman wrote in response to being asked if racism was a problem, "No, I don't believe it to be a problem and I am sick of other races saying it is, If they are not of European Heritage it is not their religion and they should practice their own ancestry's beliefs and spirituality." These examples are but a few of hundreds I received expressing similar sentiments from folkish Heathens.

Between the universalist and the folkish positions are those that have a mixture of sentiments from both groups, or identify as tribalists. From my survey, 36% of respondents belonged to this category, making them the second largest group. For tribalist Heathens, inclusion is not so much based on race or ethnicity as it is on cultural appreciation. Loyalty to the Germanic deities, adoption of Germanic culture, and fealty to the kindred are considered to be the most important factors. As Richard, a young 35 | P a g e

American male noted, "Ethnicity is irrelevant but culture and propriety are both extremely important. Anyone willing to put in the time and effort to learn can be Heathen, but the learning and adherence to ancestral ways is a must." Tribalists are the most highly ignored group in scholarly literature on Germanic Neo-Paganism, despite making up a substantial portion of the Heathen population. Very often they are lumped in with folkish Heathens, or assumptions are made based on the term "tribalist" that their emphasis is on lineage. However, as it has become clear, the Heathen conception of the tribe should not be taken in a literal way. While many Heathens may define themselves as , , , or descendents of , the Heathen tribe is more of an idea based on systems of loyalty and historical imagination. Whereas historically a tribe was composed of confederations of clans tracing common descent, often which included the absorption of other peoples through migration and conflict, the Heathen tribe can be composed of autonomous individuals who are oath-bound to each other and their deities. Jeremy, a middle aged American male wrote, "Odin said 'all brave men belong to me', he did not say all white men belong to him. So if someone that is not Germanic has heard Odin's call then who is to argue." Tribalists are often quite vocal about suggesting the irrelevance of the folkish/universalist debate, as in their view they have already found the answer to the problem in giving supremacy to culture over ethnicity.

The argument over race, ethnicity, and inclusion are essentially about the formation of group identity. Identity is here being referred to as "where one belongs, and what is expressed as 'self-image' or/and 'common-image', what integrate them inside self or a group existence, and what differentiate them vis-a-vis 'others'."(Golubovic 2011:25). Many Heathens construct views of inclusion based on their perception of threats to their ethnic identity. Molly, a middle aged American female noted, "We're at a critical time where Westerners of European descent must discover their identity beyond 'whiteness'. Our current identity is one of 'otherness' which creates a pie with only two slices...you either are us or aren't us. Much of the world's racial and religious strife comes from a place where the West (or opposition to it) is the standard. Realization of identity will deconstruct these barriers and hopefully lead way to a more equitable future for all inhabitants of Earth." A similar expression was expressed by Arthur, a middle aged American male, writing about what Heathenry had to offer the modern world he noted, "An awakening of European identity and culture in a time when Europeans are hated openly by so many. It can redeem the sins of Christianity as showing it to be a brief blemish on our long history, and show the world that we too are an ethnicity worth being proud of, and that we shouldn't be called Nazis for thinking so. It is the redemption of European peoples and the key to our vibrant future among the tribes of the world." 36 | P a g e

During the course of my field work I met with a young Dutch male Heathen on a number of occasions. During one of our meetings, usually taking place at a local pub, we began discussing this issue of European identity. For this individual, it seemed odd that since , the West had been particularly apt at identifying the problems of globalization, homogenization, imperialism, and multiculutralism with the "other", while seemingly ignoring the effect these processes had on the "self", i.e. . This sentiment was expressed by a number of Northern Europeans, and particularly by American Heathens, many of whom voiced their loathing of terms like "melting pot". While a number of historical examples were used to justify these sentiments, such as the spread of Christianity, other contemporary examples included: immigration policies, the growth of Islam, Americanization, the commodification of culture, the loss of land, and the lack of meaningful rites of passage (See Ch.3). For many Heathens, they consider themselves and their heritage to be under assault by larger socio-political processes. Heathens "look to ancient Germanic historical and cultural beliefs and practices with a sense of ownership--it is the claim to the religio--cultural legacy of their ancestors and undergirds the argument of Heathenry-as-birthright, however socially constructed the actual 'bloodlines' may be" (Snook 2013:67).

In comparing the various stances on ethnicity within Heathenry, it is important to remember that despite the differences there remains a common core ideal of striving towards authenticity. While groups remain very similar theologically, it is not uncommon for them to accuse one another of not being "real Heathens", in turn suggesting that they themselves possess whatever it is that makes a true Heathen, be it: ethnicity, culture, or systems of loyalty. These accusations are often reinforced using passages from the lore, , or academic conjecture.

2.3 The Role of Gender and Sexual Orientation

Commonly, Heathens are assumed to be patriarchal, exclusive towards alternative gender roles and sexual orientations, or outright homophobic. However, any serious look into Heathen cosmology quickly shows gender and sexual orientation to be a much more complex issue. In addition, Heathen organizations, publications, and demographics themselves suggest that they are in fact more accepting and open towards alternative gender and orientation roles than the population at large. Over 14% of survey respondents identified as LGBT with another 5% identifying as "other" in terms of sexual orientation. This suggests that nearly 20% of Heathens do not adhere to "hetero-normative" behavior. When asked if they believed Heathens should adhere to specific gender roles, only 11% gave a definitive "yes" response. Over 42% said "no", while 45% said believed gender roles should only be used sometimes, for example during ritual practice. Close to 82% of respondents believed that sexual orientation did not matter, wasn't an important factor for someone being Heathen, or was simply irrelevant. Only 11% believed sexual orientation somewhat mattered, while 6% stated that it was an 37 | P a g e important factor or at the very least historically important. From a statistical standpoint, Heathens appear to be accepting towards such issues, displaying similar trends found among other Neo-Pagan groups since the 1960's (Oboler 2010:167).

The most common Heathen practice addressed by scholars in the context of gender and sexuality is the practice of seiðr (Old Norse, etymology uncertain), a type of trance or ecstatic practice with distinctly shamanic characteristics. While seiðr is attributed to the goddess Freyja (who then taught it to Odin), it is hinted at in the lore, through linguistics, and that seiðr may have originally been taught to the Norse by the Saami. Whatever the origin may have been, contemporary Heathens have built complex spiritual practices around the brief mentions of seiðr from the lore, "they rely on accounts from the sagas and Eddas, scholars' analyses of this literature, and parallels with shamanic practices elsewhere, using these within a framework of and beliefs about soul, , and the nine-worlds. Seidhr-workers engage in faring-forth, trance-journeying, for a variety of ends, including healing and divination" (Blain 1998:6). Typically, seiðr is believed to have been practiced by women (known as "volva" or "spakona"). While male practitioners did and do exist (seiðmaðr), it is sometimes considered taboo. It is speculated that practitioners may have consisted of transgenders, or at the very least males who behaved in a feminine fashion. Males behaving in this manner were considered to be , an Old Norse term of insult that denoted effeminate behavior or possibly taking on a passive sexual role. Odin himself was accused of this by Loki in the lore, however Odin's association with seiðr is more often praised than condemned by contemporary Heathens. Yet "to indicate that a man had let himself be 'used as a woman' sexually was considered a grave insult called nidr. The man who was considered passive in the sexual act was considered to be a worse nidingr than the active partner. To call a man argr was viewed as a deadly serious offense, an attack both on himself personally and on the honor of his whole family...A man without honor was no man. Furthermore, a man unable to defend the honor of his women was no man" (Solli 2008:195). It is important to note that discourse surrounding seiðr goes beyond gender and sexuality. When I attended the symbel with the Nine Worlds in Delft, a debate surrounding seiðr practice arose. The key component of the debate was rather or not seiðr should be practiced individually or primarily by the group. While debate continued over this, both sides seemed willing to acknowledge that such practices should not be taken lightly and should be used for a specific purpose; not just "playing with the spirit world". As Kveldulf Gundarsson has noted, such practices can be used for "malicious purposes". As a result, use of seiðr ultimately comes down to ethical obligations, the rules of which appear to be similar to those associated with in Wicca.

Given its historical stigma, seiðr is taken seriously by contemporary Heathens who are concerned with historical reconstruction or adhering to gender roles. It falls within the realm of Heathen ethics due 38 | P a g e to its possible repercussions for kindred members and due to its association with individual honor (perhaps the highest of Heathen virtues). From 2,655 survey respondents 47% of females claimed to have practiced seiðr, 42% of transgenders, and only 32% of males. Jenny Blain has noted from her studies that some Heathens believe homosexuals, women, and transgenders are more prone to practicing seiðr and are essentially better at it. The possible reason for this may have to do with the fundamental "loss of ego" associated with trance, ecstatic, or shamanic states of consciousness. Those who have been marginalized by society or outcast by the community may have an easier time losing ego-attachment (Blain 1999:12). Or it has been suggested, that "women stereotypically tend to be viewed as more open to the paranormal than men" (Lewis 2013:74).

Marginalization could easily be seen from a number of Heathens I corresponded with, as Blake, a young Western European male noted, "People involved in seidr are of a 'third gender', and their role is: know magic or get the fuck out." Or from Martin, a middle aged Australian male, "Homosexuals have always been despised in the Heathen tradition." Edward, a young American male noted, "I would not be ok with Heathenry having a prominent LGBT component." One young transgender American responded to such sentiments, "The assumption that there are binary genders makes it very difficult for me to participate in group practice." However many LGBT people still find a place within Heathenry. One American transgender teen added, "I was drawn to Heathenry because of virtues like hospitality, steadfastness, etc. Germanic tribes lived in a world where they fought each other, and the right behind them. Looking after who is close to you is something I strongly believe in. I believe queer people learn to do the same thing to survive in a world that is hostile to us, and sometimes we are hostile to each other. We have to hold onto those of us who are close to survive. Because of this, I believe it does not matter your orientation, but it strongly plays into my flavor of Heathenry."

One example of a female-to-male transgender that has been ostracized by many Heathens is Raven Kaldera, an American Northern Practitioner associated with Asphodel Farm in Massachusetts. Kaldera has received animosity not only because of his transgender status, but also because of his engagement with BDSM (bondage, discipline, and sadomasochism) sexual practices, particularly in relation to Heathen rituals. Even Galina Krasskova has been criticized for her association with Kaldera, for which she has been removed from membership in certain groups such as New Anglia Theod (Strmiska 2007:172). Albert, a middle aged American male wrote of them, "Fuck the Northern Tradition, and fuck them, they are trash". Jessica, a middle aged American female replicated Albert's sentiments, "Those people and their ways are not heathen." Clearly, despite an appearance of accepting sexual/gender deviations, there are ways in which people can "go too far". Reactions against perceived sexual deviations are not always cordial, indeed it is not hard to understand how Heathenry has acquired a reputation for 39 | P a g e with individuals such as , a neo-Fascist criminal and founder of the Norwegian Heathen Front (Norsk Hedensk Front), who has called for the "euthanasia of homosexuals" (Asprem 2008:59). However, such opinions remain a minority.

Interpretation of gender roles and sexual orientation among the early Germanic tribes appears to play an integral role in shaping many Heathens perspectives. Jeremy, an adult American male noted, "Our ancestors had no concept of sexuality in the sense Gay/Straight/Trans etc. These are all modern creations and based on a Judeo-Christian idea of sexuality. Our ancestors largely saw these things in terms of being Ergi or not which had more to do with social standing and implications on one's manliness or lack thereof than actual sexuality. One could be 'gay' in a modern sense and still not be Ergi and a straight person could." Laura, a young Scandinavian female agreed, "The modern Christian society's gender roles should not afflict recreated Heathen beliefs. There are too few sources on Ergi, Volva and Seid-men to make any solid roles." Often these interpretations extend to the idea that genders were fairly egalitarian amongst early Germanic people. Emily, a young Canadian female wrote, "I think remembering there has been a time where the genders shared a lot more power between each other is a good thing for people to see and remember." Or in the words of Phillip, a young American male, "Heathens of old had more gender equality in their world then most 3rd world countries do today and based on a modern approach so should we."Indeed, this sense of egalitarianism is what draws a lot of women to Heathenry (as well as other forms of neo-paganism), particularly because of its holding in high esteem strong women and female deities. For many Heathen women, what is lacking in the expectations of women in contemporary society, or what is lacking in the dominant patriarchal religions of our time can be found in Heathenry. Despite the fact that males make up the largest Heathen demographic, females have been integral in creating Heathen organizations (particularly in Scandinavia).

Sexuality, or the feminine/masculine dichotomy proved itself to be a common reason for identifying both with Heathenry and with particular deities. Arthur, a young Scandinavian male notes, "Thor is an expression of masculinity, and as a man it is important for me to grasp the concept of what it means to be a man. Thor helps me in this pursuit." One young Western European male expressed his concerns, "Sexual orientation doesn't matter. Being ass-fucked does, because it decreases manliness." Others believed that Heathenry itself offered the best path to manhood, as Craig, a Scandinavian male noted, "In our modern society, men are being feminized, and Ásatrú brings down your balls." Sean, an American male with an eclectic spiritual background noted that he also felt particularly connected to Thor because of his masculine and heroic attributes, and particularly his symbol (Thor's Hammer). Sean had gone so far as to have mjölnir carved into the wooden grips of his two silver 45 caliber pistols. For Sean, mjölnir acted as a symbol of power, but also responsibility. He noted, "It means that my 40 | P a g e sidearm should only be used in the defense of others or to dispense justice, to right wrongs. Any other use would dishonor the symbol, the old gods, and myself in my eyes. I feel like the symbols themselves represent a code one should live by, much like Bushido, and that more people should embrace the old ways lest they fade into obscurity, leaving the world that much more hollow." For Karoline, a young Scandinavian female, "Freya is closest to me. I feel she is easy to contact, and as a young, sexually active woman, I can identify with her."

One U.K. male noted that, differing sexual orientations allowed Heathens to "operate using different spiritual ," allowing them to connect with more sexually ambiguous deities such as Odin or Loki. Indeed this idea appears to be true in relation to gender, as was made clear by the deities that individuals said they felt connected with (see chart in Appendix A). Transgenders were much closer to women, in that a higher percentage felt connected to . Transgenders were also unique in their high veneration of Loki. It is also significant to note that female Heathens do appear to have a very balanced approach to the deities in terms of gender, as opposed to many other neo-pagan traditions that give supremacy to goddess figures.

