The Sociology of Assessment: Comparative and Policy Perspectives

In the World Library of Educationalists series, international experts them- selves compile career-long​ collections of what they judge to be their finest pieces – ​extracts from books, key articles, salient research findings, major theoretical and practical contributions – ​so the world can read them in a single manageable volume. Readers will be able to follow the themes and strands and see how their work contributes to the development of the field. In a collection of her most influential work spanning nearly four decades, Patricia Broadfoot applies her trademark sociological and comparative per- spective to empirical studies at every level of the educational system. From her classic long-term​ study of the impact of changing national assessment policies on pupils and teachers in the classrooms of England and France to her sustained championship of the need for a better understanding of the impact of assessment on learning, Broadfoot has consistently championed the need for a more developed sociological understanding of assessment. Broadfoot’s accessible writing offers insights that are as novel as they are important for the of future generations. This book allows readers to follow themes and strands across Patricia Broadfoot’s career and will be of interest to all followers of her work and any reader interested in the development of teaching, learning and assessment.

Dr Patricia Broadfoot is Emeritus of Sociology of Education at the , UK. She is a former Head of the School of Education, Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Pro Vice at the University of Bristol and was Vice Chancellor of the University of Gloucestershire, UK. She is a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences and was awarded the CBE for services to Social Science. World Library of Educationalists series

The World Library of Educationalists celebrates the important contributions to education made by leading experts in their individual fields of study. Each scholar has compiled a career-long​ collection of what they consider to be their finest pieces: extracts from books, journals, articles, major theoretical and practical contributions, and salient research findings. For the first time ever the work of each contributor is presented in a single volume so readers can follow the themes and progress of their work and identify the contributions made to, and the development of, the fields themselves. The distinguished careers of the selected experts span at least two decades and include Richard Aldrich, Stephen J. Ball, Elliot W. Eisner, John Elliott, Howard Gardner, John Gilbert, Ivor F. Goodson, David Hargreaves, David Labaree and E.C. Wragg. Each book in the series features a specially written introduction by the contributor giving an overview of their career, context- ualizing their selection within the development of the field, and showing how their own thinking developed over time.

Educating Young Children: A Lifetime Journey into a Froebelian Approach The Selected Works of Tina Bruce Tina Bruce

Journeys in Narrative Inquiry The Selected Works of D. Jean Clandinin D. Jean Clandinin

Researching Literate Lives The Selected Works of Jerome C. Harste Jerome C. Harste

The Sociology of Assessment: Comparative and Policy Perspectives The Selected Works of Patricia Broadfoot Patricia Broadfoot

For more titles in this series visit www.routledge.com/​World-​Library-​of-​ Educationalists/​book-​series/​WORLDLIBEDU The Sociology of Assessment: Comparative and Policy Perspectives The Selected Works of Patricia Broadfoot

Patricia Broadfoot First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Patricia Broadfoot The right of Patricia Broadfoot to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-​in-​Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data Names: Broadfoot, Patricia, author. Title: The sociology of assessment: comparative and policy perspectives: the selected works of Patricia Broadfoot/Patricia Broadfoot. Description: Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: World library of educationalists | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020027920 (print) | LCCN 2020027921 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367206307 (hardback) | ISBN 9780429262609 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Educational tests and measurements–Social aspects. | Students–Rating of. | Teachers–Rating of. | Educational sociology. Classification: LCC LB3051.B723 2021 (print) | LCC LB3051 (ebook) | DDC 306.43–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020027920 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020027921 ISBN: 978-​0-​367-​20630-​7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-​0-​429-​26260-​9 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Newgen Publishing UK For my husband, David and my children, James, Laurence and Elanwy, for their sacrifices, their love and their unfailing support.

