Justice in the Fields

Culture, Society, and Praxis

Volume 2 Number 2 Article 2

January 2004

Nicholas Hack California State University, Monterey Bay

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Justice in the Fields By Nick Hack

In this piece, Nick Hack talks about the agricultural labor in California. The paper explores the ebb and flow of the shifting tides of ethnicity in the state: What ethnic groups have been the major contributors to labor in Californian agriculture and what roles have they played? The author challenges the reader to consider the parallelism between land and labor exploitation and further explores local organizations that have been created to bring alterna- tives both in the management of the land as well as in the creation of opportunities for agricultural laborers.

more than a half century before (Fugita, Justice in the Fields 1978). California’s history is one of constant At the turn of the Twentieth Century, change: it’s a story of redefining both Japanese and Mexican farmworkers land use and our relationship to it and went on strike in the sugar beet fields of one of fights for and shifts in power. It is Southern California with nearly 1,000 a history of a constantly dynamic and laborers refusing to work. In order to transforming society. As can be seen in organize the fight against poor wages the previous anecdote, agriculture, ar- and working conditions, the Sugar Beet guably the foundation of California’s and Farm Laborer’s Union of Oxnard economy provides clear illustrations of was formed in 1903, the first farmwork- these themes. For example, as humans ers’ union in the state. In its inaugural diverted rivers and dug deep into the year, a Japanese President and Vice ground for water, the landscape and who President, along with a Mexican Secre- had control over it changed: during this tary, headed the union (Fugita, 1978). time, our society’s needs and wants, Second generation Japanese melded to this incomplete concept of American farmers rallied together to “progress.” Just as agriculture illustrates start the Nisei Farmers League (NFL) in these points, so too does farm labor—a 1971.This organization was formed in more much specific focus—offer a mi- direct response to increased pressures crocosm from which to see this story and and labor struggles with the predomi- these changes. This historically in- nantly Latino United Farm Workers formed political project attempts to do (UFW) in the hope of protecting growers just that. from union demands and to join together For over a year now, I’ve had the for security. The irony is that by the good fortune to work with the Agricul- 1970’s, the NFL, a mostly Japanese in- ture and Land-Based Training Associa- stitution, was both economically and po- tion (ALBA). As part of its attempts to litically pitted against a group whose create a more just society, ALBA offers members occupied a social position that a free, six-month course to interested the farmers had shared with them little farm workers (who are generally Latino)

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teaching both the agricultural and busi- or empowerment. While in the last 70 ness techniques necessary to become an years many laborers of Japanese descent independent, small organic farmer. have been able to take control of their While my previous experiences have own destinies and become successful been centered more towards outreach farmers, the fate of many Mexican and efforts, in my current political project I other Latino farm workers has been dif- have been tending the demonstration ferent. In this amount of time, the chal- plot of this incredible organization. My lenges facing Latino farm labor have role with ALBA is mostly one of a changed little, with low wages, poor groundskeeper. I weed, prune and pick working conditions and discrimination up garbage, playing a very small part in continuing today (Pulido, 1998). While keeping the Association’s demonstration this project may not ultimately uncover plot clean, healthy and productive. the causes of these differences, it will ALBA uses this acreage as a training serve to chronicle them. resource and testing ground for its farm- However, where did this all start? ers (those students who have completed Where or when did the farm worker the six-month course and who now rent simply become a human resource to ex- land) and local community members. ploit as we do our natural resources? At its core, the Agriculture and How did the difference between farm Land-Based Training Association’s goal labor and farmer come to exist? Look- is empowerment. Instead of simply trying back through history, the story goes ing to resolve farm worker issues— all the way back to the start of Spanish which in itself is a noble and much Colonization. needed cause—ALBA attempts to provide current farm laborers with the tools Native Labor and the Missions they need to take control of their futures and to open access and opportunities for The theme of oppression in agriculture is change. Like the Japanese transition first seen in this history during the Mis- from farm labor to farm owner, from sion era. Subjected to Spanish mission disenfranchised to empowered, ALBA rule starting in the late 18th Century in hopes to open an avenue for current farm California, Native Americans were sub- workers to take this same route. I have jugated, housed separately from both been fortunate in this last year to work their society and the opposite sex. Span- with an organization undertaking such ish missionaries did this, for the native’s an important challenge, and to see first own moral protection. Disobedient na- hand this transition take place. tives and those who couldn’t temper Simultaneously, I have been re- their “carnal desires” (or more accu- searching the history of California agri- rately, those who continued to express cultural labor. More specifically, I have their own cultural identity) were disci- directed my attention to answering the plined, generally through beatings. question, “Who or what ethnic groups Neophytes were forced to work as farm have been the major contributors to labor labor and were treated no differently in Californian agriculture and what roles (Monroy, 1990). have they played?” As suggested ear- Native Californians under mis- lier, in looking at this question, there is sion rule were subjected to long days of not a set pattern for change: be it defeat backbreaking labor under methods and scale unknown to them, and lived in