For Heathens gender and sexuality also come into play when discussing the nature of the family. Guido von List wrote in his 1907 The Secret of the Runes that "marriage is the basis of the folk." Over a century later, many Heathens would agree. Family, marriage, and the preservation of the people are seen as fundamental (particularly among folkish Heathens). As a result, some Heathen organizations come down hard on proponents of gay marriage, , or those caught in adultery. These sentiments are often reinforced using historical perceptions of Germanic culture, as Kyle, a middle aged American noted, "In Retro-Saxon Heathenry, adultery and polygamy were not tolerated. The ancients left us no source material on the subject, but I doubt there was homosexuality etc. because none is found in the sources. If it existed, the Christian writings would have slammed Heathenry for it, that is FOR SURE." Other Heathens rely less on history, and instead point to biology. For them, each gender has been given its place by nature, and that place should be respected. Jason, a young American male noted, "Both genders have incredible differences. No one should be more or less valuable then the other, men can learn to be good at things that women have an affinity for, and women likewise, but nature instills different values in each gender. Otherwise there would be no use in having two."

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Chapter 3: Heathens and Society

"Heathenry offers the concept that the relationship between the individual and the community should be mutualistic--everyone should gain and also give. The reciprocal nature of existence has been forgotten in the last thousand years of Christianity and people have forgotten how to live right. It extends into all aspects of life. We cannot live without nature yet we feel we are masters of it. Many men think that their wives are possessions, servants or slaves--this may be true for other peoples but not a northerner. People forget their most basic duties to each other--it starts with youths vandalizing the streets and goes up to CEOs taking hundreds of thousands of dollars in bonuses whilst their workers struggle to make ends meet. Heathenry offers a reminder to the world of who we're supposed to be."

-Jack, a young Australian male

3.1 Organized Religion and Monotheism

Paramount to the creation of ideology in various Heathen schools of thought is how to contend with the cultural baggage of the Judeo-Christian traditions. Be it consciously or not, Heathens tend to define themselves and their faith in relation to (or in reaction to) Christianity and perceptions of organized religion. Christianity and Islam in particular are seen as foreign forces of occupation, and essentially incompatible with human nature and European cultural values. The successful growth and spread of Christianity is interpreted as an imperial development, one which seeks to homogenize the beliefs of others. Heathens, like many other polytheists, see themselves as confronting "a series of concepts implicitly regarded as naturally positive, such as 'unity, 'wholeness', 'homogeneity', 'stability', which in the West have found a religious expression/representation in the idea of the one supreme and transcendent god" (Bittarello 2010:78). Often reactions to monotheism come across with a degree of animosity, ethnic bias, and intolerance. A number of Heathens have tried to confront these sentiments, recognizing that such an attitude may actually hinder positive Heathen recognition. For example, in the words of Matthew, a middle aged Canadian male, "I do often see a strong anti-Christian bias that borders on inappropriate. I understand where some people come from, but would hope that as a group, Heathens are bigger than that. We lose credibility when we preach against hate and small mindedness and then cut off others because we define them by the religion they practice." Still many Heathens use their perceptions of organized religion to frame how they: interpret their faith, structure their organizations, and interact with others. Travis, a young American male noted, "Polytheism in general must prevail and destroy monotheism in every and all forms. For the sake of the environment and to end racial extremism which was birthed by monotheism along with other radicalism's based on dualism and Good vs. ." Others defined the Judeo-Christian traditions as "fascist" religions, and one online Heathen went so far as to simply state, "I really hate all Christians," and that he tried to avoid even interacting with Christians. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6tYqFgwKUio). 42 | P a g e

The notion that Christianity in its modern form is essentially a foreign religion is prominent in Heathen discourse, where it is commonly referred to as a "desert religion" (along with and Islam). It is ironic given how highly reflexive Heathens tend to be historically that this notion persists with such frequency. Little discussion seems to center on the fact that Christianity, while indeed originating with a Jew from a Romanized province, was acculturated and solidified by Europeans. Indeed, Christianity was often molded to fit local customs throughout Europe, often as a conversion tactic. This is made evident for example in the Old Saxon Christian poem the Heliand, Christian iconography, the of the saints, etc. Historians for centuries have used Christianity, whether accurately or not, as one of the defining elements of European identity and Western civilization. All this is to say that, Christianity in its current form is hardly reflective of the cultural practices of the Levant. However, Christianity is not alone in receiving this criticism from Heathens. Becoming more prominent now is a rising tendency towards Islamaphobia, a trend which is hardly be isolated within Heathenry. Across the West fear of radical Islam, Islamic immigration, and sharia law (Arabic: "pathway to be followed") have grown even within politically moderate sections of the population. This fear is exacerbated even more by the growth of nationalism and ethnic identity, both features of which can be found in many Heathen organizations. The fear of Islamic or Arab immigration was expressed particularly by many European Heathens, including many of the Scandinavians who claimed racial bias wasn't a problem for them.

For Heathens, Christianity is associated with the eradication of their ancestral faith and often blamed as being partially responsible for contemporary socio-political problems. Michael Strmiska has noted, "Modern Nordic Pagans choose to reject the dominant religious paradigms of their societies and instead consciously affiliate themselves with a religious tradition that they know has been crushed, fragmented, and nearly erased by the forces of history. Their decision to dedicate themselves to reviving this ghostly, marginal, vestigial religion of a distant and not wholly accessible past may be viewed as an act of spiritual resistance against social forces that they find oppressive, particularly the still largely hegemonic power of Christianity in Western society, but also various aspects of modernization that they find problematic, such as alienation from basic such as land, nature, and the inevitability of death" (2007:186).

Or in the words of Ron, a young Canadian male, "The Northern Tradition offers a return to pre- Christian beliefs. I blame the vast majority of the problems of the modern world upon the spread of across the world. Without Christianity or Islam, the world would be a much better place. The worldview being reconstructed by modern Heathens is a complete break from the distorted, patriarchal, egotistical worldview advocated by Christianity. A Northern worldview will help the people of the North to return to a culture of community, responsibility, and honor. This does not need to occur in 43 | P a g e the context of Heathenry in the religious sense, but the secular values espoused by Heathenry are fully compatible with a secular humanist view. Together, these traditions and beliefs can overcome the insidious damage done to humanity by the Abrahamic religions."

Specifically, Christianity is seen as being destructive in large part because it is interpreted as a "world-rejecting" faith. The body is associated with sin, sex with perversion, nature is something there to be dominated by man, and life is lived for the sole purpose of determining ones allegiance to the divine, and thus where one is to end up in the afterlife. Many of these views are rooted directly in German Romanticism, some of which come directly from Friedrich Nietzsche. Michael Smith has noted, "The 'world rejecting' religious world-view at its root, believes that the biological life is bad or undesirable...This theological philosophy gives rise to the logical conclusion to the ideology of 'maximization of resources' of the earth. Their concern is not to preserve resources for the future, but instead to utilize as much of the resources to 'ease the pain of living' in this life as best they can until escape from biological life is possible or granted" (2004:13). For Heathens, their worldview is shaped by a cosmology in which all things are interconnected, the deities are considered kin, and nature is imbued with power. Reputation is determined not by preparing for the next life, but by the deeds that you do in the present. Maria, a middle aged Scandinavian female noted, "It's not that easy to throw your garbage in the next river when you believe it has its own spirit. It makes a kind of sense why negative experience is useful, why stuff strictly experienced as 'evil' is not necessarily evil. In my opinion Christianity gives no room for that, evil is strictly separate from god, as well as in Islam (not so Judaism). Doesn't really make sense with an all-creator. Anyway, Heathenry seems to give a good picture of being a 'community in creation', what makes humans, stones, trees, stars and black holes equal. Something like that." Lauren, a middle aged Canadian female added, "I feel that the modern world could use more encouragement to appreciate the present and life for what it is and view it less as an exercise in limitation and restriction to earn a 'final reward'. Live for the journey and not for the end." These sentiments were also replicated by Jerry, a young American male, "The Lore of the northern traditions are nothing if not practical. They concern themselves with everyday life, rather than focusing on death. When Christians say 'Live a righteous life so that you can spend eternity in ' the focus is on the reward in the afterlife. When a Heathen says 'Live your life with honor, and you might be chosen to fill the Halls of Odin or Freyja', the focus is (or should be) on living an honorable life. I believe Heathenry is a religion of life, not death." Josephine, a middle aged American female added, "The ideals of Heathenry are all applicable to modern life. Even if you do not believe, as I do, that the gods are physical individuals with personalities, strengths and flaws, there is magic and value in living with integrity, industriousness, hospitality, and reverence for kindred and your ancestors. There is so much 44 | P a g e more worth in believing that we stand on the backs of those that came before us and that the choices we make today will be visited upon our children, than to believe in a puppeteer of a God who has complete control over our lives and requires no discriminate decision making on the part of his 'flock'. Also, I need no forgiveness for deeds that are not my own." As Josephine's words make clear, Heathen opinions on Christianity are partially determined by Heathen conceptions of fate. Whereas in Christianity God has chosen his own flock prior to their existence (ex. 1 Thessalonians 1:4), Heathens attain connection to a deity or particular afterlife through how they decide to live their lives. However, this is not to say that fate () does not exist in Heathen cosmology, it is just more loosely defined in relation to the individual.

To many Heathens, Christianity also represents ignorance and to doctrine. Consistently many Heathens expressed to me their dedication to the pursuit of reason, rationalism, and science. As Malcolm, a middle aged Northern European male noted, "Heathenry is a continuum of the liberated mind, from before the slavery and tyranny of Christianity, kings and other psychopaths." Heathenry is seen as being entirely compatible with scientific teachings. Heathens also express concerns over the role ecclesiastical historians have played in shaping interpretations of pre-Christian beliefs. Pre-Christian Europe (with the exception of Greece and Rome) is often portrayed as being culturally backwards, uncivilized, bizarre, not worth mentioning, or simply as an age of savagery. Frank, a young Canadian male noted, "Christians did a good job of twisting the truth into a concept that Heathenry is evil. It isn't of course, and it would be great to educate on how a lot of modern traditions originated from the old Norse." As a result, many Heathens have called for a "normalization of the pre-Christian" and an accurate portrayal of the European conversion process. In growing frequency Heathens have even adopted symbols which address these historical grievances, such as wearing pendants of the Irminsul, the old Saxon "pillar of the universe" which was destroyed as part of 's campaigns. Identification with such events show the degree to which Heathens see an aspect of their own identity within historical processes, particularly in relation to the tribes of whose cultures and beliefs they wish to revive. Zachary, a young American male noted, "The northern tradition has much to offer the sons and daughters of Europe. It is a reconnection to our ancestral folk soul, giving our people the identity that was stripped away from them by the totalitarian Jewish regime of Christianity." While many Heathens would disagree with Zachary's word choice, it should be noted that use of the terms "folk soul" and "Jewish regime" again hail back to German Romanticism; particularly anti-Semitism and notions of the Volkgeist (See Ch.4).

For Heathens, the revival of Germanic Paganism is one way of addressing the "spiritual void" left by a growing Atheist society which seems to be reacting to dissatisfaction with Christianity. Jennifer, a middle aged U.K. female noted, "Heathenry offers something meaningful for the post-Christian era, especially for native Europeans who seem spiritually adrift compared to , Jewish people and other 45 | P a g e non-Christianized indigenous religious groups." Or in the words of Craig, a young American male, "I think both the materialistic Atheist view and the Judeo-Christian dogma are ultimately incomplete, and leave most people with a soul-hunger of sorts." Brent, and American male went further, "Western Civilization is crumbling. People have nothing worth fighting for or believing in--Christianity is a limp- wristed husk of what it was, and the secular humanism that replaced it is a value system that can't stand up to real adversity. Ásatrú offers a standard around which to rally. It offers a sense of purpose and context to counteract the ennui and self-loathing that drives people to prescription or Islam." For Heathens, a revival of the old ways offers a chance to renew the spirit of European peoples. Despite popular perceptions that Heathens want to return to the Viking Age, it is actually more common to hear Heathens discuss the applications of their faith for the modern world or the future. As one male Dutch Heathen told me, he wanted to "contribute to a new religion for Europe or at least Germanic Europe as proposed by , combining the lessons learned from monotheism, Christianity, polytheism, and Ásatrú in order to bring back beauty and greatness to Europe and save it from the spiritual abyss."

3.2 Western Civilization, Modernism, and Globalization

Heathen interpretations of contemporary Western Civilization often tend to be negative. Indeed, some Heathen organizations have gone so far to characterize the modern era as the "end times". For example, the Russian group Svarte Aske which "declares war on modernity as an anti-sacred, godless, and chaotic world" believes we are living in the "Age of ". Similar notions can be found within the Odin Brotherhood, some of whom expressed their belief that the west was adhering to the Tytler Cycle. The Tytler Cycle, originating with the historian Alexander Tytler (1747-1813), is essentially a model of the cycle of nations/civilizations which both begins and ends in bondage. For those Heathens I encountered using this metaphor, the West was entering that state of bondage once again, in need of spiritual rebirth. However, most Heathens would not likely go so far. Heathen interpretations of modernism must be understood in relation to cultural developments, as opposed to technological ones. When a Heathen expresses their frustrations with modernism, it is not the invention of the internet or antibiotics that they are opposed to. The majority of Heathens, while remaining historically appreciative realize the folly of returning to the . Image taken from: https://www.pinterest.com/pin/500 Instead, Heathens more often express their concerns with what they see as 32245832689564/ moral decay and contemporary destructive socio-political institutions or processes. Particularly, Heathens consistently show concern for: commodification as the meaning of life, culture loss, alienation from 46 | P a g e nature and from each other, mechanical interpretations of life resulting from , lack of meaningful rituals or rites of passage, political correctness and political ideologies that promotes notions of "sameness", and homogenization resulting from globalization.

