Justice in the Fields

Culture, Society, and Praxis Volume 2 Number 2 Article 2 January 2004 Justice in the Fields Nicholas Hack California State University, Monterey Bay Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/csp Recommended Citation Hack, Nicholas (2004) "Justice in the Fields," Culture, Society, and Praxis: Vol. 2 : No. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/csp/vol2/iss2/2 This Main Theme / Tema Central is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Digital Commons @ CSUMB. It has been accepted for inclusion in Culture, Society, and Praxis by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ CSUMB. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hack: Justice in the Fields Justice in the Fields By Nick Hack In this piece, Nick Hack talks about the agricultural labor in California. The paper explores the ebb and flow of the shifting tides of ethnicity in the state: What ethnic groups have been the major contributors to labor in Californian agriculture and what roles have they played? The author challenges the reader to consider the parallelism between land and labor exploitation and further explores local organizations that have been created to bring alterna- tives both in the management of the land as well as in the creation of opportunities for agricultural laborers. more than a half century before (Fugita, Justice in the Fields 1978). California’s history is one of constant At the turn of the Twentieth Century, change: it’s a story of redefining both Japanese and Mexican farmworkers land use and our relationship to it and went on strike in the sugar beet fields of one of fights for and shifts in power. It is Southern California with nearly 1,000 a history of a constantly dynamic and laborers refusing to work. In order to transforming society. As can be seen in organize the fight against poor wages the previous anecdote, agriculture, ar- and working conditions, the Sugar Beet guably the foundation of California’s and Farm Laborer’s Union of Oxnard economy provides clear illustrations of was formed in 1903, the first farmwork- these themes. For example, as humans ers’ union in the state. In its inaugural diverted rivers and dug deep into the year, a Japanese President and Vice ground for water, the landscape and who President, along with a Mexican Secre- had control over it changed: during this tary, headed the union (Fugita, 1978). time, our society’s needs and wants, Second generation Japanese melded to this incomplete concept of American farmers rallied together to “progress.” Just as agriculture illustrates start the Nisei Farmers League (NFL) in these points, so too does farm labor—a 1971.This organization was formed in more much specific focus—offer a mi- direct response to increased pressures crocosm from which to see this story and and labor struggles with the predomi- these changes. This historically in- nantly Latino United Farm Workers formed political project attempts to do (UFW) in the hope of protecting growers just that. from union demands and to join together For over a year now, I’ve had the for security. The irony is that by the good fortune to work with the Agricul- 1970’s, the NFL, a mostly Japanese in- ture and Land-Based Training Associa- stitution, was both economically and po- tion (ALBA). As part of its attempts to litically pitted against a group whose create a more just society, ALBA offers members occupied a social position that a free, six-month course to interested the farmers had shared with them little farm workers (who are generally Latino) CS&P Vol 2 Num 2 May 2004 Published by Digital Commons @ CSUMB, 2004 1 Culture, Society, and Praxis, Vol. 2, No. 2 [2004], Art. 2 CS&P Nicholas Hack 47 teaching both the agricultural and busi- or empowerment. While in the last 70 ness techniques necessary to become an years many laborers of Japanese descent independent, small organic farmer. have been able to take control of their While my previous experiences have own destinies and become successful been centered more towards outreach farmers, the fate of many Mexican and efforts, in my current political project I other Latino farm workers has been dif- have been tending the demonstration ferent. In this amount of time, the chal- plot of this incredible organization. My lenges facing Latino farm labor have role with ALBA is mostly one of a changed little, with low wages, poor groundskeeper. I weed, prune and pick working conditions and discrimination up garbage, playing a very small part in continuing today (Pulido, 1998). While keeping the Association’s demonstration this project may not ultimately uncover plot clean, healthy and productive. the causes of these differences, it will ALBA uses this acreage as a training serve to chronicle them. resource and testing ground for its farm- However, where did this all start? ers (those students who have completed Where