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what Herbert Bolton called “practical between farm owner and labor, Ellen slavery,” (Bolton, 1917). Despite the Casper notes the similarities between Catholic leader’s frustrations with what feudal Europe and early California; in they perceived as laziness—explicitly both cases, she says, a vassal-lord sys- recorded in such notes as that of Padre tem reigned (Casper, 1984). Even in Lasuén’s: “If they are put to work, no- pay, racial inequalities were prevalent. body goads them on. They sit down; Despite recorded references to the Cali- they recline; they often go away and fornian Indians as “very industrious and come back when it suits them” (Monroy, trustworthy laborers,” Cary McWilliams 1990). During this time, agricultural notes that it was customary to pay a Na- production boomed. By the time of its tive half the wages of a white or Mexi- disestablishment, Mission San Gabriel, can worker (McWilliams, 1935). called the Queen of the Missions, had 163,578 vines, 2,333 fruit trees, 12,980 Bonanza Farms head of cattle plus 4,443 “cattle loaned to various individuals,” 2,938 horses and In the book Factories in the Field, Cary 6,548 sheep and grew wheat, corn, pota- McWilliams lays out a changing land- toes, beans, garbanzos, lentils, squash, scape, but one still firmly grounded in watermelon and cantaloupe in abun- the oppression of the weak. “Prior to dance (Monroy, 1990). This great pro- 1860,” he says, “farming in California duction was due in large part to the mis- was pastoral in character, i.e. chiefly the sionaries’ heavy domination. Reports of work of cultivating fields set out by the floggings and whippings, imprisonment missions. But, after 1860, farming be- and starvation were not uncommon came a large scale industry,” (Monroy, 1990). In short, the life of a (McWilliams, 1935). As fewer and Native farm laborer was one of physical fewer people controlled more and more difficulty, cultural repression and pun- land, sustained production of land lost ishment. importance. Massive fields of wheat and other extensive crops were cultivated as The Californios quickly and in as great quantities as possible. This was obviously hard on the Following the end of the Mission era, land and crop yields quickly diminished. generations of Spanish speaking Califor- However, when one area became unpro- nians took over the role as prime agricul- ductive, farmers and landowners simply tural producers and dominators. Typi- picked up their operation and moved to cally, Californio landowners held large one of their many other vast plots. The rancheros on which they raised cattle for era of Bonanza farms had begun. the hide and tallow trade; vegetable and Despite the incredible size of the foodstuff production was also common. fields, due to the use of extensive crops However, on these farms relations be- (i.e. those that require little outlay and tween landowner and laborer were simi- labor), need for workers remained rather lar to those of the Mission years. Once scarce, causing further problems for ag- again, Native Californians made up the ricultural labor in the state. With de- backbone of the agricultural labor force mand low, value of workers was low as and were treated with disrespect, conde- well. Because it was the least expensive scension, and frequent brutality (Pitt, resource, owners most frequently used 1966). When looking at the relationship Native labor, but Mexicans and whites