As a result of technological advancement, in the contemporary world marketing has reached a scale never before seen in history. Hundreds of times a day we are bombarded with suggestions as to what we should wear, how we should look, what kind of car we should buy, etc. While some might simply see this as a negative consequence of , for Heathens this trend represents something much worse. For many Heathens, consumer culture represents an assault on how human beings are meant to be living. It is a cultural withdrawal from the notion of placing value on deeds, towards placing value on the acquisition of things. Essentially, the acquisition of things and higher economic status become the meaning of life. Furthermore, it represents not only the destruction of meaning, but also the destruction of authentic culture. As Michael Smith has noted, "Pop culture is a marketing and advertising tool made by corporate conglomerates. It does not express the culture of a people or of a place. It leads sheepish consumerists to buy what they're producing at an alarming rate until they can think of something else to teach you to 'need'" (2004:9). Indeed this trend has proven to be a significant cause in bringing people to Heathenry, as one Scandinavian wrote to me, "Heathenry offers an identity beyond ." It is also consistent for Heathens to express their contempt for how pop-culture has characterized their own beliefs and heritage. While some Heathens no doubt have come to Germanic Neo-Paganism through Tolkien or the scene, others believe that fantasy driven pop-culture has tainted people's perceptions of Heathenry. When the average person in the contemporary west conjures up an image of Thor, DC Comic's version is likely the first to come to mind. Heathens struggle with this in that while they appreciate the revival of interest in Germanic Paganism, , the Viking Age, or fantasy trends associated with these; they want to make clear that it is not mistakenly used to represent them. However, like any group seeking legitimacy, "the quest for authenticity, results in a paradoxical problem of needing to be marginal while commercially viable at the same time" (Granholm 2011:536).

The sense of culture loss for Western Civilization is fundamental to understanding Heathen perceptions of modernism, particularly in relation to the desire to reconstruct ethnic or tribal identities. As Albert, a teenage American male noted, "I think the modern world is slowly becoming crazy. People have lost sight of who they are. People of European descent seem to be encouraged to not be proud of themselves. I believe Ásatrú offers a way for Germanic Europeans to embrace and be proud of their heritage. It almost offers an escape from our world to simpler times." This type of response to modernism is nothing new, nor is it particular to Germanic Neo-Paganism. As Jennier Snook has noted, "the growth of white ethnic identities was also a response to the forces of modernization. During the countercultural 47 | P a g e revolution of the 1960's and 1970's, people began to challenge their bureaucratized, hyper industrialized reality by creating new symbolic boundaries. Ethnicity was seen as a 'haven of authenticity that existed at a remove from the bloodless, homogenizing forces of mass production and consumption', in turn spurring 'a certain tribalism' as anti-modernism's chosen manifestation. New religious and ethnic revival movements testified to this change as people created community, identity, and meaning via reconstructed faiths and ethnicities" (2013:55-56).

The need to reassert or create ethnic identities is largely rooted in the fear of homogenization. For many Heathens, homogenization is seen as a byproduct of globalization, or even as a socio-political doctrine promoted by the political and educational institutions of the West. Globalization is "a process that began when...civilizations started interacting economically, politically, militarily and engaging in cultural exchange" (Herrington 2013:151). Despite the tendency to use globalization synonymously with terms such as "Americanization" or "Westernization", it is an ancient process; visible from Alexander's Hellenization to trade along the Silk Road. However, since colonialism discourse on globalization has been American or Euro-centric in academic literature and pop culture. Globalization has had a particularly paradoxical relationship with religion. On the one hand faiths grow and spread, and on the other they are destroyed. However, with increased immigration and the development of the internet, cultural exchange is now happening on a rapid level, meaning that "the Western individual is confronted with an awareness of religious options on an unprecedented scale" (York 2001:361). This is particularly true in relation to neo-paganism, which has brought together elements from a multitude of belief systems. For Heathens, it has allowed connection to sources that might otherwise not have been available, and has helped facilitate the growth of online communities. Yet, globalization continues to be shunned in Heathen discourse, primarily because "the mainstream model of globalization, created by the superpowers, demands unification and shows ignorance regarding the existing differences (geographical, cultural, individual), which is in sharp contrast with the modern needs for plural expressions and self- determination of individuals and societies/cultures" (Golubovic 2011:33-34). Or in the words of Sophia, a middle aged American female, "We are forced in this culture to abandon our roots in service to 'multiculturalism', and it has caused a great hunger and soul loss for many."

Multiculturalism is sometimes referred to as creating a "cultural mosaic", a mosaic which thrives on diversity. One would think that this would be praised by Heathens given the ways in which they speak about polytheism. However, the problem Heathens have is the sense of losing one's culture or self in the mixture. What is touted as promoting distinction in reality leads to assimilation. This is interpreted through the political notion that all people and cultures are essentially the "same" or of equal worth. In an online video Benjamin Long (whitewolfheathen), gives his opinions on what he calls "the myth that we 48 | P a g e are all one." He notes that "the search for equality brings people down to the lowest common denominator and causes the destruction of excellence." Then, mimicking Hobbes and Herbert Spencer's , he paints the picture of human nature as being fundamentally in a state of war, where the strong move on and the weak are eliminated (https://www.youtube.com/user/whitewolfheathen/videos). Benjamin is a Wotanist and self-proclaimed member of the Odin Brotherhood, who frequently quotes David Lane's 88 Precepts (See Ch.4).

In an online interview conducted with Heimgest, the current leader of the Odinic Rite, he notes "We think universalism actually demeans mankind. Because in nature and creation there is a wonderful diversity. No one suggests that there should be one type of dog or tree, nature would cease to exist without diversity. We are all manifestations of nature or of god-energy in a world of form. We should hail diversity, and in that is a true love of species" (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3QhNfjPnXXs).

In addition to the socio-economic trends arising from globalization, Heathens also express concerns with the consequences of . Secularism has its foundation in the Scientific Revolution and the growth of Enlightenment philosophy, which turned focus away from the divine and in turn placed emphasis on human affairs. These movements proved to be fundamental for enhancing scientific knowledge, developing non-theocratic governments, and over all improving the quality of life. However, as science replaced as the guiding source on nature and grew (particularly among academics), life became "demystified". Michael York has noted, "Contemporary secularization is, therefore, seen as a combined product of scientific humanistic rational thought and socialistic/communistic political theory. Religion comes to represent superstitious interference or a popular opiate or both" (2001:362).

In many ways, reductionism gained precedent over holism lending itself to a mechanical interpretation of anything from supernovas to an individual's spiritual experience. While Heathen ethics may feel at home in a contemporary secular society, Heathen cosmology does not. However, this is not to say that Heathens believe their faith to be contrary to science, as many proudly state otherwise, but that a reductionist or mechanistic interpretation of life is incongruent with Heathen thought. This is particularly true when it comes to symbolic thought, meaningful ritual, and rites of passage, which Van Gennep has argued "gives structure and meaning in a human life" (Minkjan 2012:282). Many Heathens expressed their affinity with Jung, who "viewed modernization as drastically narrowing the range of symbolic expression. He referred to this at times as the 'impoverishment of symbols'" (Lindenfeld 2009:227). Many Heathens would also agree with Heidegger, who in the 1930's defined the contemporary Western life as the "age of consummate meaninglessness", where "any non-objectifiable, meaning-bestowing ideal, 49 | P a g e cultural practice, or traditional heritage that is not turned into an object of willful manipulation, is denied existence. As a result, in the eyes of Heidegger, Western modernity brings about nothing but 'the darkening of the traditional world', the flight of the meaning-bestowing gods, the destruction of the earth, the reduction of human beings to a mass, the hatred and mistrust of everything creative and free" (Karademir 2013:209). Writing with a similar , Derek, a young Scandinavian male wrote "The Modern way of thinking is based on the rejection of any kind of ." This rejection fills many individuals with a sense of dread, an existential wandering that leaves them hungry for deeper connections. Perhaps if this sense of rejection was relegated only to the spiritual, solace might be found elsewhere. However, for Heathens, these sentiments extend further.

Part of this sense of meaninglessness comes from the feeling that Western man has become alienated from nature, true community, and in turn his humanity. Alain de Benoist has written, "Modern valorization of nature generates an ideal of authenticity and expressiveness, which clashes with a homogenizing conception of the fragmented individual" (2004:13). A similar notion was replicated by Katarina, a Latin American female who noted that, Heathenry could help the modern world in "remembering our connection with nature, and also, its importance for our survival. Because of that, we should show more respect. Also, Heathenry in general brings our essence as human beings back to the top, it makes us feel alive by connecting us with feelings that we no longer practice so much: courage, honor, family bonding, respect, perseverance, loyalty and inspiration by the simple things in a world full of technologies that sometimes makes us forget that we are humans; in a world full of people and, still, we do not communicate properly. Heathenry is coming back to being human; is returning to our roots and learning to be human again." George, a middle aged Latin American male added, "In today's world, people have lost the feeling of belonging to a group. Everyone is too individualist, tradition has died and honor is something that has been put aside. Heathenry can offer a world view that includes tolerance to other beliefs but also with a sense of unity, family, and community." It is hardly surprising to find such a deep longing for community, given the cultural trends of Western civilization over even the last two centuries.

The Industrial Revolution, urbanization, the move from a predominantly agrarian working population to a predominantly business working population, the rapid increase of divorce rates leading to the break-up of families, excess commodities, increased migration, the relegation of the elderly to retirement homes, and technological developments which have made communication more impersonal are but a few examples of historical processes which have contributed to these notions of alienation. Heathens are not alone or new in reacting negatively to such developments. In the 1960's the counter-culture was partially a reaction to what was considered artificial suburban life. Many independent groups responded 50 | P a g e with the creation of , back to the land movements, free love, and experiments with spirituality and consciousness. From this same period other neo-pagan groups emerged, many of whom would draw on Romantic inclinations of agrarian life, which lead to political and environmental activism. Despite distancing itself from other neo-pagan groups, Heathens have retained an interest in ecology (also in psychedelics, particularly among those interested in Norse shamanism). One transgender Heathen noted, "I believe strongly that Heathenry should embrace a connection to the natural world and that paganism means a return to worship of nature. This includes active roles in environmentalism and back to the land anti-industrial movements." Matt, a middle aged Northern European male expressed similar sentiments, "Humans have a central position in any real pagan world view. Non-anthropocentrism is (I think) an eco- invention. The rather radical anthropocentrism that I believe does however entail the sanctity of nature as well as the need for its protection. Nordic tradition expresses this very neatly in the myth of the Danish King Frode who established a just and wealthy society with two giantesses running the magic mill. Only when he over-exhausted them did they turn on him and destroyed his world."

If this is how many Heathens feel or think, the next question that should be addressed is how are they responding to such sentiments? Partially, Heathens have responded by trying to recreate what they feel is a necessary system of ethics for changing the problems associated with modernism (See Ch.2). As Anne, a young Western European female noted, "I think the basics of the northern traditions are great guidelines for living together in a respectful way, taking responsibility for ourselves, our families and our surroundings. I also feel that these guidelines are easy to relate to for everyone, because they are not shaped as strict dogmatic rules, but more they basically remind us of how to be strong, individual people that also care for the community we are part of. With globalization coming to its peak, I guess this is kind of a major point." As mentioned in Chapter 2, the primary function of Heathen ethics is to empower the self and tie individuals together in community and kinship through a system of obligations or oaths. This in turn helps maintain the tribal ideal that many Heathens strive for, which appears to be a direct response to the lack of community felt in contemporary Western society.

Other reactions appear to come in the form of nationalism, which "seems to be a typical offspring of modernity. But not only a political phenomenon. It feeds on imagination, a place where history, culture, religion, popular legends mix. Those elements are all revisited, idealized, transfigured, and end up as a coherent and legitimizing narrative" (de Benoist 2004:22). Zagorka Golubovic has also suggested that "the imposed model of globalization has promoted the revival of nationalism" (2011:37). Nationalism emphasizes a romanticized idea of the self or the group, and in its modern form is typically a direct expression of loyalty to a nation state. However, other forms of nationalism are rooted more deeply in 51 | P a g e specific ethnic identities, thus allowing terms such as "Slavic nationalism" or "Kurdish nationalism" (which often express the desire for the creation of a state based on ethnicity).

From my own research it became clear that while many Heathens are patriotic members of their respective countries (again with 6% serving in the military), there is also a substantial portion of the Heathen population that are highly critical of their governments and often express sentiments akin to . Therefore, the type of nationalism existing within certain Heathen groups is often more akin to nationalism based on ethnicity. However, even these forms of ethnic expression are not typically motivated by a desire to create an ethnic state. Instead, Heathen discourse typically focuses on a revival of tribal affiliations, which center on rediscovering one's sense of being: Saxon, Frankish, Gothic, Norse, etc. Therefore, the response which Heathens have in the face of globalization is essentially cultural revitalization. Perhaps if Germanic Neo-Paganism continues to grow, Heathens will eventually become more politically motivated. However, as it is still in its developmental form, Heathens remain fundamentally concerned with embodying a neo-tribal identity rooted in perceptions of cultures and ethnicities which have long since been transformed.

52 | P a g e

Chapter 4: Historical Foundations

4.1 Conversion in the Early Middle Ages

In the year 1000 CE the recently formed country of Iceland converted to Christianity, officially putting an end to the last bastion of Nordic Paganism; afterwards the only pagans to be found resided in the east--Slavic Pagans of the Lithuanian territories. However, by the early 15th century they too would convert, bringing the of Europe to completion. This conversion process, stretching well over a thousand years, is arguably one of the most significant ideological shifts in human history. However, despite its significance, the conversion of the European peoples to Christianity is often misunderstood or underrepresented. Partially, this is the result of a lack of historical data from these periods. However, it is also largely the result of ecclesiastics who demonized their Pagan forebears, choosing to develop a historical model which painted the picture of pre-Christian Europe as characteristic of barbarism and ignorance. For centuries it was ecclesiastics who controlled the dissemination of knowledge in Europe, which was possible due to the decline in literacy after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire. For contemporary pagans, this historical process is fundamental for understanding how they conceptualize their identity in relation to history and contemporary Western Civilization. This remains particularly true for Germanic Neo-Pagans who adamantly promote and value historical knowledge. As a result, in this chapter I will look briefly at the story of Germanic Paganism from the early middle ages, up to its development in late 20th century. The purpose of this, beyond historical understanding, is to show how Heathens both interpret and are effected by certain historical movements and processes.

