IAEA Bulletin Volume 46, No. 2
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Arabs Want Redistribution, So Why Don't They Vote Left? Theory And
Arabs Want Redistribution, So Why Don’t They Vote Left? Theory and Evidence from Egypt Faculty Research Working Paper Series Tarek Masoud Harvard Kennedy School April 2013 RWP13-007 Visit the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper series at: http://web.hks.harvard.edu/publications The views expressed in the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. Faculty Research Working Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. Such papers are included in this series to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. www.hks.harvard.edu Arabs want redistribution, so why don’t they vote left? Theory and evidence from Egypt Tarek Masoud∗ Abstract Though Egyptian voters clearly evince a desire for Islamic law (however defined), public opinion research shows that they also want robust welfare states and significant redistri- bution. Though the application of Islamic law is the special province of Islamist parties, it is left-leaning, labor-based parties who are the primary champions of the economic poli- cies that Egyptians seem to desire. Why, then, do Egyptian voters select the former over the latter? This article argues that the answer lies not in the political unsophistication of voters, the subordination of economic interests to spiritual ones, or the bureaucratic and organizational shortcomings of leftist parties, but in the ways in which the social landscape shapes the opportunities of parties in newly democratized systems to reach potential vot- ers. -
Copyright by Paul Harold Rubinson 2008
Copyright by Paul Harold Rubinson 2008 The Dissertation Committee for Paul Harold Rubinson certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Containing Science: The U.S. National Security State and Scientists’ Challenge to Nuclear Weapons during the Cold War Committee: —————————————————— Mark A. Lawrence, Supervisor —————————————————— Francis J. Gavin —————————————————— Bruce J. Hunt —————————————————— David M. Oshinsky —————————————————— Michael B. Stoff Containing Science: The U.S. National Security State and Scientists’ Challenge to Nuclear Weapons during the Cold War by Paul Harold Rubinson, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August 2008 Acknowledgements Thanks first and foremost to Mark Lawrence for his guidance, support, and enthusiasm throughout this project. It would be impossible to overstate how essential his insight and mentoring have been to this dissertation and my career in general. Just as important has been his camaraderie, which made the researching and writing of this dissertation infinitely more rewarding. Thanks as well to Bruce Hunt for his support. Especially helpful was his incisive feedback, which both encouraged me to think through my ideas more thoroughly, and reined me in when my writing overshot my argument. I offer my sincerest gratitude to the Smith Richardson Foundation and Yale University International Security Studies for the Predoctoral Fellowship that allowed me to do the bulk of the writing of this dissertation. Thanks also to the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale University, and John Gaddis and the incomparable Ann Carter-Drier at ISS. -
NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament
NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: Challenges for the for 10th and Disarmament: Challenges Conference NPT Review Non-proliferation of Nuclear and the Frameworks NATO Research Paper Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina International Security Programme | May 2020 NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Challenges for the 10th NPT Review Conference Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina with Yasmin Caughley, Tim Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Background 5 3 NATO and the NPT 8 4 NATO: the NPT and the TPNW 15 5 NATO and the TPNW: Legal Issues 20 6 Conclusions 24 About the Authors 28 Acknowledgments 29 1 | Chatham House NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Summary • The 10th five-yearly Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (the NPT) was due to take place in April–May 2020, but has been postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic. • In force since 1970 and with 191 states parties, the NPT is hailed as the cornerstone of a rules-based international arms control and non-proliferation regime, and an essential basis for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament. But successive review conferences have been riven by disagreement between the five nuclear weapon states and many non-nuclear weapon states over the appropriate way to implement the treaty’s nuclear disarmament pillar. • Although the number of nuclear weapons committed to NATO defence has been reduced by over 90 per cent since the depths of the Cold War, NATO nuclear weapon states, and their allies that depend on the doctrine of extended nuclear deterrence for their own defence, favour continued retention of the remaining nuclear weapons until the international security situation is conducive to further progress on nuclear disarmament. -