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could be found swinging scythes in the (Taylor, et. al. 1936). During the period fields as well (Casper, 1984). Once that thousands flocked to California for again, with only a small requirement for the great Gold Rush, Chinese immi- farmworkers, both landowners and the grants were coming into the state to get public largely ignored their mistreatment seek out opportunities as well. Despite and needs. their initial hopes, many Chinese found they received anything but a friendly Shift to Intensive Farming welcome in the mines. At the same time, the boom of mining towns and the th At the turn of the 20 Century, those mining industry created a great need for with power in agriculture started to in- people in agriculture to feed the hungry crease exploitation of both human and masses. These immigrants, mistreated natural resources. As people began to and mistrusted by most whites, moved divert rivers, create huge canals, and into the new and numerous openings in suck water out of the ground in increas- agriculture. ing quantities, farmers found they could Construction of the great rail- produce a much different variety of roads brought thousands more into Cali- crops and California agriculture began to fornia. Ellen Casper discusses how “the change (Pisani, 1984). Capital and labor Chinese, who were imported to work on intensive crops began to sprout up the Central Pacific Railroad and became throughout the state, requiring a radical available for farm work upon its comple- shift in agricultural method. Donald tion, were considered a cheaper source Worster explains: of labor than slaves would have been” (Casper, 1984). Indeed, public senti- Irrigation farmers…had unrivaled ac- ment consistently drew this correlation cess to credit, to the capital needed for between Chinese labor and slavery. In maximizing their technological effi- 1854, the California Farmer noted, ciency, and they gained political lever- “California is destined to be a large age to protect their position even in a grower of Cotton, Rice, Tobacco, Sugar, highly urban state. Most important, Tea, Coffee, and where shall the laborers they secured on their own terms a la- be found?…The Chinese! And every- bor pool large enough to harvest their thing tends to this—those great walls of produce cheaply and, through collec- China are to be broken down and that tive strength, they kept those laborers population, educated, schooled and firmly under control… (Worster, 1982) drilled in the cultivation of these prod- ucts, are to be to California what the Af- This period in agricultural history marks rican has been to the South. This is the the beginning of agricultural methods decree of the Almighty, and man cannot used in contemporary life today. stop it” (Taylor, 1968). Similarly, just as slavery cannot be removed from a look Chinese Struggle at the development of the South, Sucheng Chan notes that without Chi- During the 1850’s, as a result of a labor nese labor, especially in the Sacramento scarcity and being driven from the Delta region, it would have taken dec- mines, many Chinese immigrants en- ades longer to develop the land into “one tered into agriculture, unaware of the exploitative nature of the enterprise

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of the richest agricultural areas in the enter the labor market, initially accepting world” (Chan, 1986). extremely low wages to drive out other By the 1880’s, intolerance for workers. Once the crops had ripened Chinese among the general public (of and were ready to harvest, they would which they were not considered a part) threaten a work stoppage unless their had elevated to a breaking point. Over demands were met. Such demands usu- the previous years, immigrants from ally included options to lease or rent Mexico had started coming into the state small parcels of a growers’ field, so that in larger numbers, filling the spot for the laborers could produce their own cheap labor that the Chinese had previ- food for consumption and sale (Casper, ously occupied. In addition, large adver- 1984). The resulting reaction is easily tising campaigns were run to bring inex- guessed: “Agricultural landowners soon pensive African American labor into the came to despise the Japanese tactics and state to replace those of Asian descent to fear their industriousness and skill as (Casper, 1984). With this need satisfied, horticulturalists, for the Japanese were with their ‘place’ filled by a new ethnic very good at farming and making pro- group, the Chinese were no longer de- ductive land that others had little use sired. In 1882, the Chinese Exclusion for” (Casper, 1984). In 1909, the Immi- Act was passed, limiting more Chinese gration Commission estimated that from coming into the country 30,000 Japanese were working in Cali- (McWilliams, 1935). Two years later, fornia agriculture; a year later, Japanese the advertisements had paid off, as a new associations in the state recorded 2/3 of wave of black workers, “exodusters,” all Japanese immigrants were gainfully answered the call to work. Chinese employed as working in agriculture presence in the fields slowly but steadily (Higgs, 1978). diminished, forcing those who had In a series of legislation at the helped build the country’s infrastructure, beginning of the 20th Century, lawmak- to now serve domestically those able to ers tried to stop the hard-working and enjoy it. productive Japanese from continuing to do so well in a response to what they Japanese Success viewed as the “yellow peril” (Pisani, 1984). In 1906, the federal government Throughout the 1890’s, significant Japa- signed the Gentlemen’s Agreement with nese immigration began and many im- Japan to limit immigration, and in 1913 migrants gravitated towards work in ag- California passed the Alien Land Law. riculture. Due to previous experiences Without ever actually using specific farming in Japan, this was a natural route terms, the state’s legislature tried to ef- to take. Consequently, during these fectively bar all Japanese immigrants years, the Japanese came to fill the sea- from owning, renting or leasing land. sonal agricultural labor market (Fugita, This attempt (which ultimately failed 1978). due to the ingenuity of the immigrants in Japanese workers had unheard-of getting around the law) came in response success in the farming industry. Their to the increasing numbers of Japanese tactics were new (i.e. the idea that they farmworkers moving into independent had tactics was new) and they used the farming and out-competing their white farmers’ own greed against them. It was competitors. In 1900, only 39 Japanese common for the Japanese to organize to