In the early 4th century the Roman Emperor Constantine converted to Christianity, after having credited Christ with his victory at the Battle of Milvian Bridge (312 CE). While Christianity had been growing slowly in the prior centuries, it was still considered a minor cult throughout the Empire; often associated with the Dionysian Mysteries due to its emphasis on an internal relationship to the divine. However, after Constantine's conversion, it became not only tolerated (through the Edict of Milan) but also politically beneficial to associate with Christianity. Mimicking the behavior of the monarch was nothing new. However, Constantine did more than simply convert, he also gave the Church his patronage. Through his support, the Church was able to grow substantially, leading to increased funds, wider socio- political influence, and more stratified organization. It was under Constantine that the First Council of Nicaea took place, the goal of which was to establish Church orthodoxy. This was made necessary due to concern over growing rival Christian and esoteric , such as the Arians, Gnostics, or Manicheans. While somewhat tolerant of pagans immediately after his conversion, by the end of his reign Constantine began systematically tearing down pagan temples. This process was expanded by his successors, only 53 | P a g e briefly being hindered by the actions of the Emperor Julian (the "Apostate"). Julian's attempts to restore Hellenic Paganism to political power coincided with his programs targeting influential Christians. Yet, his efforts proved to be in vain when his successor came to power, restoring Christianity as the , and in turn making paganism illegal (Edict of Thessalonica, 380 CE), in some cases punishable by death. Theodosius' efforts proved successful in solidifying the authority of the Church throughout the Empire, in turn increasing conversion rates.

During the Christianization of the Empire, the Romans were consistently interacting with surrounding pagan tribes, which included many of the early Germans. The conversion of the Germans was highly determined by geography. As eastern tribes were pushed in from the steppes, many of the Germans moved south and west into Roman territory. While conflict inevitably manifested, one possible alleviation to war was conversion. Those tribes on the northern Roman frontier (ex. the , , Goths), were particularly affected by this. The Goths were the first to convert, giving them the ability to settle in Roman territory (of course they were now expected to defend Rome's eastern borders). Indeed, as the Roman Empire steadily declined in the 4th and 5th centuries, reliance on Germanic conscripts increased substantially. This gave the Germans further exposure to Christianity, as well as the weaknesses of the Empire. It was the in 410 CE who sacked Rome, and a Germanic warlord by the name of who did it again in 476 CE. Both were Christians. The year 476 CE is often credited as the date in which Western Roman Empire officially ended, however in reality it continued to be a gradual process. The integration of Germanic leadership into former imperial territories became standard, and with it further solidification of Christianity in the Germanic world. Throughout the 6th century the efforts of also expanded . Perhaps the most significant conversion event took place with the Frankish King . Clovis, who is remembered as a particularly cruel and violent ruler, supposedly converted at the insistence of his Burgundian wife Clotilde (496 CE). However, given his temperament and devotion to paganism in the past, it is likely that his conversion was rooted in political motivations to tie him closer to the Catholic leaders in and Rome, as the Franks were consistently fighting with other Germanic tribes who were Arian Christians. Whatever the reason, the Frankish conversion did indeed result in tying them closer to the Romans politically as well as culturally. This would prove to be particularly true with the coming to power of Charlemagne (Charles the Great)..

The Franks had a tendency to fight amongst themselves, in addition to the surrounding tribes. Charlemagne sought to end these squabbles by unifying the surrounding territories into a single empire, making him the primary authority in Western Europe. For Charlemagne, Christianity was more than a political tool. From the available contemporary sources it appears that King Charles was indeed a fervent believer. His educational reforms, employment of Christian scholars, funding of enterprises, 54 | P a g e and close ties to Rome all attest to this. However, a key component of Charlemagne's military campaigns was the use of conversion--the ultimate sign of submission. While King Charles engaged in campaigns against the Bretons, Avars, Basques, and others; his greatest challenge came with a thirty year war against the pagan Saxons to the north. The Saxons and Franks had long been competitors, vying for old Roman land, as well as both practicing piracy along the . Indeed the Saxons had established such a reputation for piracy that it forced the Romans to fortify the southeastern coast of Britain against them, creating the so-called Saxon Shore. Britain proved to be an inviting land for the North Germanic peoples, many of whom began settling there as early as the 5th century CE. However, the Anglo-Saxons of Britain had already been predominantly converted by the reign of Charlemagne, severing them ideologically from their kin across the North Sea.

It is unclear who started the Franco-Saxon wars. The sources indicate that minor squabbles had been happening along the northern Frankish frontier for some time. However, it is clear that Charlemagne found Saxon advances south threatening, as well as territory they occupied strategically significant. As a result, when Saxon raiders burned the church of Deventer along the River IJssel, Charles had the excuse he needed for invasion. Missionaries from the British Isles and Frankia had been venturing into the Northern Germanic territories for some time, however their condemnation of the local beliefs and sometimes intrusive methods of conversion were often met there with hostility. In response to the burning of the church of Deventer, in 772 Charles launched a harsh campaign against the Saxons, during which he particularly targeted religious centers. One of these, known as the Irminsul, was considered most sacred to the Saxons. While we are not entirely sure as to its meaning or structure, it is believed that the Irminsul was a pillar of sorts representing the center of Germanic cosmology or possibly a to the Old Saxon tribal god Irmin. Evidence of similar shrines or structures are attested to throughout the Germanic/Norse world, however, this particular Saxon pillar appears to have had special significance, containing some sort of treasure (which Charles is said to have taken). Charles' destruction of the Irminsul was also a symbolic event, meant to pierce the heart of Saxon ideology. It set the tone for what can truly be defined as a , one which would only increase in savagery on both sides. The Saxons would continue to burn churches and execute missionaries, while the Franks practiced a slash and burn style campaign which at times bordered on genocide (ex. the Blood Bath of Verden in 783). Through Charlemagne's capitularies Saxon religion was outlawed, punishable by death. The Franks set up fortified conversion centers, designed to ensure compliance with Frankish rule as well as protect the missi, royal religious officials placed in charge of overseeing the conversion process (Mayr-Harting 1996:1117).

Lack of Saxon military organization meant they virtually had no chance in facing the discipline of Frankish armies; who had better training, more economic funds, advanced tactics, and better technology. 55 | P a g e

Towards the end of the Saxon Wars, Charles began a deportation and relocation program, by which he forcefully removed thousands of Saxons from their , placing them where they could be better watched. In turn he gave their land to the Obodrites, a Slavic tribe to the east that had long been the Saxons sworn enemy.

Throughout the Saxon Wars, the Saxons had maintained ties with the of , where Saxon warlords such as the famous would often take refuge. As a result, the Danes became quickly aware of the dangers of Frankish expansion as well as their increasing isolation as pagans. It is during this time that the Danes established the Danevirke, a wall and system of along their southern border. This construction process was a direct consequence of the Frankish expansion into the Frisia and Saxony. The Danes feared that a Frankish invasion was eminent. It is also during this time that archaeological evidence suggests the Scandinavians began wearing Thor's Hammer around their necks, likely a direct response to encounters with Christians wearing the cross (Andren 2005:124). While the Franco-Danish war never materialized, it created an ideological divide between the Christian south and the Pagan north. While some missionaries had success in Scandinavia, such as Anskar "the Apostle of the North", Scandinavia retained its "official" pagan status until the 10th century (although evidence of conversion was still visible well into the 12th). The Viking Age only served to draw Scandinavians closer to Christianity, be it in Ireland or Kiev. More often than not, this was the result of socio-political convenience on the part of the ruling class, for example, in Norway where "the new religion served as a power base for the " (Bagge 2007:208). Norway's conversion is remembered mostly by the forceful deeds of Olav Tryggvason and Olav Haraldsson. However, in the case of Denmark and Sweden, "the change was spearheaded by kings" as well, although "the process was slowed by repeated resurgences of paganism" (Jochens 1999:621). In Denmark and Norway, "the decisive moment was not the introduction of Christianity, but the expulsion of paganism, which gave Christianity a monopoly and allowed the Church to build up its institutions. In this sense, the two religions were clearly incompatible. The reason for this, however, was not a sociological law about religious unity but the intolerant character of the new religion, Christianity, which refused to coexist or adapt to any other religion...this intolerance made Christianity a better alternative than paganism for political unification" (Bagge 2007:119).

With the exception of Iceland, which in the year 1000 democratically elected to become Christian through the (known as kristnitaka, "the taking of Christianity"), virtually every other regional conversion was promoted and solidified by ruling political bodies. Unlike the various pagan found throughout Europe, which were syncretic and willing to allow for multiple gods, the strict monotheism of Christianity simply did not. For contemporary pagans, this history is not something too distant to be taken seriously. The conversion of the European tribes represents the way by which their ancestral cultures were 56 | P a g e destroyed. What remnants of paganism remained after the Early Middle Ages proves difficult to discern. We cannot be sure to what extent folklore accounts have retained truly pagan elements or merely played on contemporary imaginations. Accounts of during the Inquisition appear to be based on little more than mass hysteria, or as some scholars have suggested ergot poisoning. Fear of paganism's association with devilry and the like remained present for centuries. It would take well over seven hundred years after the conversion of Iceland for a paradigm shift to take place. Best remembered for its celebration of nature and aesthetics, we call this paradigm shift: Romanticism.

4.2 Germanic Paganism During the Romantic Era

The so-called Romantic Era is generally place between the end of the 18th century to the middle of the 19th and effected much of European intellectual life. The ideas formed during this period would prove to be fundamental for a myriad of political ideologies throughout the 20th century, being utilized by both fascists and socialists alike (notably the NSDAP). Of those heavily influenced by Romanticism, include the remnants of the 1960's counter-culture, of which neo-paganism is but one spiritual offspring. Despite attempts on the part of Germanic Neo-Pagans to distance themselves from the wider neo-pagan umbrella, they have been unable to escape Romantic influences. Specifically, and unsurprisingly, Heathens have incorporated a number of concepts rooted deeply in German Romanticism, which differed in many ways from the other Romantic schools of Europe. As a result, I will look at the fundamentals of the Romantic Period, key developments of German Romanticism, and how these have influenced later Heathen thought.

Romanticism began primarily as a literary movement, which found expression through philosophy and art. Maffesoli has defined Romanticism as "the philosophy of life" (2003:139). Essential to the movement was the rediscovery of the power of aesthetics and the beauty of nature. It was a turn from the mechanistic to the symbolic. Romanticism expressed "a desire for harmony with nature", in which "spontaneity and become virtues" (de Benoist 2004:13). By and large the Romantics were symptoms of the time, a reaction to growing industrialism, Enlightenment philosophy, and scientific reductionism. For the Romantics, "the computing, instrumental mind, serving the philosophers of the Enlightenment, the scientists, and the politicians drains life of its 'meaning,' 'greatness,' or 'spirituality'. The dictatorship of reason is only to be dissolved by able to stir the imagination and reveal ancient wisdom. An authentic life is only possible when myth can prevail against logos" (Arvidsson 1999:329). The rediscovery of myth was used in a spiritual sense, as well as in application to interpretations of nature and historical periods such as the Middle Ages. The Middle Ages of the Romantics was based as little in reality "as the natural man of Rousseau's or the ideal Greek of Schiller's imagination...It was simply a new Arcadia, another form of that craving for an innocent childlike existence which seems to be a concomitant 57 | P a g e phenomenon of all highly developed civilizations" (Frankce 1895:91). The rediscovery of myth developed alongside a growing dissatisfaction with monotheism. For the first time in centuries a positive interpretation was being applied to the old polytheistic religions. Schiller and Goethe are two examples, "in 'The Gods of Greece,' Schiller claimed that with the rise of monotheism and of its transcendent, omnipotent, and distant god 'the divine became less human and the human less divine'; in Goethe, the gods are 'symbols of universal human poetic capacity'." (Bittarello 2010:88). The growing interest in polytheism also produced philosophical debates on social structure and ethics, hitherto seen as taboo. Erotic exploration was but one example of this, evident in much of Romantic art as well as historical fascinations with Bacchus, Pan, and the Dionysian Mysteries. In this sense, Romanticism must be seen in part as a liberation movement which allowed exploration into the forbidden.

In the Germanic world Romanticism quickly took on a nationalistic tone. In order to understand why this was this case, it is important to understand the socio-economic situation of Europe at the time. Prior to German unification in 1871, the Germanic world was divided into smaller principalities, and larger territories such as those of Prussia and Austria. Europe had also just recently come out of the Napoleonic Wars. During this period, both Britain and exerted much effort in trying to prevent German unification, fearing the potential consequences of another rising European power. The German territories, unlike much of Western Europe had failed to participate in colonialism, meaning they did not enjoy the economic benefits associated with those enterprises. Overall the prevailing feeling in the Germanic territories was one of disintegration, an overwhelming lack of a sense of self. Kuno Francke has argued that this was the primary cause of the Romantic sentiment, "It was a literary symptom of social disintegration, a concomitant phenomenon of the final breakdown of the Holy Roman Empire" (1895:94).

As a result, "romanticism became patriotic and nationalistic" and the "cosmopolitan, individualistic attitude gave way to the desire to subordinate self to state and the nation. Nationalistic feeling welled up in powerful patriotic lyrics. Men like Fichte, in his Reden an die deutsche Nation, and Kleist, in drama and journalism, were profoundly conscious of the obligation of the individual to the state. The interest in Germany's past manifested itself in the emphasis upon older German literature and philology, folk lore, folksong, folk tale, and chap-books. The idea of totality and of organic development held by early romanticists was now applied in a new and more realistic manner to the state, society, and history" (Blanckenagel 1940:9).

The ramifications of this shift in Romantic thinking would be profound. Myth began being utilized as a caricature of the essence of a given people, "Mythologies are portraits of the soul of the people (Volkgeist) who created them, the romantics argued in a way typical for those impressed by 58 | P a g e

Johann Gottfried von Herder's (1744-1803) epoch-making views on 'people' (volk) as an organic totality integrated by tradition and culture. Myths are, however, not only to be viewed as expressions of the soul of the people but are also the cultural cement that ties a people together" (Arvidsson 1993:331). Notions of a "folk soul" helped produce the well known völkisch movement, which relied heavily on the of Johann Gottlieb Fichte, the Austrian Georg von Schonerer, and the Englishman Houston Stewart Chamberlain.