Contents

Preface: assessment, accountability and performance: the changing relations of power in education ix PROFESSOR STEPHEN J. BALL FRSA, FBA, FAcSS Acknowledgements xiv Previously published chapters xvi

Introduction 1

PART I The rationality of judgement: understanding educational assessment sociologically 5

1 Competence, competition, content and control: how assessment mediates the relationship between education and society 7

2 Selection, certification and control: meritocracy or social reproduction? 59

PART II Insights from comparing national education systems: empirical studies of differences in the impact of assessment for system control on teachers and pupils 75

3 Towards a focus on learning and culture: time for a new approach to comparative education? 81

4 New forms of system control: the power of assessment as a tool for accountability and legitimation 101 viii Contents 5 Using the comparative approach to understand teachers’ priorities: the ‘Bristaix’ study of English and French education 120

6 Values, understanding and power: mapping the impact of assessment policy changes on teachers’ practice through the PACE project 147

7 Comparing influences on pupil achievement: insights from the QUEST project 162

8 Culture, context and policy: new perspectives on learning from the ENCOMPASS study of pupils in England, France and Denmark 183

PART III Assessment as a policy tool 207

9 Performativity versus empowerment: how the ‘assessment society’ is inhibiting the advent of a ‘learning society’ 209

10 Assessment as a social technology: the socio-cultural​ origins and implications of the ‘standards’ agenda 236

PART IV Anticipating the future: assessment for learning and the digital revolution 253

11 Enter the ‘assessment society’: international trends and future challenges 255

12 Challenging the status quo: the potential of assessment for learning 279

13 Towards an assessment revolution? The potentially transforming potential of computer-​based assessment 304

Epilogue 330

Postscript 332 Index 336 Preface Assessment, accountability and performance: the changing relations of power in education