or when did the farm worker the six-month course and who now rent simply become a human resource to ex- land) and local community members. ploit as we do our natural resources? At its core, the Agriculture and How did the difference between farm Land-Based Training Association’s goal labor and farmer come to exist? Look- is empowerment. Instead of simply try- ing back through history, the story goes ing to resolve farm worker issues— all the way back to the start of Spanish which in itself is a noble and much Colonization. needed cause—ALBA attempts to pro- vide current farm laborers with the tools Native Labor and the Missions they need to take control of their futures and to open access and opportunities for The theme of oppression in agriculture is change. Like the Japanese transition first seen in this history during the Mis- from farm labor to farm owner, from sion era. Subjected to Spanish mission disenfranchised to empowered, ALBA rule starting in the late 18th Century in hopes to open an avenue for current farm California, Native Americans were sub- workers to take this same route. I have jugated, housed separately from both been fortunate in this last year to work their society and the opposite sex. Span- with an organization undertaking such ish missionaries did this, for the native’s an important challenge, and to see first own moral protection. Disobedient na- hand this transition take place. tives and those who couldn’t temper Simultaneously, I have been re- their “carnal desires” (or more accu- searching the history of California agri- rately, those who continued to express cultural labor. More specifically, I have their own cultural identity) were disci- directed my attention to answering the plined, generally through beatings. question, “Who or what ethnic groups Neophytes were forced to work as farm have been the major contributors to labor labor and were treated no differently in Californian agriculture and what roles (Monroy, 1990). have they played?” As suggested ear- Native Californians under mis- lier, in looking at this question, there is sion rule were subjected to long days of not a set pattern for change: be it defeat backbreaking labor under methods and scale unknown to them, and lived in CS&P Vol 2 Num 2 May 2004 https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/csp/vol2/iss2/2 2 Hack: Justice in the Fields 48 Justice in the Fields CS&P what Herbert Bolton called “practical between farm owner and labor, Ellen slavery,” (Bolton, 1917). Despite the Casper notes the similarities between Catholic leader’s frustrations with what feudal Europe and early California; in they perceived as laziness—explicitly both cases, she says, a vassal-lord sys- recorded in such notes as that of Padre tem reigned (Casper, 1984). Even in Lasuén’s: “If they are put to work, no- pay, racial inequalities were prevalent. body goads them on. They sit down; Despite recorded references to the Cali- they recline; they often go away and fornian Indians as “very industrious and come back when it suits them” (Monroy, trustworthy laborers,” Cary McWilliams 1990). During this time, agricultural notes that it was customary to pay a Na- production boomed. By the time of its tive half the wages of a white or Mexi- disestablishment, Mission San Gabriel, can worker (McWilliams, 1935). called the Queen of the Missions, had 163,578 vines, 2,333 fruit trees, 12,980 Bonanza Farms head of cattle plus 4,443 “cattle loaned to various individuals,” 2,938 horses and In the book Factories in the Field, Cary 6,548 sheep and grew wheat, corn, pota- McWilliams lays out a changing land- toes, beans, garbanzos, lentils, squash, scape, but one still firmly grounded in watermelon and cantaloupe in abun- the oppression of the weak. “Prior to dance (Monroy, 1990). This great pro- 1860,” he says, “farming in California duction was due in large part to the mis- was pastoral in character, i.e. chiefly the sionaries’ heavy domination. Reports of work of cultivating fields set out by the floggings and whippings, imprisonment missions. But, after 1860, farming be- and starvation were not uncommon came a large scale industry,” (Monroy, 1990). In short, the life of a (McWilliams, 1935). As fewer and Native farm laborer was one of physical fewer people controlled more and more difficulty, cultural repression and pun- land, sustained production of land lost ishment. importance. Massive fields of wheat and other extensive crops were cultivated as The Californios quickly and in as great quantities as pos- sible. This was obviously hard on the Following the end of the Mission era, land and crop yields quickly diminished. generations of Spanish speaking Califor- However, when one area became unpro- nians took over the role as prime agricul- ductive, farmers and landowners simply tural producers and dominators.

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