The völkisch movement, tied in part to land reform movements (lebensreform), really began to grow in the decades following German unification, during which individuals such as Paul de Lagarde called for "the creation of a national religion that could constitute the foundation of the German people in their struggle against the French, the English and the Jews...which would be freed from 'Jewish-Pauline' concepts of sin and renunciation" (Arvidsson 1993:339). Anti-Semitism and strong critiques towards Christianity were beginning to grow, taking shape in the writings of Nietzsche and who both viewed Christianity as a foreign force of occupation on German soil. Such sentiments developed alongside "disdain for democracy, the market economy, and ; pseudobiological naturalization of gender characteristics; skepticism toward materialistic science; enthusiasm for everything 'Germanic'. The Jew came to represent everything that at the time was wrong: the destruction by capitalism of everything valuable, the , the anonymity and rootlessness of the metropolis" (Arvidsson 1993:339).

Such sentiments had already been voiced by Schelling who "viewed the fundamental problems of modernity--a market economy, the absolutist state, and the lack of a vibrant culture (Oeffentlichkeit)--as manifestations of Christianity's essential religious orientation. The new mythology was intended not only to bridge the divide between a philosophical elite and the broad mass of the people but also to overcome the rift within the modern (Christian) self between freedom and nature, consciousness and the unconscious, infinite and finite...In calling for a new mythology Schelling envisioned the emergence of not only a new set of aesthetic symbols but also a series of rituals and festivals that would be the foundation of a reinvigorated culture of 'publicness' and an alternative to the purely 'private' cultures of the dynastic state, the literary market, and the established churches" (Williamson 2004:12).

This emphasis on a return to "public" religion would take hold of the German imagination well into the 20th century. Through the operas of Wagner and the work of comparative philologists, Germans began rediscovering and tying themselves to the Eddas, the , and imaginative spiritual notions about the Indo-Europeans and the culture of the . Indeed, "more than any other individual, brought the gods and heroes of the German 'national mythology' to life for a European public" (Williamson 2004:180). Wagner's musical genius was matched by his ability to give vitality to 59 | P a g e aesthetics, in which he captivated audiences with symbolic expressions of the romantic and nationalist sentiments of the time, most famously in . However, Wagner wasn't alone in disseminating such ideas to popular audiences. In the earlier part of the 19th century the Grimm brothers had traveled throughout the Germanic world, collecting local folklore in an attempt to recapture elements of old pagan beliefs. Their collection resulted in the publication of books on fairy tales, Germanic Sagas, and Teutonic mythology (many of which continue to be read by contemporary Germanic Pagans). Interest in their Germanic forbearers extended beyond Germany. Indeed, similar romantic tendencies were to be found throughout Scandinavia and Britain, where increasingly people were attempting to validate their connections with the Vikings or Anglo-Saxons. During the Victorian Period, attempts to honor their ancestors appeared throughout Britain (often in pagan form). One example of this was to be found in the Shetland Islands, where in the 1870's Up Helly Aa began being celebrated. Up Helly Aa started as a fire festival, which quickly took on Viking pagan overtones. In January 2015 I had the chance to fly to Lerwick, where to this day Up Helly Aa continues to be celebrated annually. Each year, Shetlanders gather together dressed in full medieval attire to welcome back the sun and burn a Norse galley, symbolic of the burial of a Viking Jarl (based on the writings of Ibn Fadlan). While Up Helly Aa is today used more as a symbol of heritage (and an excuse to party), its Romantic origins attest to the imaginative notions that at one point engulfed much of Europe.

Many of the sentiments found in German Romanticism, and in particular the völkisch movement can be seen within Germanic Neo-Pagan organizations. It is particularly evident with the folkish Heathen groups (See Ch.2). Examples of similarities include: an emphasis on the folk and who that entails; belief in a connection to an Indo-European culture; the notion of a racial soul (Deutscher Geist); an interest in using comparative "scientific" analyses of race; identifying personally with particular Germanic tribes; spiritual interpretations of nature and ethnic ties to the land (blut and boden); the importance of immanent spiritual experiences as opposed to transcendent ones; a reliance on eastern sources from Hinduism and Buddhism as well as writings from esotericism and the occult; perceptions of Christianity as a force of occupation; disagreement with philosophical notions of inevitable or civilization; the reappropriation of for creating a new religion (forward looking); an appreciation for tribal and communal socio-political structures; a disdain for homogenization (colonialism/globalization); anger towards harmful features of industrialism; an emphasis on aesthetics for bringing mythology to life; belief in archetypes/primordial images; interest in ecstatic religious techniques; a willingness to challenge ethical taboos while promoting an ideal image of virtue; and an overwhelming emphasis on life affirmation. While it is not accurate to say that contemporary Heathens, folkish or other, are replicas of völkisch philosophy, there remain strong correlations between the two. 60 | P a g e

As the 19th century came to a close German Romanticism had begun its descent into becoming a full blown political philosophy attempting to revive ethnic identity. What began as a philosophical movement devoted to poetic expressions of the trees had now shifted to stories of the mighty and portrayals of Jews as vermin. The stage had been set for those marginal fascist movements inhabiting 20th century "Germania", of which by way of a series of political mishaps eventually gave power to the NSDAP.

4.3 Germanic Paganism Under the Third Reich and Its Repercussions

Early 20th century Germany was an eclectic breeding ground for a variety of socio-political philosophies. Among these included a deepening interest in the occult, eastern spirituality, and pre- Christian religion. Despite unification, the Wilhelmine Period (1890-1918) did little to resolve the fragmented nature of the "German psyche". The fragile glue holding Germany together was shaken further with the defeat of the First World War, for which Germany received the totality of the blame. With blame came reparations and an admission of guilt, which in popular German discourse was interpreted as a form of humiliation. The consequences of the First World War, economic and social, only exacerbated the longing for a sense of self in Germany that had been developing in the prior centuries. In the context of religion this lead to a milieu of syncretic movements, many of which wove their own social biases, spirituality, and political agendas together. It was also a significant period for psychology, during which wrote extensively about Germanic identity. In his essay "Wotan", Jung characterizes the German psyche as an archetype of the old Germanic god Wotan, in which case he imagines himself a doctor and Germany his patient. He characterizes Wotan as "restless, full of tension, and fragmented, mirroring modern western society. This fragmentation was caused initially by a foreign religion, Christianity, which had crippled the instincts of the Germanic barbarian while splitting its psyche in two, civilizing one half while repressing the other. This psychic split was then exacerbated by the growth of natural science, which created a sharp division between faith and reason in the West" (Dohe 2011:345). Jung described the German psyche as being ready to burst into a seizure of spiritual proportions (ergriffenheit). For Jung, Wotan "is much more than a diagnosis of a psychological regression on a mass scale; rather, Jung suggests that the Germans were in mystical union with their own divinity, a condition necessary to bring about the collective spiritual rebirth many Germans clamored for after the catastrophe of WWI" (Doe 2011:345).

Jung's characterization, which utilizes mystical notions of immanent spiritual experience, would not have seemed out of place in early 20th century Germany. Amongst scholars and those segments of the population hungry for spiritual renewal, many began digging into the classics of eastern religion such as the Vedas or the Dhammapada, in which recognizing man's inner divinity is a fundamental concept. In 61 | P a g e addition, philosophical movements such as Madame Blavatsky's brand of had begun to grow in popularity as well. Theosophy (Greek for "God wisdom") was an esoteric which emphasized the attainment of secret knowledge through a dedication to uncovering the truth of divinity. Blavatsky was a key figure in contributing to the growing interest in man, and was also responsible for popularizing the use of the in the West. One of the groups which had incorporated elements of Blavatsky's philosophy was the .

The Thule Society, originally a fringe movement known as the "Study Group for Germanic Antiquity", developed from the (Germanenorden); a völkisch secret society which integrated German Mysticism alongside a revival of Germanic Pagan practices. The key founding members of the Thule Society were Rudolf von Sebottendorff and Walter Nauhaus. Nauhaus "was a follower of the Willhelmine-era esoteric philosophy known as 'Ariosophy', developed somewhat independently by two Austrian occultists, Guido von List and Lanz von Liebenfels. Ariosophy prophesied the resurgence of the ancient Aryan race, now embodied by the Germanic people, through adherence to a series of arcane pagan religious practices and strict racial purity" (Kurlander 2012:530). Lanz von Liebenfels is particularly remembered for the production of his neo-pagan political journal Ostara (named after the Norse goddess). Frequent readers of Ostara included , , Dietrich Eckart, and himself. The branch of the Thule Society would prove to be particularly politically motivated, which, with the involvement of Hitler lead to the creation of the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (German Workers Party), later renamed into the NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers Party). Despite attempts to distance himself from the Thule Society in later years, Hitler's reliance upon the group was key in realizing his political goals. Indeed, it was through the Franz Eher Verlag, a publishing house owned by the Thule Society, that Hitler published Mein Kampf (Davis 1993:57). 62 | P a g e

63 | P a g e

The swastika (a sun sign) had been adopted by the Teutonic Order early on, drawing on Guido von Lists' ideas, which characterized the Aryans as "the sons of the sun". This distinctly pagan notion would be utilized in propaganda, festivals, and fire rituals throughout the rise of the . Indeed, it became quite common for Hitler, Goebbels, and Himmler to utilize Germanic Paganism, mythology, and romanticized images of German antiquity as a political tool. For the most part, it was a stage technique, however there were members of the party (ex. Himmler) that took it seriously. In his 1935 essay The Voice of Our Ancestors Himmler wrote:

The heathen is one who remains true to himself and his kind, whose blood flows pure in his veins. And this pure blood regards the world with neither the hateful sneer of Sinai or the weak knees of Nazareth. It bears divinity, pure, clear and beautiful in its stream, so long as the race endures. None of these men has ever sought God. One does not seek that which dwells in one's soul. None of these men has ever been torn with doubt about the divine. Only he who betrays the divinity in himself and offers his soul to an alien god knows such doubt. Doubt is eternal where there is the eternal alien, and thereby the eternal unknown. The Christian is an eternal doubter. We heathens do not beg to our Creator; it would be an insult to the divinity in our . Nor do we heathens come to the Creator to complain. We do not proclaim our failures to the world and least of all not to the Creator. We seek to overcome our faults and to grow. Our way is not complaining, but anger--and first of all anger against ourselves. Nor do we repent, we heathens, because we cannot be cowardly; we have the courage to stand by our deeds.

The similarities between Himmler's sentiments on Christianity and ethics with those of contemporary Heathens are striking (See Ch.2). Heidegger would also agree with Himmler, writing in "The Fundamental Question of Philosophy" that "in order to be a genuine Volk, Germans must know their 'spiritual-popular mission'" (Karademir 2013:210). For many, this spiritual mission involved a break with modernism and a revival of the folk soul, which included a quasi-mystical connection to the land. In turn, this contributed to many of the already growing notions of gemeinschaft (community), Volkgeist (folk soul), and lebensraum (living space). As Hitler rose to power these ideas became further solidified in German youth, as well as in organizations such as Jakob Hauer's German Faith Movement (die deutsche Glaubensbewegung) which attempted its own revival of Germanic Paganism (Dohe 2011:350). For the Nazis, as well as others, the portrait of the pure heroic German pagan was used to help create a "Manichean" style narrative, which placed the Germans as keepers of the light fighting against a now dehumanized world of Jewish Bolsheviks. Such uses of national mythology were not relegated to Germany. In Scandinavia, debate over who was truly Nordic often incorporated romantic of the Viking Age, which were used to enact social policies that in turn suppressed ethnic minorities such as the Saami (Solli 2008:193). 64 | P a g e

Despite attempts by scholars such as J.R.R. Tolkien to combat the misappropriation of Germanic history and religion, the popularity of nationalist romanticism had already taken hold. The consequences for scholarship or interest in Germanic Paganism and German antiquity would be dire. After the end of the Second World War, "much of the previous research into the Age of the Vikings and Norse mythology fell into discredit. Those who continued to work in the field stressed empirical studies of the material culture and tried to avoid any ideological and political debate concerning the use and misuse of the history of the Vikings...the Viking heritage is a troubled heritage...and since researchers into the period more often than not have stressed sameness and not difference with the past, the neo-Nazis have wasted no time in using this research for their own purposes" (Solli 2008:194). Only in the past few decades has research into German/Norse antiquity seen a revival. However, many today face the same problems as those of the early 20th century, combating those that would use scholarly research to reinforce ideologies of hate. This has been especially true for Germanic Neo-Paganism, which in its modern form truly began to take shape in the 1970's.

4.4 Germanic Paganism Since the 1970's

Attempts to form fully fledged Germanic Neo-Pagan organizations began in the early 20th century. , a complex man who maintained fascist sympathies (absent the anti- Semitism), very well may be called the father of contemporary Germanic Paganism. In 1934 Mills established the Anglecyn Church of Odin, an Odinist organization in Australia. Throughout the remainder of his life, Mills published a number of books on Odinism (many of which are still read by Germanic Pagans today). He would prove to be particularly influential on Else Christensen (aka the "folk mother"), a Danish woman who participated in the resistance against Nazi the occupation. After the war, Christensen moved to Canada where, after having discovered Mills, she founded The Odinist Study Group in 1969 (which was renamed The Odinist Fellowship). Later Christensen immigrated to the U.S., where she became politically active in getting Odinist recognition in the American penal system. She also published her own journal The Odinist, which proved to be influential on other Germanic Pagan groups which had simultaneously begun to develop.