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were farming independently in the entire economy. This flight from the fields left United States; by 1910, the number had growers with a problem they had not en- jumped to almost 2,000 in California countered before: a labor shortage (Cas- alone. Only ten years later, the State per, 1984). With this critical and para- Board of Control asserted, “there are lyzing labor deficit, farmworkers be- probably more white laborers working came a much more valued commodity, for Oriental farmers than there are yet were still discriminated against. A Oriental laborers working for American state commission reporting land coloni- farmers” (Higgs, 1978). zation in California reported the prevail- This wave of anti-Japanese sen- ing sentiment in 1916: “that ignorant and timent also resulted from similar demo- nomadic farm labor is bad,” (Pisani, graphic changes to those that growers 1984). However, this attitude did not had experienced with the Chinese. Just help to decrease the labor shortage. Ac- as Mexican immigrants allowed the dis- cordingly, in an attempt to quickly rem- placement of Chinese workers, their con- edy the problem, the United States gov- tinually growing numbers in California ernment took a two-pronged approach provided the landowners with a rapidly toward solving this deficit. expanding pool of cheap labor (Taylor, First, the federal government et. al. 1936). After the Mexican Revolu- called out to its citizens ineligible for tion of 1910, starving Mexican refugees service—mainly large numbers of presented growers with an amazing women—to fill the void in the fields left source of inexpensive, exploitable labor by the nation’s fighting men. While the from which to choose (Casper, 1984). men were away overseas or working in The Japanese simply had not remained wartime industry, women and teenagers lucrative labor force for the white farm- filled many vacant spots (Casper, 1984). ers, and the tide turned against them. From California Land Army Camps, Fortunately, most Japanese had no inten- scores of women would pile out of their tion of staying as farm labor. Within the electric lighted bungalows in the pre- next few decades, the Japanese would dawn hours to travel on the rickety beds find themselves in the role of the farmer, of old trucks to their respective fields. with land and labor to manage and tough Singing songs and beaming with patri- choices about workers to make on their otic pride and a sense of duty, these own. women, most from the city but also coming from the entire spectrum of back- World War I grounds, would work the long shifts and grueling labor that men had previously With the outbreak of World War I, many predominated in. Because of the condi- laborers changed directly from their tions of their work—temporary and per- dirty and torn agricultural uniforms into formed through a sense of responsibility clean, crisp military-issue tan, looking instead of being forced into the situa- for a way out of the constant la- tion—and because their living conditions bor/farmer struggle. Scores of other were generally better than what other farmworkers, tired of the constant mov- migrant laborers had experienced, most ing of a migrant’s life, with bad wages, women enjoyed the work (Minor, 1919). terrible living conditions, and tyrannical And for all the same reasons, their farm owners, left for the cities and the bosses enjoyed it as well. jobs created by the booming wartime

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The second wave of attack on the conditions. In 1930, laborers started the labor shortage problem came in the form Agricultural Workers League to initiate of labor contracts with Mexico. Due to large-scale unionization of Filipino the massive need for labor, the U.S. gov- workers and in 1933, the Filipino Labor ernment had to look elsewhere for work- Union formed in Salinas (Salomon, ers. Because of the growers’ success 1998). Growers began to feel increasing with using Mexican labor in the past and pressure from their workers across the because of the proximity of the country, state and tensions grew. Suddenly, the U.S. and Mexican governments though, when in 1934 Congress passed agreed to measures that would bring the Philippine Islands Independence Act, Mexican national laborers into the U.S. importation of Filipinos came to an end for a short period of time to work. After and many returned to their newly freed their contract expired, the farmworkers homeland (Casper, 1984). Fortunately would be required to return to Mexico. for the growers, a release valve pre- While the program did bring thousands sented itself for much of the pressure of Mexican workers into the country and that had built up. probably saved hundreds of thousands of dollars in what would have been lost The Effects of the Dust Bowl crops, ultimately there were major problems (Casper, 1984). When the workers To some extent, white farm workers went back to Mexico, they brought with generally escaped the burden of preju- them stories of exploitation, corruption, dice heaped on “persons of color,” but and mistreatment in the land of opportu- their circumstances where little better in nity. The legacy of this program is long. other ways. In the preceding years, From 1914 and extending until 1934, whatever meager foothold they were Mexican workers were the predominant able to acquire would be wiped out by farm labor force, and in those years are the periodic depressions of the 19th Cen- found to be more tractable than any tury. White farmworkers were present other group (Casper, 1984). on the Bonanza farms of the mid to late Also in the 1920’s, Filipino labor 1800’s and were working in the fields began coming into the country in greater with the Chinese, Japanese and Mexican numbers from both Hawaii and the Phil- workers after the shift to intensive agri- ippine Islands. For a time this hurt the culture (Casper, 1984). Yet despite this Mexican laborers as even cheaper Fili- difficult past, nothing prepared white pino workers undercut their inexpensive farmworkers for the effects felt through- labor force (Casper, 1984). However, out the state caused by the Great Depres- this would soon change, as one of the sion and the drought that created the things Filipinos brought with them to the Dust Bowl. fields of California was a history of or- By 1933, 75% of the agricultural ganized labor. labor force was Mexican, but this domi- After the war, Mexican immigra- nance in numbers would soon change tion supplemented by 30,000 Filipinos (Casper, 1984). As thousands of white became the major source of labor supply “Okies” swarmed into California from (Salomon, 1998). Soon thereafter, the Central and Southwester states, a groups of Filipinos were staging strikes move began to deport Mexican immi- for better wages, working and living grants. During the 1930’s, 1,250,000