Professor Stephen J. Ball, FRSA, FBA, FAcSS

In his seminal paper On the Classification and Framing of Educational Knowledge (Bernstein, 1971), Basil Bernstein outlined a framework for the analysis of schooling based on what he called the ‘three message systems’ of schooling – ​curriculum, pedagogy and assessment – ​as relays of know- ledge. The analysis was based on the identification of the power relations embedded in each system, between teacher and learner, along a number of dimensions, and the ways in which these power relations work to construct and determine what is to be learnt, how content is to be learnt and when certain subject content is learnt. That is, ‘Curriculum defines what counts as a valid knowledge, pedagogy defines what counts as a valid transmis- sion of knowledge, and evaluation defines what counts as a valid realiza- tion of this knowledge’ (Bernstein, 1975, p. 85). Arguably, this was the first attempt to produce a theory of educational knowledge, or educational transmissions as he later termed them. It was certainly the first time that assessment had been interrogated and related in theoretical terms to peda- gogy and curriculum. Up to that point sociological interest in assessment was almost entirely limited to issues of unfairness, in terms of social class and of forms of testing like the English 11+. Chapter 10 illustrates how powerful Bernstein’s analysis of the role of assessment as a transmission system would prove to be for understanding the profound changes that were about to take place in English education policy. Perhaps more than anywhere else in the world, these changes heralded the introduction of a new social role for assessment which would become as profound as it would be internationally influential. In England, just five years after Bernstein’s paper was published, James Callaghan, the British prime minister, delivered a major speech on educa- tion. This signalled, in modest and measured tones, the beginning of what came to be called the Great Education Debate. In retrospect it can be seen as signalling much more. We might interpret this as the beginning of the end of the state education system as it had been constructed post the Second World War and of the brief flourishing of progressivism and comprehensivism in English education. We might also see it as the beginning of the end of a period of teacher professionalism that granted to teachers the right to determine the x Preface means and ends of education and the appropriate means and purposes of assessment in their own classroom. It began to open up education policy and practice to new voices and new actors. Education and education policy were shifted from a ministerial backwater to the centre of the political stage. One direct outcome of the speech was the creation of an Assessment of Performance Unit (APU). The APU’s remit was: ‘To promote the develop- ment of methods of assessing and monitoring the achievement of children at school, and to seek to identify the incidence of underachievement.’ The proposals for the work of the APU now sound modest and benign. However, as with other policy ‘moves’ in the 1970s and 1980s, its importance was strategic and symbolic. It was indicative of a shift in the loci of power in education from classrooms and schools and local authorities towards the centre, the DES and Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Schools (HMI) and later, The Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted) which was established in 1992. It announced a different kind of relationship between central govern- ment and the education service, articulated through forms of accountability, based on the assessment of students. It involved the setting, monitoring and publication of performance outcomes that provided the government with levers of judgement and a basis for critique. Assessment, accountability and performance became conflated in a set of political technologies and another broader set of power relations (see Chapters 1 and 2). The clear message was that education could/would​ no longer be left to schools and teachers and local authorities to decide and that schools and teachers in England needed to be made more accountable, although that term did not enter into general usage in relation to education until the 1980s. The year 1988 was the key date when accountability became established in the English education system as a set of formal procedures. These procedures have been reworked many times by later governments (see Chapter 4). But it was the Education Reform Act 1988 in particular, that led to huge system change and set in train the public accountability framework still operating today. Accountability is now part of the everyday lexicon of educational practice and policy. Accountability is now a policy commonplace in ministerial talk and a key technology of policy through which secretaries of state for education represent and steer the education system. Assessment has become subsumed within and subordinated to techniques of accountability through ‘performance management’ systems of various kinds that have become a method to achieve a constant state of ‘activa- tion’ and ‘reform’ across the public sector as a whole. In effect, the intrinsic purposes of assessment have been usurped by the extrinsic purposes of accountability and government. The management of public services through the measurement and comparison of performance outcomes or by setting performance benchmarks and targets (Chapter 10) is an extremely effective method of ‘steering not rowing’, that is as an indirect, or hands-​off, strategy of intervention that links the day-​to-​day work of practitioners and their Preface xi quotidian decision-​making in the classroom to the whims and fancies of education ministers as they come and go. Within systems of public account- ability, quality is reduced to productivity. In all of this, teachers