The 1960's was a prolific period for the development of new spiritual traditions, many of which have been lumped under the generic "neo-pagan umbrella". The so called counter-culture produced many of the same trends found during the Romantic Period: interest in eastern religion and philosophy, spiritual interpretations of nature, a growth of the occult and esotericism, a willingness to challenge sexual taboos, emphasis on the community, a revival of interest in European antiquity, and a rediscovery of ethnic identity. This eclectic range of developments lead to the growth of the esoteric groups such as the Rosicrusians, Wicca (founded by Gerald Gardener), New Age philosophy, the Church of (founded 65 | P a g e by Anton LeVey), neo-Shamanism, fascination with indigenous/, and a myriad of ethnic reconstructionist pagans (which included: Celtic, Slavic, Greco-Roman, Egyptian, and Germanic/Norse). Since the 1960's, "contemporary paganism is one of the fastest growing religious movements in the United States" (Oboler 2010:161), and continues to grow rapidly throughout the West. Estimates of the number of contemporary neo-pagans range anywhere from 1-4 million worldwide (McIntosh 2004:1039). While the structure, rituals, and gender makeup of neo-pagans remains relative to individual traditions, a few common themes seem to resonate across the board, namely: immanent spiritual experience, the sanctity of nature, and particular dissatisfaction with the Judeo-Christian traditions. Yet, despite having much in common, many of those put under the neo-pagan umbrella strive to escape it--noting that such a general label hinders any attempt to authenticate individual traditions. This desire to escape has been particularly true with Germanic Neo-Pagans who almost from the very beginning attempted to establish themselves as entirely independent.

Many of the neo-pagan groups are composed of middle-class, well educated, . These are often dominated by females, politically far to the left, and contain vague (if any) ethical codes. The Wiccan Rede, "an it harm none do what thou will", is an ethical maxim originally rooted in 's Law of "do what thou wilt". For Germanic Neo-Pagans, such vague notions appear useless. Instead, Heathens place emphasis on virtue ethics designed to garner self-improvement (See Ch.2). Heathens also tend to be wary of any ideology that emphasizes "equality" or "sameness", as is so often found in New Age philosophy. Even though many Germanic Pagans adhere to a belief in the interconnectedness of all things, it is often interpreted so through the lens of polytheism (or multiple manifestations). Heathens also tend to be politically more conservative, as opposed to the stereotypically liberal neo-pagan. Heathen distrust of many of the other neo-pagan groups also arises because they believe them lacking in authenticity. Whereas Germanic Pagans have written and archeological sources to build on, many of the other groups rely on the charisma of cultic figures or imaginary histories (as seen in the romanticized notions of the of female rule in Goddess Religion). Devyn Gillette in The Pentagram and the Hammer, notes that as a result of such differences, Germanic Paganism "by the mid- seventies was a completely separate community."

In the 1970's a number of prominent Heathen organizations developed, sometimes communicating with each other and other times remaining entirely independent. In Iceland Ásatrúarfélagið was formed in 1972 by a musician/farmer Sveinbjörn Beinteinsson. Ásatrúarfélagið received official recognition by the Icelandic government in 1973, and has generally been seen favorably since. The organization devotes much of its focus to honoring its Norse heritage, often interpreting the sources in an allegorical manner. In the U.S., Germanic Paganism got going with Steven McNallen's 66 | P a g e

Viking Brotherhood in 1972, later renamed the Ásatrú Free Assembly. In 1986 the Ásatrú Free Assembly was split in two, due to conflict over the folkish/universalist debate (See Ch.2). As a result, the AFA split into the Ásatrú Alliance and The Troth. The Ásatrú Alliance took a folkish stance, and was lead by Valgard Murray, a former member of the who had been influenced by Else Christensen. The Troth took a universalist stance, and was lead by Edred Thorsson; who remains one of the most influential figures in Heathenry today. As the Ásatrú Free Assembly disintegrated, McNallen spent years working on his own writing, until 1995 when he formed the Ásatrú Folk Assembly. The Ásatrú Folk Assembly is also of the folkish and remains one of the most well established Heathen organizations. Heathens struggled in weeding out neo-Nazis early on in the development of the various organizations, however some remained unabashedly in support of racism. A key example of this was David Lane's Temple of Wotan. Lane, a convicted murderer and member of the white supremacist terrorist group The Order, is particularly remembered for his 88 precepts and 14 word credo, "we must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children" (Michael 2009:1). When Lane died in prison in 2007, he was mourned by white nationalists around the world.

In Europe Heathen communities began to form simultaneously as well. In Britain the Odinic Rite was created from the 1973 Committee for the Restoration of the Odinic Rite. The Odinic Rite is an Anglo-Saxon folkish group, created by John Gibbs-Bailey and John Yeowell. In Spain, the Comunidad Odinista de España-Ásatrú (Odinist Community of Spain) was formed in 1981 by Ernesto Garcia and Isabel Rubio (also highly influenced by Else Christensen). Heathen organizations in Western Europe were heavily influenced by the growth of American Ásatrú, at times forming alliances or chapters in connection with groups there (such as the German Eldaring). Germany often found itself in the same circumstances as American Heathens, fighting against neo-Nazis misappropriation, such as with the Deutsche Heidnische Front (German Heathen's Front). While smaller groups have developed in other parts of Western Europe (Austria, Switzerland, Netherlands, Belgium), and in Eastern Europe (particularly Ukraine and Russia), most of the larger European organizations are found in Scandinavia. These organizations began achieving real growth starting in the 1990's (ex. Forn Siðr, Samfundet Forn Sed Sverige, Åsatrufellesskapet Bifrost) . While there were multiple factors contributing to this growth, there is substantial evidence that one of the major elements was the rise of the Norwegian and neo-folk music scenes. The neo-folk scene was and is "strongly devoted to the themes of romanticism and old Germanic and Scandinavian mythology and culture, and are often aligned with Radical Traditionalism" (Granholm 2011:533). The black metal scene in the 90's had many associations with Satanism and demonic imagery (Asprem 2008:43), however gradually many musicians started gravitating towards more pagan, fantasy, and historical themes. For fans of this shift, "the turn to a pre-Christian 67 | P a g e

Germanic and Scandinavian past catered to a multitude of needs. It adhered to a common esoteric appeal of the exotic, as it represented something which was far removed in time as well as from the dominant cultural and societal trends, norms, and values of the time. It satisfied the rebelliousness of rock discourse, and provided legitimacy both by being outside the mainstream and part of perceived 'authentic native culture'"(Granholm 2011:538).

As Heathens incorporate Germanic/Norse tribes into their identity, they also incorporate those tribes' history. That includes relying on historical sources for authenticity, and taking to heart historical grievances such as forced conversions during the Early Middle Ages. Romantic sentiments remain deeply embedded in much of Heathen discourse, from interest in Aryan religion to notions of the folk-soul. Folkish Heathens in particular retain a great number of similarities with the Romantics, often having many parallels with the völkisch movement. While I did not encounter many discussions of Romanticism in Heathen circles, knowledge surrounding Nazi uses of Germanic Paganism is fairly common and predominantly shunned. Heathens have also been unable to entirely distance themselves from other neo- pagan traditions, as many contemporary Heathens have come from these other schools of thought (in turn bringing with them their own "spiritual baggage"). As a result, most Heathen organizations exemplify a blend of Romanticism, esotericism, eastern philosophy, and various contemporary pagan ideas, which they have in turn used to interpret and appropriate Germanic/Norse historical sources.

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Conclusion

The primary purpose of this thesis has been to address how Heathens conceptualize themselves in relation to each other, society, and history. I have argued that Heathens adhere to an idea of neo-tribalism, which moves beyond Maffesoli's emphasis on the aesthetic, instead emphasizing ethnicity, ancestral ties, and perceptions of Germanic/Norse culture. While Germanic Neo-Pagans of different practice styles often utilize the same sources and similar rituals, they differentiate from each other based on issues of inclusion and systems of loyalty. Gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, cultural adoption, and loyalty to each other and specific deities are all key components by which Heathens define themselves and their kindreds. While bigotry in the form of racism or homophobia have been evident in Heathen history, adherents to such extremism appear to be in the minority. Instead, LGBT Heathens make up a high percentage of the Heathen population, and kindreds containing individuals with mixed ethnicity are widely accepted (as made particularly clear in the Americas). While hierarchy in Heathen organizations does exist, it remains loosely defined. Claiming authority based on interpretation of sources or divine revelation is seldom accepted--with most Heathens appearing to be vehemently opposed to the establishment of dogma, the codification of ethics, or any structural features that might bring them too close to becoming an organized religion. Although Heathen demographics are composed of non-marginal people, Heathens often face marginalization due to small numbers, geographic isolation, and lack of group activity. However, while this form of marginalization has caused problems for organization, growth, and the acquisition of land and temples--on a personal level it is often worn as a mark of pride.

In relation to history, Heathens see themselves as the continuation of early Germanic/Norse tribes of whose culture and beliefs they seek to revive. The history and culture of these tribes is considered something which people of European descent are entitled to, which has been taken from them by the growth of Christianity, negative ideologies of history relating to the so-called "barbarians", socio- economic forces which produce homogenization, a disconnect from the ancestors and the land, and the breakup of communities resulting from urbanization and the growth of technology. Heathens often approach these developments through a historical lens rooted in German Romanticism and the eclectic spiritual influences which that entails. However, most Heathen organizations display a deep hunger for academic literature, primary sources, and archaeological evidence as relates to early Germanic religion and individuals are readily encouraged to seek out knowledge for themselves and to familiarize themselves with the lore.

The recent growth of Germanic Neo-Paganism must be seen in part as a reaction to globalization, which has been exacerbated by the development of the internet and seems to be directly correlated with 69 | P a g e recent revivals of ethnic identity and nationalism. The woes and worries claimed by Heathens are very much akin to those expressed by intellectuals during the Romantic Era and participants of the counter- culture during the 1960's. In each case, a nostalgia for the past has been present, a rediscovery of ethnic identity has manifested, and a dissatisfaction with various features of modernism have been paramount. I argue this not to "explain away" Heathens, or relegate them to simply being a bi-product of cyclical patterns of history-- as with any form of analysis there is always a fear of dehumanizing the population of interest. However, I do wish to suggest that since the Industrial Revolution, Western Civilization has undergone periodic expressions of historical longing which has combined history and myth to create distinctively Romantic narratives of identity. As a result, it is important to contextualize Germanic Neo- Paganism within a wider historical paradigm, one which incorporates the trajectory of emergent religions and philosophical developments of the contemporary West. In addressing modernism, Maffesoli has noted, "There is a form of fatalism that we could stigmatize and consider regressive, but which at the same time underlines a possible renaissance, the necessary renewal of all things. The spirit of the times, to be sure, inclines toward melancholy, toward a nostalgia for an indistinct elsewhere that is hard to locate in time and space. But this 'thirst for the infinite,' to take up Durkheim's expression, by virtue of the anomie that it causes, will encourage sudden acts of revolt and inspire multiple social effervescences that do not follow the established of historical reason, but that take the chaotic path of those utterly unpredictable corsi e ricorsi" (2004:146).

My hope in writing this thesis is that I have contributed in small part to the discourse surrounding neo-paganism, and specifically challenged popular conceptions of contemporary Germanic Pagans. In addition, I have tried to show how these emerging ideologies are related to history and contemporary socio-political processes which remain at the heart of social science. However, there is still much research to be done. As a result, in closing, I would like to suggest a few ideas for further research as relates specifically to Germanic Neo-Paganism. First, more work needs to be done on a comparative geographical basis. While I have tried to address this as much as possible in my own work, further depth could be gained by looking specifically at where Germanic Neo-Paganism is growing in relation to geographic expressions of political and socio-economic status. While we know that most Heathens tend to be urban middle class, little research has been done into those that do not fit this category and how their beliefs may differ from the others. To what extent are Heathens actually pushing for a return to agrarian living? How do issues of inclusion vary by region? Do issues of inclusion play a major role in the use of certain rituals? Are cultic sites dedicated to specific deities visible by location? To what extent are Heathens politically active? Furthermore, ethnography would do well to contribute to the specific experiences of transgenders within Germanic Paganism. How do these experiences compare to the ways 70 | P a g e in which transgenders are treated within other neo-pagan traditions or the larger religious institutions of the West? Also, it is particularly striking that nearly half of contemporary Heathens have only arrived in the last five years. What cultural phenomenon could be responsible for this? Pop culture? A new wave of romanticism? Finally, how successful have families, kindreds, and Heathen organizations been at institutionalizing children? In my own survey research a number of individuals claimed to have been raised Heathen. Now would be the time to look into the experiences of these first and second generation Heathens and how knowledge has been disseminated to them. Addressing these questions could help both the academic and Heathen communities understand how Germanic Neo-Paganism is being developed and to what extend similarities and differences are being maintained and why. In addition, further research into Germanic Neo-Paganism could expand our understanding of the nature of ethnic or spiritual neo- tribes, of which we are likely to see further expressions of in the near future.

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Epilogue: Honoring the Ancestors With the Nine Worlds

On November 2nd, 2014 I was invited to join an ancestor honoring symbel in Delft, Netherlands amongst a local Heathen group known as the Negen Werelden (Nine Worlds). The ceremony took place at what appeared to be a community center, in one of the rooms that had been rented out on the second floor. Over the doorway to the room hung small banners displaying Germanic/Norse symbols. Inside the room was a circle composed of around twenty chairs, to the back a small table with drinks and snacks. The top of the back wall was lined with open windows in which you could see trees swaying back and forth. However, the focal point of the room was undoubtedly the situated on a table at the front of the room. Beautifully decorated, the altar contained mementos of members' connections to their ancestors. All of the events of the day would take place within this room, from roughly 12:30 to 5:30 PM. While not all of the Nine Worlds were in attendance, of those that were included eight males and four females, almost all Dutch natives (with the exception of one Englishman and a woman from the U.S.). The group was composed primarily of young to middle aged adults, many of whom sported a variety of symbols, including: , the volknot, pentagrams, and an upside down cross. Others wore shirts connected with the folk metal scene, displaying bands such as Heidevolk. The day itself was structured into segments, which went as follows: 1) Open discussion and introductions, 2) Lecture on ancestor worship, 3) Guided visual , 4) Building of the altar, 5) Inviting the ancestors, 6) Offerings to the ancestors, 7) Eating and tales of the ancestors, 8) Passing of the horn, 9) Closing of the ritual, 10) Final questions and discussion. What follows is a brief overview of that day's events.