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destitute white workers came to the World War II Golden State to escape drought in Texas, Arkansas, Oklahoma and other hard-hit Just as happened during the first, with states; unfortunately, there simply was the enrollment of the United States in not enough room, jobs or wages for eve- World War II, the reality of farm labor rybody, and somebody had to leave again radically changed. In June of (Casper, 1984). A surging nationalist 1942, the masses of oppressed, beaten movement made sure of whom the losers workers in agriculture found a beacon of in this battle would be. hope. As the wartime economy and in- The living conditions of the dustries geared up, thousands of better masses that fled into California were paying jobs with good working condi- simply horrible. Entire families were tions opened up. Again, many who had forced to live in shanties made of card- had enough of a life as farm labor board, burlap, or whatever other refuse enlisted or became part of the military could be salvaged for construction. complex. With this mass exodus out of Sanitation and hygiene were abysmal in agricultural labor, another shortage oc- most migrant encampments and many curred (Casper, 1984). times children and adults went without The government’s response to food. At their jobs, these workers were this second labor deficit was similar to harassed, intimidated and kept in order their prior response. California Gover- by involuntary debt and violence. In nor Olson notified the War Manpower most places, local authorities worked Commission, the Secretary of Labor, with the growers to maintain this domi- Secretary of State, and Secretary of Ag- nance (Steinbeck, 1936). One un- riculture saying 20,000 Mexican workers dersheriff from Southern California were needed immediately and 159,000 demonstrated this attitude, saying, “We would be needed by October of 1942 protect farmers out here in Kern County. (Casper, 1984). Due to the numerous They are our best people. They are al- problems that arose under the first labor ways with us. They keep this country contract program with the United States, going. They put us here and they can Mexico was understandably wary of put us out again, so we serve them” such an endeavor. However, eventually (Casper, 1984). This power structure the request was successful; the result be- was extremely well established and con- ing that between 1946 and 1949 federal stantly reinforced, all in an attempt to officials negotiated a permanent contract keep the workers powerless. labor program with Mexico called the In 1936, when a series of John Bracero Program. Even during the pe- Steinbeck’s articles were published as riod of time leading up to the actual ne- the collection that would be eventually gotiation and eventual completion of the known as The Harvest Gypsies, Stein- agreement, however, the Mexican labor beck thought that the white migrants workforce was coming back into Cali- from the Dust Bowl were here to stay fornia. In 1947, after the influx of im- and their demands and needs would poverished whites during the Depression change the way agricultural labor was years receded, minorities, mostly Mexi- treated in California. Steinbeck, how- can Americans and Mexicans, again ever, had not counted on the advent of made up the majority of the farm labor another World War. force (Casper, 1984). Once again, growers found themselves in the position