In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year. -
Pre-Emption and Coercion – a Case Study of Syrian Disarmament Discourse
97 PRE-EMPTION AND COERCION – A CASE STUDY OF SYRIAN DISARMAMENT DISCOURSE Waseem Iftikhar Janjua, Ahmed Saeed Minhas and Farhat Konain Shujahi* Abstract The notions of pre-emption and coercions have been part of the offensive security policies around the world. These tools have been continuously applied in international relations by the relatively powerful against the weak during and after the Cold War, more specifically in the domain of Weapons of Mass Destruction. The manifestation of these concepts played a more constructive role in preventing an all-out war among the belligerents. However, the application of these tools against the same country has been comparatively an infrequent phenomenon which makes the Syrian case unique and a valid area of inquiry. Examining the Syrian aspirations of achieving nuclear weapons and the use of chemical weapons against civilians, this paper finds an interesting concord between the applicability of both tools. The research further concludes that pre-emption could only achieve partial disarmament leaving chemical weapons and facilities intact which had to be subsequently removed through coercion. Finally, the paper emphasizes the need for diplomacy and persuasion before pre-emption or coercion be employed. Keywords: Syria, Disarmament, Pre-emption, Coercion, Weapons of Mass Destruction. Introduction or a long time, the greatest hurdle in declaring the Middle East as a Weapons of F Mass Destruction Free Zone (WMDFZ) has been the selective implementation of disarmament regimes and regional realpolitik. While Israeli nuclear program is a taboo and remains completely defiant to any inspection or admission or denial, the US and the West are pushing other states to abandon their nuclear as well as conventional military aspirations especially if these programs are for military purposes. -
Youth Activism in the South and East
YOUTH ACTIVISM IN THE SOUTH AND EAST MEDITERRANEAN Comprising 102 institutes from 32 European and South Mediterranean countries, the EuroMeSCo (Euro-Mediterranean Study Commission) network was created in 1996 for the joint and coordinated strengthening of research and debate on politics and security in the Mediterranean. These were COUNTRIES SINCE THE ARAB considered essential aspects for the achievement of the objectives of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. 2 UPRISINGS: CHALLENGES AND EuroMeSCo aims to be a leading forum for the study of Euro-Mediterranean affairs, functioning as a source of analytical expertise. The objectives of the network are to become an instrument for its POLICY OPTIONS members to facilitate exchanges, joint initiatives and research activities; to consolidate its influence in policy-making and Euro-Mediterranean policies; and to disseminate the research activities of its institutes amongst specialists on Euro-Mediterranean relations, governments and international S. Colombo (Ed.), N. Abdalla, O. Shaban, I. Schäfer organisations. STUDY POLICY JOINT The EuroMeSCo work plan includes a research programme with four publication lines (EuroMeSCo Joint Policy Studies, EuroMeSCo Papers, EuroMeSCo Briefs and EuroMeSCo Reports), as well as a series of seminars, workshops and presentations on the changing political dynamics of the Mediterranean region. It also includes the organisation of an annual conference and the development of web-based resources to disseminate the work of its institutes and stimulate debate on Euro-Mediterranean affairs. The European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed), Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI). Founded founded in 1989, is a consortium comprising the by Altiero Spinelli in 1965, does research Catalan Government, the Spanish Ministry of Foreign in the fields of foreign policy, political Affairs and Cooperation and Barcelona City Council. -
Why Did Egyptian Democratization Fail? Fourteen Experts Respond
Q&A Why Did Egyptian Democratization Fail? Fourteen Experts Respond Edited by Amy Hawthorne and Andrew Miller January 2020 On January 25, 2011, brave Egyptians began pouring into the streets demanding the resignation of strongman President Hosni Mubarak and “bread, freedom, and social justice.” On February 11, in the face of mass protests, the army forced Mubarak to step down, ending his thirty-year dictatorship. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), composed of the military’s top leadership, immediately assumed control over the government, promising a democratic transition. Seventeen months later it grudgingly ceded some power to a freely elected parliament and president from the Muslim Brotherhood. Between Mubarak’s ouster and the military’s July 3, 2013 coup against President Mohamed Morsi, there were moments when a genuine transition to democracy seemed possible. But after the coup, a new military-backed dictatorship took power, led by coup leader and former Minister of Defense Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. His regime has extinguished all politics and taken repression to levels not seen in Egypt in decades. Egyptians and foreign analysts continue to debate what went wrong after February 2011. To add to these reflections, POMED asked 14 experts to respond concisely to the following question: Looking back nine years later, what in your view was the primary reason for the failure of Egypt’s short democratic experiment? We are pleased to publish their responses here. ZEINAB ABUL-MAGD Professor of History at Oberlin College and author of many works on Egypt, including Militarizing the Nation: The Army, Business, and Revolution in Egypt (2017) Post-Mubarak Egypt became a more brutal security state instead of a democracy primarily because the military succeeded in exploiting the hidden powers it had acquired during his regime. -
Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons: the Role
TREATY ON THE PROHIBITION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS: THE ROLE PLAYED BY GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of International Relations and Diplomacy University of Canterbury by Tilly Hampton University of Canterbury 2018 Abstract On 7 July 2017, the United Nations General Assembly voted in favour of adopting the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. The negotiations which took place leading to this historic agreement marked the first time in over twenty years that international negotiations on nuclear disarmament had taken place. Amongst several states that supported the adoption of such a treaty, a significant number of civil society organisations were also involved during the process, some of whom can be described as being part of ‘global civil society’. Of particular note, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons were the principal coordinator for civil society. Using the international relations approach of constructivism, this paper explores the role of global civil society in the period leading to the adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. The ‘norm life cycle’ from International Norm Dynamics and Political Change by Martha Finnemore and Katherine Sikkink, provides a framework to answer this question. This is applied to two distinctive periods leading to the adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons; the Humanitarian Initiative and the negotiations for the treaty itself. Following analysis of specific engagements undertaken by global civil society during these periods, this paper finds that global civil society played the role of ‘norm entrepreneurs’ for the emerging norm of a comprehensive ban on nuclear weapons. -
Nuclear Weapons and World Order Syllabus
II. Nuclear Weapons and World Order Prof. Daniel Deudney Johns Hopkins University DESCRIPTION: Over the six plus decades of their existence, nuclear weapons have been of paramount concern for international politics and international theory. Vast disagreements exist about many aspects of this topic. This course examines what is perhaps the most basic question, what political arrangements are consistent with security from nuclear weapons? Debate about this question falls into roughly two parts, the First Debate during the years of the Cold War, and the Second Debate beginning roughly twenty years ago and encompassing the problem of non-state actors. The first part of the course is an intensive examination of the major school of thought during the first great debate, culminating in the role of nuclear weapons at the end of the Cold War. This debate was centered on the implications of nuclear weapons for interstate and great power relations, and came to be overwhelmingly dominated by deterrence and the measures necessary to achieve it. The second part is an intensive examination of the major issues and positions of the much newer and less settled second great debate. The scope of issues at play in the second debate is much more extensive, encompassing non-state actors as well as states, and the internal features of states, as well as their relations. The third part of the course examines in depth four select topics which have not been accorded sufficient attention by theorists. REQUIREMENTS: 1. Reading Assignments and Class Participation 2. Three (3) ten (10) page papers evaluating the debate on a topic. -
Uprising in Egypt