When I first arrived at the Nine Worlds ceremony, I was instantly greeted with enthusiasm, kindness, and hospitality by all of the members who were already there. This hospitality would remain throughout the night, not least by members willingness to speak in English (thus accommodating my lack of Dutch skills).Each member I spoke with was patient with my questions and awkwardness as I asked them about their beliefs and lives. When I arrived I found a seat on the far side of the circle and explained who I was and why I was there. One of the members jokingly referred to the group as being "lab rats", to which I responded that I didn't see it that way. Before the official discussion segment began I spent time talking with various members about their involvement with the group and former pagan traditions (such as Wicca). From some of the members I learned that the group had originally been formed in 2005 and typically contained around sixteen members. Some of the older members had been involved in other Heathen groups going back thirty years. Others spoke to me of the group's core values, which included: respect, responsibility, honoring your role as a member of the group (not doing anything to shame the group), and not adhering to any brand of political extremism. Many members noted that they wanted nothing to do with extremism or racial Heathenry, and spoke negatively of groups that incorporated such 72 | P a g e elements in the U.S. and Belgium. When the open discussion began, it was made clear that the Nine Worlds adhered to a democratic structure based on the Norse Allthing, as opposed to other groups which contained charismatic leaders (in which case Steven McNallen was mentioned). It also became clear that the Nine Worlds do not use the Nine Noble Virtues, which again was shunned because of its association with the Ásatrú Folk Assembly. When I spoke to one of the group founders about this, I asked if the Nine Worlds based their ethics on the Havamal. He replied that while there was much to be gained from the Havamal, the Nine Worlds did not use it as the sole basis for their core values.

As the open discussion continued, members explained how they had come to Heathenry. Some had felt dissatisfaction with former spiritual traditions (Christianity and Ba'hai were mentioned). One member, interested in shamanism, noted that Heathenry was simply another stepping stone in his exploration of ecstatic experiences. This led the conversation into seidhr (See Ch.2). Others expressed their interest in certain deities, most notably Odin. Most appeared to be literal polytheists, with some expressing pantheist or archetypal interpretations. Some mentioned their actual experiences with deities or spirits such as the landvættir (land wights). For example, one couple explained their experiences dedicating a weekend to honoring their ancestors, and the "solemn and intense" nature of those experiences in which they felt their ancestor's presence. Most members appeared very well read historically, often citing examples from the Icelandic Sagas and the Middle Ages. Nietzsche was mentioned as an influential source for one member, while another openly claimed to be an anarchist.

As the open discussion came to a close, the lecture began, which was delivered primarily by John, one of the group founders. John's lecture proved to be very well researched, informative, and eloquently delivered. The purpose of the lecture was to understand the nature of ancestor worship. This included a distinction between ancestor worship and death cults (one example given was the Mexican Día de Muertos), as a well as a thorough discussion of ancestor worship in Germanic lore and history. Throughout the lecture most of those who spoke acknowledged how much we don't know about how rituals were actually performed or about what the ancestors really believed. There was no attempt to suggest an exact historical reconstruction of Germanic religion, but instead the creation of Germanic Paganism for the 21st century. However, the lecture itself utilized many historical examples from Frankish legal codes, archaeology, and Ibn Fadlan's account of the Rus. In sum the lecture lasted around forty minutes.

After the lecture, John's wife Gunna led a guided meditation. While the meditation was delivered in Dutch, before it began she explained to me the structure and imagery that she was going to be using. Basically, the imagery consisted of guiding members deep into the hole of a tree which was lit by two 73 | P a g e torches from the inside. From there members were guided to a bridge where they would wait to receive messages (in silence). In all this lasted around 15 minutes. With the exception of one member who sat in the lotus position on the floor, throughout the meditation most remained in their chairs. There was no music accompanying the meditation, only the hypnotic sound of Gunna's voice and the soft swaying of the trees outside. After the meditation ended, Gunna explained that members didn't have to explain what they went through or experienced, and that it was ok if they wanted to keep what they felt for themselves.

Following the meditation it came time to add to the altar. Each member was encouraged to add something which was symbolically important to their ancestors. Examples included: pictures, drinking horns, beer, books, a piece of mining equipment, a Viking shaped pumpkin, and a statue of a boar. Next to member items was a very large drinking horn, flanked by two small candles and one large candle. In front of the altar stood a chair, upon which sat an empty plate. Beneath the front of the chair sat a large bowl. Both the plate and bowl would be used later in the ritual. After all the items were placed on the altar, the candles were lit and the lights turned off. It was then that the next phase of the ritual began, in which members were encouraged to invite an ancestor to be with the group for the rest of the day. All of the members stood in a circle, and one by one invited an ancestor to join (mostly in Dutch). When it came my turn to talk, I awkwardly spoke to the memory of my great grandfather Clarence, who had struggled to survive through the . I note my own awkwardness because it was juxtaposed to the confidence and style of speaking in which everyone else spoke.

When the invitation had ended, members were instructed to place the offerings they had brought into the bowl beneath the altar and chair. Most of the offerings consisted of beer. It had been noted that beer was used instead of in order to adhere to historical accuracy, due to the scarcity of bees in the North. In addition to beer, other members added , chocolate with peanuts, pancakes, and tobacco. At this point Gunna brought out a homemade pie, on the center of which was carved an image of Thor's Hammer (the piece I was later to eat). Gunna cut two large pieces and added them to the plate on the chair. The ancestors are given the first servings as a sign of respect. One of the themes throughout the night was the notion of reciprocity, you honor the ancestors in life and they will look after you in death. After the offerings were made, each member was offered a piece of apple pie. While eating, those who felt comfortable were encouraged to tell a story about a particular ancestor from the recent or distant past. While I included a story of my own, others noted their connection to Frisian nobility, while some praised their more humble origins from farmers and carpenters.

After everybody was done eating, it came time to pass the large drinking horn. By now it was considerably dark, with only candlelight and the faint dusk sun bringing illumination. This phase of the 74 | P a g e ritual was another chance to honor an entire lineage, or once again a specific ancestor. Each member would make a statement such as "I honor those past and present and those yet to come", after which all members would acknowledge the statement by saying "hail". The person toasting their ancestors then took a drink from the horn (filled with a dark Dutch beer), then they pass it to the next member in the circle. Because of the amount of beer in the horn, there was enough for everyone to toast twice. The first time the horn came to me, I barely got a sip, as the liquid was very far down . The second time, I toasted the Nine Worlds, and trying to overcompensate for my previous sip, I tilted the horn back farther. The result of this attempt was me spilling beer all over my face, glasses, and clothes (i.e. making an ass out of myself during a sacred ritual). Luckily the group took my stupidity in good humor, one noting that I must have been "really serious" about my toast. I responded that I simply needed a bigger to soak up all the beer, which luckily brought laughter and alleviated my own embarrassment. Despite the seriousness of the day's rituals, throughout its entirety members consistently displayed a good sense of humor and kindness which I found endearing. After the last person had toasted, the remaining beer was poured into the bowl as a final offering to the ancestors.

It was now time to close the ritual. This was done in two parts. First, as a group, the ancestors who had been invited were now allowed to leave. The final part consisted of blowing out the candle, signifying the ritual had come to an end. At this point anyone who wanted to was free to leave. As members retrieved their items from the altar, others stayed behind to talk. I joined John and a few other members in a discussion about the group structure, in which case he emphasized the importance of members in the Nine Worlds sharing power equally. After these closing conversations ended and we had said our goodbyes, on the way out I began talking and walking with a young Dutch male who was interested in joining the Nine Worlds. As we walked towards the train station, we discussed each other's interests in Germanic Paganism, his spiritual history, ethnicity, psychedelics, and what had sparked his interest in Heathenry. Our conversation soon turned towards globalization, which he believed was partially responsible for people's interest in Heathenry as well as European culture loss. He also expressed his desire for more structure and organization within Heathenry. While individualism was seen as a positive thing, the relative "each person has their own truth" notion didn't really seem beneficial for spiritual authenticity. By that time we had arrived at the train station, where we exchanged contact information. I didn't know it at the time, but it turned out to be the start of a meaningful friendship and the first of many fascinating conversations. That day amongst the Nine Worlds, spent honoring the ancestors, proved to be a fruitful start to my field work and an even better introduction into a world full of Heathens.

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Taken with permission of the Negen Werelden

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82 | P a g e

Appendix A: Survey Results

*Note on survey structure: The current format works best if viewed in color and is designed to show comparative data for geographic regions and gender. The numbers in the charts represent the percentage of respondents who selected each choice. The total number of respondents has been given for each chart. As some gave answers which could not be categorized and others gave more than one, the numbers do not add up exactly to 100%.

Age Range 50 40 30 20 10 0 Australia Percent ofRespondents Percent Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Under 18 11.11 7.25 3.13 9.59 3.21 26.09 2.88 5.19 2.64 18-25 44.44 21.74 25 45.21 14.29 26.09 21.15 23.38 20.96 25-30 22.22 14.49 28.14 26.03 16.43 21.74 18.75 22.08 19.49 30-45 22.22 36.23 32.81 16.44 42.86 26.09 37.02 29.22 37.47 45-55 0 13.04 8.59 1.37 17.86 0 12.5 16.88 12.81 55-65 0 7.25 2.34 0 4.29 0 6.25 3.25 5.51 Over 65 0 0 0 0 1.07 0 1.44 0 0.9 Prefered Not to Answer 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.22

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and : 69, Canada: 128, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 280, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 208, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,780

Gender 83 | P a g e 100 90

80

70 60 50 40

30 Percent ofRespondents Percent 20 10 0 Australia Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Male 55.56 71.64 65.63 83.33 55.71 60.87 69.71 55.84 67.98 Female 11.11 25.37 32.81 16.67 41.07 34.78 28.37 41.56 28.48 Transgender 33.33 0 0.78 0 1.07 0 0.48 1.3 2.3 Prefered Not to Answer 0 2.99 0.78 0 2.14 4.35 1.44 1.3 1.24

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 67, Canada: 128, Latin America: 72, Northern Europe: 280, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 208, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,780

Sexual Orientation 100

90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 Percent ofRespondents Percent 10 0 Australia Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Straight 55.56 77.94 73.23 90.28 79 69.57 83.09 77.92 76.98 LGBT 22.22 17.65 20.47 8.33 13.52 26.09 11.59 9.09 14.71 Other 11.11 2.94 4.72 0 4.63 4.35 3.38 7.14 6.01 Prefered Not to Answer 11.11 1.47 1.57 1.39 2.85 0 1.93 5.84 2.3

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 68, Canada: 127, Latin America: 72, Northern Europe: 281, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,781

Ethnicity 84 | P a g e 120

100

80

60

40

Percent of Respondents of Percent 20

0 Australia Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand European 77.78 97.1 93.8 39.73 93.59 95.65 97.12 96.08 88.94 Asian 0 0 0.78 0 0 0 0 0.65 0 African 11.11 0 0 0 0.36 0 0 0 0.17 Indigenous/Native 0 0 1.55 5.48 1.42 0 0 0 0.67 Ethnic Mixture 11.11 2.9 3.88 50.68 2.14 4.35 2.4 1.96 8.87 Preferred Not to Answer 0 0 0 4.11 2.49 0 0.48 1.31 1.35

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 129, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 281, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 208, Western Europe: 153, United States: 1,781

Highest Level of Education 50

45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10

Percent ofRespondents Percent 5 0 Australia Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Secondary School 44.44 29.41 22.48 24.66 15.36 34.78 11.59 18.18 10.67 Some College 33.33 25 31.78 12.33 17.14 17.39 39.61 12.34 33.26 Associates/Two Year Degree 11.11 19.12 20.93 16.44 17.14 8.7 11.59 17.53 19.83 Bachelors/Four Year Degree 11.11 16.18 19.38 30.14 31.43 21.74 22.71 24.03 20.17 Graduate Degree 0 10.29 5.43 16.44 18.93 17.39 14.49 27.92 10.67

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 68, Canada: 129, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 280, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,780

Field of Study 30 85 | P a g e

25

20

15

10 Percent ofRespondents Percent

5

0

Total Respondents: 2,656

Employment Status

70

60 50 40 30 20

Percent ofRespondents Percent 10 0 Australia Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Full Time 33.33 42.65 58.14 41.67 51.6 39.13 59.62 47.4 61.31 Part Time 33.33 19.12 17.05 30.56 23.13 21.74 19.71 27.27 16.86 Unemployed 33.33 26.47 17.05 25 18.15 39.13 15.38 22.08 13.71 Disabled 0 5.88 3.88 2.78 5.69 0 2.4 2.6 4.79 Retired 0 5.88 3.88 0 1.42 0 2.88 0.65 3.33

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 68, Canada:129, Latin America: 72, Northern Europe: 281, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 208, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,773

Occupation 86 | P a g e

18

16 14 12 10 8 6 4

Percent ofRespondents Percent 2 0

Total Respondents: 2,645

Number of Years in Involved in Germanic Paganism 90

80

70 60 50 40 30

20 Percent ofRespondents Percent 10 0 Australia Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand 0-5 Years 77.78 55.07 46.51 63.89 29.39 69.57 43.96 40.26 49.24 5-10 Years 11.11 14.49 30.23 19.44 28.67 17.39 25.12 26.62 25.32 10-20 Years 11.11 11.59 14.73 13.89 23.3 13.04 15.46 21.43 15.33 20+ Years 0 18.84 8.53 2.78 18.64 0 15.46 11.69 10.11

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 129, Latin America: 72, Northern Europe: 279, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,781

87 | P a g e Practice Style

70

60 50 40 30 20

Percent ofRespondents Percent 10 0 Australia Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Solitary 22.22 58.82 52.34 49.32 28.47 56.52 63.29 42.21 54.41 Group 11.11 11.76 15.63 26.03 43.77 8.7 8.21 22.08 15.74 Online 11.11 5.88 4.69 4.11 3.91 17.39 7.73 8.44 7.59 Eclectic 55.56 23.53 27.34 20.55 23.84 17.39 20.77 27.27 22.26

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 68, Canada: 128, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 281, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,779

Nature of the Deities 70

60

50

40

30

20 Percent ofRespondents Percent 10

0 Australia Asia and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Africa America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Polytheism or Literal Beings 55.56 42.64 57.81 47.22 27.59 43.48 45.89 43.42 62.65 , Nature, or Manifestations 22.22 4.44 2.34 18.05 15.41 21.73 10.62 13.81 8.77 Archetypes or Symbols 11.11 26.47 23.43 23.61 40.5 17.39 26.09 30.92 18.33 Human Stories or Ideas 11.11 1.47 0 1.38 11.46 8.7 13.52 0 4.78 Multifaceted 0 11.76 0 5.55 3.94 8.79 2.89 4.6 4.33 Unsure 0 0 1.56 1.38 1.43 0 0.96 0.65 2.08