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of having a large and growing pool of picture is much more complicated. cheap, exploitable labor. Donald Worster sums up this long history nicely, though, when he says,” Legacy of the Bracero Program Class conflict, in other words, was what the California story in agriculture was all While it officially ended in 1964, the about.” patterns of ethnic makeup and oppression of farm labor established by the Where are we today? Bracero Program have largely remained in place in contemporary society (Cas- To understand our present reality, as we per, 1984). Agricultural labor still main- have seen, we must consider the past. tains its racial diversity with Chinese, During the 1965 Delano labor strike, less Hmong, Filipinos and others still present than 20% of employers provided the in the fields, but Mexican and Latino drinking water, toilets, hand washing labor by far currently play the greatest facilities and periodic rest stops required role in California agriculture. This is ap- by law. Additionally, farmworkers had parent in various ways; one being the highest occupational disease rate in through the ethnic composition of farm- California (twice that of all other indus- worker unions. Latino and Mexican la- tries combined), 15% more agricultural borers largely make up the membership laborers in general were hospitalized for ranks of the United Farm Workers serious injuries suffered on the job, and (UFW), a union that came to state and 36% more babies born to farmworkers as national attention during the 1965 De- compared to other mothers died in in- lano grape strike and who are arguably fancy (Casper, 1984). While 30 years one the more powerful farm labor unions may sound like a long time and some (Pulido, 1998). This numerical domi- progress has been made, little has fun- nance is evident in the union slogan, Sí damentally changed. Agricultural labor se puede. still makes the lowest hourly wage out of While Latinos seem to play the any industry worker (Schlosser, 2001). largest role in agricultural labor today, The great number of helicopters that are and have done so in waves for many seen swooping down and discharging years, the history presented somewhat their toxic loads nearly on top of lines of lacks from its brevity. This brief history hard-at-work laborers contributes to the of California agricultural labor provides maltreatment of the workers. Today’s a sense of the shifting ethnic tides so oppressive situation is sickeningly visi- prevalent throughout the state, but it is ble, yet many times is kept out of sight. by far a simplified version of the story. Throughout its history here, farm labor Political Project has been an extremely ethnically varied community. While certain peoples have As I have mentioned, working with the dominated the scene at one time or an- Agriculture and Land-Based Training other, many less numerous groups— Association I have been tending the such as the Slovaks, East Indian, and demonstration plot, mostly weeding, but many others—have always been present also picking up garbage, attending to as well. The major trends found in the droopy plants, etc. As of now, I define green fields and long rows of this truly politics as influencing decision-making Golden State are outlined, but the whole on all levels, be it personal, regional,

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governmental, etc. While in my current never be complete, the need for weeding work with ALBA I am not directly try- never ends; all I can do in each situation ing to influence anybody’s decisions, I is to try to begin to get the problem un- am doing so in a more abstract way. The der control. In a speech, Cesar Chavez demonstration plot is meant to serve as said, “All my life, I have been driven by an example for the small farmer educa- one dream, one goal, one vision: To tion program graduates who are cur- overthrow a farm-labor system in this rently working at being independent, nation that treats farm workers as if we small organic farmers. The crops are not important human beings,” planted, techniques used, and mainte- (Hofrichter, 1993). While Chavez took a nance provided for the plot can act as a much more vocal and strong route to tool to show these new farmers what achieve this goal, the same philosophy methods work and what does not. In this drives ALBA. Any work to serve sense, my work goes to influence the ALBA is work toward forwarding this beginning farmers’ decisions on what cause, to overthrow an unjust system. and how to farm. Also, I hope that in Weeding may seem small, but some- doing this work, I will add one small times small rocks make big ripples. I piece to a much larger movement, goal can only actively work for what I believe and effort that will provide for greater in and hope that this will be the case. social and environmental justice in the Despite the amount of time I world. Any action that works towards have worked with ALBA now, there is this goal is considered political action. always something new to learn about it. I have mostly accomplished my After spending over a year there, I feel I goals of promoting social justice and or- have a good sense of what ALBA is and ganic farming (which anybody who what it does, yet the education never works with ALBA does), but believe stops. As the spring trails off and the that we can never truly and fully accom- acreage shifts into winter mode, I have plish the ultimate goal of creating a just really felt the sense of constant change and equitable world for its inhabitants. I that exists at the Rural Development have spent a great deal more than the Center out in the Salinas Valley, the required ten hours in the demonstration ALBA site where I spent my time. plot, because it simply takes more time Whether it’s the constant transition of than this to make a difference in even a one crop to the next, simply watching half-acre of agriculture. When I leave the growth and budding productivity of after my few hours on Saturday morn- different plants, or the shift from one ings, there is a visible difference in the demonstration plot coordinator to the rows where I worked, which depends next, things are always changing, always greatly on what work is done exactly. In fluid. On one hand, being around this two hours I may only successfully weed transforming human and agricultural half of a row if I am doing the more pre- landscape is slightly unsettling—one cise work of pulling up small weeds never knows who or what is going to be around the base of young transplants; in there when the next work day arrives— the same time, however, I can get three but it is also exhilarating in a subtle, rows thinned out of the largest weeds subdued way. Constantly seeing positive among well-established crops. Like the growth, to continually experiencing a work towards my ultimate goal will dynamic environment, in which both the