come to be regarded as units of labour, represented in numerical form, and account- ability, in this form, has played a key role in wearing away professional ethical regimes and their value systems (Chapter 5), and their replacement by entrepreneurial-competitive​ regimes and new value systems. It is not that accountability gets in the way of ‘real’ educational work: it is a vehicle for changing what real educational work is and what assessment is and is for! In relation to all of this, England (not Wales, Scotland nor Northern Ireland) has served as a kind of social laboratory for policy ideas and reform initiatives. Delegations from other countries regularly visit England to see the framework in action and are ‘sold’ policy ideas, both metaphorically and literally – ​a process worthy of research in its own right. Alongside national curriculum ‘standards’, forms of school autonomy, parental choice and competition, assessment reforms are moved around the globe by policy entrepreneurs and advocacy networks, and together these ideas and practices constitute what we might call a paradigm of neoliberal education. England then is a critical case for assessment research and Broadfoot’s contributions to this volume offer important insights into that case, as well as highlighting important differences in this respect with other national settings. The reforms outlined above are not exclusive to education but are part of a larger process of ‘ethical retooling’ in the public sector, which is replacing client ‘need’ and professional judgement with commercial forms of accountability-driven​ decision-​making. The space for the operation of autonomous ethical codes, based in a moral language shared among practitioners, in a community of practice, is increasingly being colonised or closed down. Ozga (2008, p. 264), describes regimes of audit, inspection, evaluation and assessment, and the use of measurement and comparison as governing by numbers and as forms of governing knowledge that constitute a ‘resource through which surveillance can be exercised’. Teachers experience this surveillance on a daily basis. As do other public service workers. More generally, assessment in the form of numbers operates in many different aspects of our lives to rate, compare and allocate us to categories. This is part of what Broadfoot calls the ‘assessment society’ (Chapters 9–11).​ These numbers define our worth, measure our effectiveness and, in myriad other ways, work to inform or construct what we are today. We are subject to numbers and are numbered subjects. We come to make decisions about the value of activities and the investment of our time and effort in relation to measures and indexes and the symbolic and real rewards that might be generated from them. The technologies of assessment and accountability typically do not con- front us in the form of grand strategies but, rather, as mundane and practical changes in our everyday practices. They are embedded in new vocabularies of practice, new roles with new titles, and in grids, templates, mentoring xii Preface relationships, annual reviews, evaluations and output indicators. It is these very practical and ordinary words and artefacts that present us with new ways of thinking about what we do, about our students, about our colleagues, and about ourselves –​ self-assessment.​ There are now myriad Apps and software available to schools that enable a continuous and imme- diate monitoring of student performance and Broadfoot discusses the challenges and risk of such devices (Chapter 13). There is unsettledness in all of this in terms of what is ‘right’ and in whose interests we act, along- side a sense of constant change and concomitant anxiety, insecurity and precarity – ​what Lazzarato (2009, p. 120) calls the ‘micro-politics​ of little fears’. In relation to all of this there are new sets of skills to be acquired – ​the skills of presentation and of inflation, making the most of ourselves, making a spectacle of ourselves, in response to audit, inspection and review, and for promotion. Productive individuals, new kinds of social subjects, are the cen- tral resource in a reformed, entrepreneurial public sector –​ teachers, schools, local authorities that ‘under-​perform’ are subject to moral approbation. This collection ranges across this difficult, complex, morally perplexing and messy terrain of issues, problems and controversies. Broadfoot’s work dissects, discusses and analyses the what, when, how and why of assessment at different levels and in different forms. The papers here span the period from 1979 to 2019 and are, in themselves, a history of assessment and its changing relationships to accountability, performance and student learning. Broadfoot’s work across this period has been a unique and major resource of analysis and debate in relation to assessment in policy and in practice and the relation between the two. And this analysis and debate is not limited to the educational scene in England. This book steps outside of the pre- occupation with the nation state as the obvious basis for policy analysis and puts assessment into a global context of comparison between states (Chapter 3). It recognizes the role of assessment as a key component of edu- cation reform, particularly in the form of high stakes testing (Lipman, 2004). The book concludes with forays into thinking differently about assessment and accountability, beyond the political simplicities and dangers of perform- ance management (Chapters 12 and 13). This is a book that speaks to the policies and practices of assessment and raises fundamental questions about the modalities and purposes of assessment that are being totally lost sight of in the ‘assessment society’. It is timely, important and necessary. Professor Stephen J. Ball, FRSA, FBA, FAcSS Karl Mannheim Professor of Sociology of Education Institute of Education, University College, London