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 68, Canada: 128, Latin America: 72, Northern Europe: 279, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 152, United States: 1,778

Annual Number of Rituals 88 | P a g e 45

40

35

30

25

20

15 Percent of Respondents of Percent 10

5

0 None 4 or Less 5 to 10 10 to 20 20 or more

Total Respondents: 2,734

Use of the Nine Noble Virtues

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Percent of Respondents of Percent Australia Africa and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Asia America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Yes, as a guide 66.67 60.86 60.46 53.42 30.6 36.36 53.14 55.26 54.8 Yes, as sacred laws 22.22 14.49 22.48 31.51 2.85 22.73 17.87 15.13 27.26 No 11.11 14.49 13.17 15.07 62.63 36.36 26.09 23.02 15.73 No, Eddas and Sagas 0 1.44 0 0 1.77 4.55 0.96 2.63 0.84 No, Personal Code 0 2.89 2.32 0 1.06 0 1.93 4.6 1.23 No, Alt. Ethical Code 0 2.89 2.32 0 0 0 0.48 0.65 0.33 No, Alt. Heathen Code 0 2.89 1.55 0 0.35 0 0 0 0.28

Total Respondents: Asia and Africa: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 129, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 281, Eastern Europe: 22, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 152, United States: 1,779

89 | P a g e Type of Heathen

90

80

70 60 50 40 30

20 Percent of Respondents of Percent 10 0 Australia Africa and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Asia America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Universalist 22.22 40.57 39.84 72.6 61.78 57.14 55.55 60.38 44.4 Centrist 77.78 36.23 42.96 17.81 21.78 28.57 28.98 27.45 36.25 Folkish 0 18.84 14.84 4.11 14.64 14.29 13.52 10.46 15.68 Tribalist 0 2.89 1.56 2.73 1.42 0 1.44 0.65 2.24 Not Applicable 0 1.44 0.78 0 0.35 0 0.48 0.65 1.68

Total Respondents: Africa and Asia: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 128, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 280, Eastern Europe: 21, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 153, United States: 1,779

Structure and Organization 80

70 60 50 40 30 20

Percent ofRespondents Percent 10 0 Australia Africa and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Asia America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand More 66.67 39.13 50 56.16 32.38 43.47 40.48 45.09 40.73 Right Amount 11.11 30.43 38.1 34.24 45.9 34.78 46.34 33.33 37.56 Less 22.22 11.59 5.55 9.58 10.32 21.74 7.32 11.76 6.91 Better 0 0 5.55 0 2.84 0 1.95 1.96 3.56 Recognition 0 4.34 1.58 0 1.42 0 1.46 0.65 2.77 Independent Choice 0 7.24 1.58 0 5.33 0 0.97 3.92 4.07 Unsure 0 7.24 0.79 0 2.84 0 1.95 2.61 4.98

Total Respondents: Africa and Asia: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 126, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 281, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 205, Western Europe: 153, United States: 1,765

90 | P a g e Defining Heathenry

60 50 40 30 20

10 Percent of Respondents of Percent 0 Australia Africa Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada and Asia America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Reconstructed Religion 22.22 37.68 41.73 34.72 25.26 47.83 41.34 33.77 43.74 Continued Native Germanic Religion 55.56 47.82 34.65 40.28 29.18 21.74 34.62 29.22 31.9 Modern Religion Historically Inspired 22.22 10.14 14.96 16.67 36.65 26.09 21.63 28.57 18.54 Heritage Movement Only 0 1.45 0 1.39 2.49 4.35 0.48 2.6 1.13 A Spiritual Path 0 1.44 3.14 2.77 1.77 0 0.96 1.94 0.78 Mixture of the Above 0 1.44 6.29 2.77 4.27 0 0.96 3.89 2.87 Unsure 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.07

Total Respondents: Africa and Asia: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 127, Latin America: 72, Northern Europe: 281, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 208, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,774

91 | P a g e Should there be gender roles in Heathenry?

60

50

40

30

20

10 Percent ofRespondents Percent 0 Australia Africa and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Asia America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Yes 33.33 7.25 5.43 20.55 6.45 17.39 11.11 7.79 12.17 Sometimes 33.33 40.58 46.51 42.46 36.56 52.17 42.03 37.66 47.67 No 33.33 43.47 47.28 36.99 56.63 30.43 46.85 53.24 38.56 Group Choice 0 1.44 0 0 0.35 0 0 1.29 0.5 Unsure 0 7.24 0.77 0 0 0 0 0 0.9

Total Respondents: Africa and Asia: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 129, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 279, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,766

Sexual Orientation Within Heathenry 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20

Percent ofRespondents Percent 10 0 Australia Africa and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Asia America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Does Not Matter 77.78 82.6 86.82 69.86 91.78 69.57 81.64 83.66 80.37 Matters Somewhat 22.22 7.24 8.52 19.18 6.43 13.04 10.62 8.49 11.97 Is Important 0 7.24 4.65 8.22 1.79 17.39 7.73 7.18 6.58 Unsure 0 2.89 0 1.36 0.36 0 0 0.65 1.06

Total Respondents: Africa and Asia: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 129, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 280, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 207, Western Europe: 153, United States: 1,778

92 | P a g e Have you ever practiced seidhr or ? 90 80

70 60 50 40 30

Percent of Respondents of Percent 20 10 0 Australia Africa and Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada Asia America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Yes 22.22 26.09 34.13 30.56 42.65 47.83 35.1 42.76 36.3 No 77.78 73.91 65.87 69.44 57.35 52.14 64.9 57.24 63.7

Total Respondents: Africa and Asia: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 126, Latin America: 72, Northern Europe: 279, Eastern Europe: 23, U.K. and Ireland: 208, Western Europe: 152, United States: 1,752

Interpretation of the Runes 70

60

50

40

30 Percent ofRespondents Percent 20

10

0 Symbols with Just a writing script Tools for meditation Mixture of the Unsure Cosmic or natural magical potential (no magic) above forces

Total Respondents: 2,730

93 | P a g e Use of Music as a Spiritual Tool

60

50

40

30

Percent ofRespondents Percent 20

10

0 Sometimes Frequently No

Total Respondents: 2,737

Should Heathens evangelize? 70

60

50

40

30

20 Percent ofRespondents Percent

10

0 No Selectively Casually Frequently

Total Respondents: 2,728 94 | P a g e Are you openly Heathen?

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15 Percent ofRespondents Percent 10

5

0 Yes Mostly Selectively No

Total Respondents: 2,735

Perception of Nature 90

80

70

60

50

40

30 Percent ofRespondents Percent

20

10

0 Sacred and should Just part of There to be used by Should be protected Mixture of the Unsure or don't Care be protected existence humans out of necessity above

Total Respondents: 2,731 95 | P a g e Prior Religious/Spiritual Affiliation

Satanism New Age 1% 0% 0% Santeria, , or Voudoun Wicca or 0% Goddess Worship 2% 9%

Occult or , Atheism, or Shamanism or 1% Eclectic Paganism No Prior Beliefs Native Spirituality 9% Judaism or Jewish 21% 2% Mysticism Islam Baha'I, Hare Krishna, 1% 1% or Mysticism, 0% , Celtic, Slavic, or Western Egyptian, or Buddhism, Shinto, Esotericism Greco-Roman or 1% Paganism 4% 4%

Pantheism, , or Christianity (All 1% Denominations) 45%

Total Respondents: 2,072

96 | P a g e Most Influential Sources 60

50

40

30

20 Percent ofRespondents Percent 10

0

Total Respondents: 1,828

Is racism a problem within Heathenry?

60

50

40

30

20

10 Percent of Respondents of Percent

0 Australia Africa Latin Northern Eastern U.K. and Western United and New Canada and Asia America Europe Europe Ireland Europe States Zealand Yes 33.33 26.08 33.59 54.79 29.03 40.91 21.68 30.51 33.7 For a small minority 11.11 27.53 21.87 16.43 16.84 22.73 31.55 23.37 22.66 No more than for any other group 33.33 21.73 25 16.44 26.52 27.27 29.13 24.03 25.2 No or misconception 22.22 18.84 17.96 9.58 26.88 9.09 19.41 22.07 16.4 Unsure 0 1.44 1.56 1.36 0.71 0 0.48 0 2.02

Total Respondents: Africa and Asia: 9, Australia and New Zealand: 69, Canada: 128, Latin America: 73, Northern Europe: 279, Eastern Europe: 22, U.K. and Ireland: 206, Western Europe: 154, United States: 1,774

97 | P a g e Personal Connection to Deities

35

30

25

20

15

10 Percent ofRespondents Percent 5

0

Sif

Eir

Sol

Tyr

Ullr

Loki

Thor

Odin

Frigg

Hella

Bragi

Mani

Freyr

Aegir

Baldr

Signy

Skadi

Njord

Idunn

Norns

Mimir

Freyja

Vidarr

Eostre

Gefjon

Forseti

Wights

Heimdallr

Frau HoldaFrau

Celtic Deities Celtic

Slavic Deities Slavic

Roman Deities

No ConnectionNo

-

Egyptian Deities Egyptian

Greco

Einherjar, , Valkyries, Einherjar,and Ancestors , Earth,Nerthus,or Mother Goddess

Total Respondents: 2,004

Gender and Sexual Orientation 100

90

80 70 60 50 40 30

20 Percent ofRespondents Percent 10 0 Male Female Transgender Straight 87.94 63.53 3.92 LGBT 7.42 23.31 80.39 Other 2.99 9.66 15.69 Prefer Not to Answer 1.66 3.5 0

Total Respondents: Male: 1,807, Female: 828, Transgender: 51

98 | P a g e Gender and Type of Heathen

80

70

60

50

40

30

20 Percent of Respondents of Percent

10

0 Male Female Transgender Universalist 42.56 58.18 72.54 Centrist 36.26 29.57 21.57 Folkish 17.3 10.3 1.96 Tribalist 2.37 1.09 3.92 Not Applicable 1.6 1.09 0

Total Respondents: Male: 1,809, Female: 825, Transgender: 51

Gender and Gender Roles 80

70

60 50 40 30

20 Percent ofRespondents Percent 10 0 Male Female Transgender No 38.05 49.39 72.54 Sometimes 46.88 42.7 25.49 Yes 13.72 6.69 1.96 Unsure 0.66 1.09 0 Group Choice 0.66 0.12 0

Total Respondents: Male: 1,800, Female: 822, Transgender: 51

99 | P aGender g e and Sexual Orientation Within Heathenry

120

100

80

60

40

Percent ofRespondents Percent 20

0 Male Female Transgender Does Not Matter 78.33 88.6 96.07 Matters Somewhat 12.71 7.87 0 Important 8.12 2.42 3.02 Unsure 0.82 1.09 0

Total Respondents: Male: 1,809, Female: 825, Transgender: 51

Gender and Seidhr/Galdr Practice 80

70

60

50

40

30

Percent ofRespondents Percent 20

10

0 Male Female Transgender Yes 31.6 46.52 42 No 68.4 53.48 58

Total Respondents: Male: 1,785, Female: 819, Transgender:51 100 | P a g e

Gender and Deity Connections

Male Top % of Female % of Transgend % of Deity Responden Top Deity Responden er Top Responden Connectio ts Connectio ts Deity ts ns ns Connection s 1. Odin 37.37 Freyja 26.89 Odin 33.33 2. Thor 22.84 Odin 25 Loki 33.33 3. Tyr 16.24 Thor 13.68 Thor 11.90 4. Freyja 7.38 12.89 Freyja 11.90 5. Freyr 5.05 Loki 9.59 Freyr 7.14 6. Loki 4.51 Skadi 6.29 Skadi 7.14 7. Tyr 2.87 Tyr 6.13 Frigg 4.76

Total Respondents: Male: 1,287, Female: 636, Transgender: 42

101 | P a g e

What Heathenry Can Offer the Modern World?

25

20

15

10

5 PercentageofRespondents

0

Total Respondents: 1,938

102 | P a g e

Appendix B: Organization Web Pages

Ásatrú Alliance: http://www.Ásatrú.org/

Ásatrúarfélagið: http://Ásatrú.is/

Ásatrú Folk Assembly: http://www.runestone.org/

Bifrost: https://www.bifrost.no/index.php?option=com_frontpage&Itemid=1

Eldaring E.V.: http://www.eldaring.de/

Forn Sed Norge: http://www.forn-sed.no/main/english/english.htm

Forn Sidr (Denmark): http://www.fornsidr.dk/

Germanische Glaubens-Gemeinschaft: http://www.germanische-glaubens-gemeinschaft.de/

Gotland Forn Sed: http://www.fornsed.es/index3.php?articulo_id=115&art=1

Heathen Freehold Society of B.C.: http://bc-freehold.org/news.php

Hrafnar: http://www.hrafnar.org/

Irminsol Heathen Fellowship: http://www.irminsol.org/irminsol-heathen-fellowship/

Irminsul Aettir: http://www.irminsul.org/ir/ir.html

Kindred of Ravenswood: http://members.iquest.net/~chaviland/Rindex.html

New Northvegr Center: http://www.northvegr.org/

Nine Worlds: http://www.negenwerelden.nl/

Odin Brotherhood: http://www.odinbrotherhood.com/contact.html

Odinist Community of Spain: http://Ásatrú.es/

Odinist Fellowship: http://www.odinistfellowship.co.uk/

Odinic People's Front: http://odinicpeoplesfront.weebly.com/index.html

Odinic Rite: http://www.odinic-rite.org/main/

Odin's Volk: http://www.odinsvolk.ca/

Raven Hammer Kindred: http://ravenhammerkindred.webs.com/

Swedish Forn Sed Assembly: http://www.samfundetfornsed.se/ 103 | P a g e

Svarte Aske Community of Pagans: http://askrsvarte.org/

Temple of Our Heathen Gods: http://www.heathengods.com/

The Troth: http://www.thetroth.org/

Ulfar: http://ulfar.org/