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organization and people are slowly but A new bill, signed by the former Gover- always getting stronger, is an amazing nor Gray Davis during his fight against opportunity. However, ALBA, like any being recalled from office, gave un- non-profit organization, has its struggles documented immigrants the right to ob- also. At this point though, their devel- tain a license to legally drive in Califor- opment and outcomes are outweighing nia. Unfortunately, the state’s new gov- their struggles. ernor, Arnold Schwarzenegger—an im- If anything, my values have not migrant himself—made a successful at- changed due to my political action and tempt to repeal the bill. While this bill research, they have only deepened. Go- in itself held minor importance (in the ing out to ALBA every week and seeing sense that a lack of license doesn’t nec- the new farmers work towards lives of essarily stop unlicensed driving), the greater self-control provides an appro- significance of the fight for it was huge. priate backdrop, while at the same time This bill represented so much more than reading and understanding the terrible a right to drive legally on the back roads reality of the history of farm labor in and six-lane super highways of Califor- California. Reading and then seeing first nia; this bill represented the state gov- hand how oppression has shaped and ernment and people’s attitude towards scarred our landscape and people drives our neighbors, our friends, and strangers these points home with a deep poign- who fall into the harsh category ‘illegal.’ ancy. Yet besides strengthening my val- The passing of this bill is the first ues, such as the intense belief that we step on a road that should have been can neither exploit people nor the land traveled long ago. As has been shown, for our own profit, my assumptions have throughout the history of California ag- been shaken by the complexity of reality ricultural labor, immigrants have been as well. Knowing how the mostly Span- marginalized and dehumanized in the ish-speaking farm labor is treated today cruelest and most degrading ways. A and then discovering how the Spanish- great number of people were treated as speaking Californios treated their farm sub-human because of the color of their labor, the Native Californians, makes me skin, the status of their citizenship or step back. Learning how the early Span- their job. Even whites experienced this ish land grants set the stage for the huge discrimination as “Okies” from the Dust landholdings of today changes how I see Bowl flooded into California during the the world. None of this makes the cur- 1930’s, only to be met with hostility and rent and past oppression a bit more ex- thorough domination. By accepting the cusable—it is not—but it shows me over responsibility for our history and at- and over that no peoples have a perfect tempting to change the wrongs of the history and nobody can estimate the fu- past right now, today, we can start to ture. Violence begets violence and op- make the world a more equitable place. pression begets oppression. The only By granting the privilege of a choice we have is to eliminate both. license, a bit of recognition was shown to those who make the state’s booming Policy Recommendations agricultural industry possible. Almost anybody in agriculture, and most One of the hot political topics through- economists, can agree that to maintain out the Fall of 2003 has been the issu- the agricultural system we have today ance of driver’s licenses to immigrants.

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(although it is one that arguably needs to rights, equal privileges, or equal access be changed); we must have an inexpen- and opportunities. Withholding the right sive and large labor pool. Immigrants to drive from certain peoples based on both documented and not, are currently place of birth is but one small example the basis for this pool. Without their of this. By defining and restricting citi- hard work and acceptance of low wages zenship as we do, we essentially state, and tough working conditions, Jane and “All are equal, except for these groups.” Joe Consumer would find themselves The lack of service and rights provided shocked at the price of produce and food to immigrants, both documented and not, goods. As a society, we rely on this create the need for such organizations group, yet we continually treat its mem- such as ALBA. Were the premise of bers as if they have no value. This is universal equality true and practiced, no unacceptable. association focusing on the ‘under- Allowing driver’s licenses is a served’ would exist; nobody would be small step, but it is one in a much needed underserved in a nation of equality. and deserved direction. As the thou- As citizens with a voice, we have sands upon thousands of undocumented the responsibility to work with others to immigrants head out to the fields each fix this problem. Through our everyday morning before dawn to pick the major- actions and decisions, through our dia- ity of the food for the state, the nation, logues with others, through volunteering and many other parts of the world; most or other political action, however it is are breaking the law by driving illegally, defined, and through making our voices by driving without a license. To punish heard and our opinions known, we can people for trying to live and improve improve our homes, neighborhoods, cit- their lives and for accepting and doing ies, states and nation. Together we can well the jobs that few others are willing create a more just and equal world. to take is simply ridiculous. Instead of Sadly, it took a comic book hero to real- subjecting these groups to laws and ize a fundamental truth; it took a fic- regulations that force them to live as an tional character called Spiderman to say: underclass, all steps necessary and pos- “With great power comes greater re- sible must be taken to insure that they sponsibility.” Yet despite its origins, are privileged with every right, and yes, still, in our reality the phrase holds true. every responsibility, of being a first- As those with power, we have a duty to class citizen. To do any less reflects the others—not as legal or undocumented nature not of the oppressed, but of the workers, but as human beings—to make oppressor; it shows exactly how human our world one of equal access and equal we, who dehumanize and hold down, rights for all. We must act on that re- really are. sponsibility; we must take action now. In the Declaration of Independ- ence, the nation claims that “all men are Conclusion created equal,” and that all have equal protection and rights under the law, yet As I dig deeper and read further into the in practice we deviate far from that truth. history of California, time and time In reality, the law and our society show again social issues and environmental that regardless of whether humans are all issues are fundamentally connected; that created equal, we do not all have equal truly as Donald Worster said, “Nature’s fate is humanity’s as well” (Worster,