Uprising in Egypt Standard Note: SN/IA/ 5865 Last updated: 15 March 2011 Author: Ben Smith Section International Affairs and Defence Section Egypt’s remarkably peaceful and dignified popular revolt has been greeted as a historic moment that will have enormous consequences throughout the Arab world. This note describes the background to the crisis provides a simple account of events since 25 January. It profiles groups and individuals involved and considers some likely outcomes. Summary • The demonstrations that led to hundreds of deaths in Cairo and elsewhere led to the Egyptian army ending its support for Hosni Mubarak, who was forced to stand down on 11 February • Mubarak remained in Egypt and has been banned from leaving the country • Power in the country is in the hands of the Higher Military Council • The prime minister has been replaced twice since the unrest began; the post is now occupied by Essam Sharaf, a former transport minister in the Mubarak government • Changes to the constitution have been proposed to strengthen judicial oversight of elections and to curtail the government’s freedom to introduce states of emergency • The changes have been criticised as leaving too much power in the hands of the presidency, but could at least provide for more convincing elections before a definitive new constitution could be drawn up • The uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt had a profound effect on the region, sweeping away any notion that Arabs do not want democracy and shaking autocratic regimes throughout the Muslim world • It is likely that the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel would remain in place, at least in the medium term; the Muslim Brotherhood has said that it does not want to dominate politics in Egypt and that, even if it were in control, its policy would be to put the treaty to referendum This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. -
Antinuclear Politics, Atomic Culture, and Reagan Era Foreign Policy
Selling the Second Cold War: Antinuclear Cultural Activism and Reagan Era Foreign Policy A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy William M. Knoblauch March 2012 © 2012 William M. Knoblauch. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Selling the Second Cold War: Antinuclear Cultural Activism and Reagan Era Foreign Policy by WILLIAM M. KNOBLAUCH has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by __________________________________ Chester J. Pach Associate Professor of History __________________________________ Howard Dewald Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT KNOBLAUCH, WILLIAM M., Ph.D., March 2012, History Selling the Second Cold War: Antinuclear Cultural Activism and Reagan Era Foreign Policy Director of Dissertation: Chester J. Pach This dissertation examines how 1980s antinuclear activists utilized popular culture to criticize the Reagan administration’s arms buildup. The 1970s and the era of détente marked a decade-long nadir for American antinuclear activism. Ronald Reagan’s rise to the presidency in 1981 helped to usher in the “Second Cold War,” a period of reignited Cold War animosities that rekindled atomic anxiety. As the arms race escalated, antinuclear activism surged. Alongside grassroots movements, such as the nuclear freeze campaign, a unique group of antinuclear activists—including publishers, authors, directors, musicians, scientists, and celebrities—challenged Reagan’s military buildup in American mass media and popular culture. These activists included Fate of the Earth author Jonathan Schell, Day After director Nicholas Meyer, and “nuclear winter” scientific-spokesperson Carl Sagan. -
The Nuclear Weapons Debate, Nuclear Explosions, Trident and Pressure Groups
Scottish CND - Education Pack Scottish CND‟s educational resource Nuclear Weapons: Yes or No is aimed at late primary to secondary school pupils. It has 4 units: The Nuclear Weapons Debate, Nuclear Explosions, Trident and Pressure Groups. The resource is as objective and balanced as possible; with opportunities for pupils to develop their thinking skills and with the underlying principle that young people should be encouraged to have knowledgeable debates and opinions about nuclear weapons. The Nuclear Weapons Debate Suggested Curriculum Links Scotland - Curriculum for Excellence: People, past events and societies (History): SOC 4-01a, SOC 4-06a, SOC 3-06b, SOC 4-06b People in society, economy and business (Modern Studies): SOC 3-15a, SOC 4-15a Religious and moral education: RME 4-02a, RME 4-05a Topical Science (Science): SCN 3-20b, SCN 4-20b Listening and talking (Literacy): LIT 3-09a, LIT 3-10a Social wellbeing (Health and wellbeing): HWB 4-09a England - Key Stages: KS3 Citizenship - Debating a global issue, KS3 English - Language & Skills, KS3 Religious Education - Global issues, KS4 Citizenship - Global citizenship, KS4 English - Speaking & Listening, KS4 History - The Cold War www.nuclearweaponsdebate.org Scottish CND - Education Pack Teacher’s notes: The Nuclear Weapons Debate This unit aims to give information to enable pupils to have class debates, group discussions or write discursive essays. The material tries to give both sides of the argument, where possible, covering: Nuclear Weapons: yes or no? Should the bomb have been dropped? The Cold War. Video (available on DVD or via http://www.vimeo.com/scottishcnd) A video which gives a short and effective overview of the debate by the use of historical archive material and present-day footage.