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1982). In the creation of the Agriculture help but think to myself with a sarcastic and Land-Based Training Association, but mostly sad grin, “You’ve come a this interconnectedness is taken into ac- long way, baby.” count. Tying the social justice of em- powering farm laborers with the envi- References ronmental ethic of teaching organic farming is the only way to achieve true Bolton, H. (1917). The Mission as a success and progress. As the history of Frontier Institution in the Spanish- California shows, those who exploit do American Colonies. The American not differentiate between different ‘re- Historical Review. 23.1: 42-61. sources.’ They poison and exploit the Casper, E (1984). A Social History of land just as they poison and exploit the Farm Labor in California with Special people. Whether we do it to the land or Emphasis on the United Farm Workers to our friends, families and neighbors, Union and California Rural Legal As- when we exploit, we inflict violence sistance. UMI Dissertation Services: upon the world and upon the very things Michigan. that give us life—we attack our most Chan, S (1986). The Bittersweet Soil. precious resources. We must not choose University of California Press: Berke- to live in such a world of violence or ley. Chavez, C (1993). Farm Workers else nobody and nothing will ever be at Risk, in Richard Hofrichter, ed., safe. A world of equity and a world of Toxic justice is a world of non-violence in all Struggles: The Theory and Practice of forms. Environmental Justice. New Society Every time I drive home from Publishers: Philadelphia. ALBA, I pass a large field known as Fugita, S. (1978). A Perceived Ethnic “The Farm.” Every time I go by, I see a Factor in California’s Farm Labor; the group of laborers out working the land. Nisei Farmer.” Exploration in Ethnic There they are, in the blazing heat and Studies. 1.1: 50-72. the drenching rain, in the hours before Higgs, R. Landless by Law: Japanese dawn and in the pitch black of a foggy Immigrants in California Agriculture Monterey night. There they stand with to 1941. The Journal of Economic His- tools in hand or hunched over, concen- tory. 38.1 (1978): 205-255. trating on the little patch of dirt in front McWilliams, C (1935). Factories in the of them. However, these workers also Field. University of California Press: stand over 20 feet tall; they are the smil- Berkeley. ing, painted figures of a local artist, set Minor, S. Sisters All. Overland in the field as a tourist draw. You can Monthly. 73 (1919): 391-395. see them from the freeway in their clean Monroy, D (1990). Thrown Among clothes and romanticized forms. Yet as I Strangers: The Making of Mexican pass under the gaze of these happy fig- Culture in Frontier California. Uni- ures, I notice the humans toiling in the versity of California Press: Berkeley. fields behind them. Those workers, the Pisani, D (1984). From the Family real ones, are out in the same rain, ex- Farm to Agribusiness: The Irrigation posed to the same cold and the same ter- Crusade in California in the West, rible heat. And every time I leave this 1850-1931. University of California scene of dichotomized reality, I can not Press: Berkeley.

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Pitt, L (1966). The Decline of the Cali- fornios. University of California Press: Berkeley. Pulido, L (1998). Environmentalism and Economic Justice: Two Chicano Struggles in the Southwest. The Uni- versity of Arizona Press: Arizona. Schlosser, E (2001). Fast Food Nation. Harper Collins: New York. Steinbeck, J (1936). The Harvest Gyp- sies: On the Road to the Grapes of Wrath. Heyday Books: Berkeley. Salomon, L (1998). Roots of Justice: Stories of Organization in Communi- ties of Color. Chardon Press: Califor- nia. Taylor, P. (1968). California Farm La- bor: A Review. Republished in: Agri- cultural History. 42.1: 49-54. Taylor, P. (1936). Historical Background of California Farm Labor. Rural Soci- ology. 1.3: 281-295. Worster, D. (1982). Hydraulic Society in California: An Ecological Interpreta- tion. Agricultural History. 56.3: 503- 515

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