References Bernstein, B. (1971). On the Classification and Framing of Educational Knowledge. In M. F. D. Young (Ed.), Knowledge and Control. London: Collier-​Macmillan., pp. 47–​69. Preface xiii Bernstein, B. (1975). Class, Codes and Control, Vol. 3: Towards a Theory of Educational Transmissions. London: Routledge. Lazzarato, M. (2009). Neoliberalism in action: inequality, insecurity and the recon- stitution of the social. Theory, Culture and Society, 26(6), 109–​133. Lipman, P. (2004). High Stakes Education: Inequality, Globalisation and Urban School Reform. New York: RoutledgeFalmer. Ozga, J. (2008). Governing knowledge: research steering and research quality. European Educational Research Journal, 7(3), 261–​272. Acknowledgements

A book of collected works is a very special enterprise. It aims to reflect the most significant contributions from an intellectual trajectory developed over an academic lifetime. This book is no exception including, as it does, publications which span a period of more than forty years. Over such a long period, there have inevitably been many people who have influenced my work and to whom I owe a great debt –​ for their wisdom, their support and their friendship. During the early years of my career in Scotland, Bryan Dockrell, Bill Ritchie, Ian Morris, Nigel Grant and John Nisbet guided my first steps in both empirical research and policy engagement. Their combined influence was to determine educational assessment as my chosen sphere of endeavour and to persuade me of the importance of international comparison as a route to sociological understanding. My PhD supervisor, Roger Dale, honed these insights and skills with his expert support over a sustained period. I thank them for the time they were willing to give to a young researcher and for their faith in me. To those with whom I have collaborated in various empirical projects over many years, I owe a deep debt of gratitude. In the 1980s, Desmond Nuttall and Mary James were key partners in helping to understand the impact of the Records of Achievement initiative. That work laid the foundations for a much greater understanding of the impact of assessment on learning and how to change it for the better, work which was substantially extended later by the influential work of my colleagues in the Assessment Reform Group of which I was privileged to be a member. Particular thanks are due to Michel Gilly, Marilyn Osborn, Andrew Pollard and the members of our research teams who made possible the extended suite of comparisons of French and English education which fea- ture so prominently in this book. It is always invidious to name particular individuals in a list that is far too long to mention everyone. I therefore extend my most sincere thanks to the dozens of colleagues and students in the UK and abroad who made my working life so enjoyable and who made it possible to generate the insights presented in this book. I especially wish to thank my colleagues at the Bristol Acknowledgements xv University School of Education with whom it was my pleasure to work over many years. I also wish to acknowledge the many teachers I have worked with over the years, in settings ranging from privileged private schools to those in des- perately under-resourced​ classes held under a tree. I have never failed to be amazed at the commitment of these teachers to giving of their best even in the most difficult circumstances. It has been a privilege to work with them. But even more than the support, encouragement and friendship of the many wonderful academic colleagues with whom I have worked over many years, I wish to record my thanks to my family. To my husband David and to my children, James, Laurence and Elanwy, I wish to extend my deepest grati- tude for their unfailing support and their willingness to accept the inevitable time demands and associated sacrifices of a busy academic career. None of the work represented in this book would have been possible without their forbearance and their love. This collection of my work is dedicated to them. Previously published chapters

Chapter 1. Competence, competition, content and control: how assessment mediates the relationship between education and society. Broadfoot, P. (1996) Education, Assessment and Society. Buckingham: Press, Chapters 4 and 5, pp. 66–​121. Reprinted by permission from Taylor & Francis.

Chapter 2. Selection, certification and control: meritocracy or social reproduction? Broadfoot, P (1979) Assessment, Schools and Society. London: Methuen. Chapter 4, pp. 84–​102. Reprinted by permission from Taylor & Francis.

Chapter 3. Towards a focus on learning and culture: time for a new approach to comparative education’? Broadfoot P. (2000) ‘Comparative Education for the 21st Century: Retrospect and Prospect’. Comparative Education, 36(3), 358–​371. Reprinted by permission from Taylor & Francis.

Chapter 4. New forms of system control: the power of assessment as a tool for accountability and legitimation. Broadfoot, P. (2007) ‘Changing patterns of educational accountability in England and France’, in M. Crossley, P. Broadfoot and M. Schweisfurth (eds) Changing Educational Contexts, Issues and Identities: 40 years of Comparative Education. London: Routledge. Reprinted from Comparative Education (1985), 21(3), 273–​286. Reprinted by permission from Taylor & Francis.

Chapter 5. Using the comparative approach to understand teachers’ prior- ities: the ‘Bristaix’ study of English and French education. Broadfoot, P., Osborn, M., with Gilly, M. and Paillet, A. (1988) ‘What professional responsibility means to teachers: national contexts and class- room constants’. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 9(3), 265–​287. Reprinted by permission from Taylor & Francis. Previously published chapters xvii Chapter 6. Values, understanding and power: mapping the impact of assessment policy changes on teachers’ practice through the PACE project. Pollard, A., Broadfoot, P., Croll, P., Osborn, M. and Abbott, D. (1994) Changing English Primary Schools? The Impact of the Education Reform Act at Key Stage One. London: Cassell. Chapter 13, pp. 227–​244. Used by permission of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.

Chapter 7. Comparing influences on pupil achievement? Insights from the QUEST project. Broadfoot, P. (1999) ‘Comparative research on pupil achievement: in search of validity, reliability and utility’, in P. Broadfoot, R. Alexander and D. Phillips (eds) Learning from Comparing: New Directions in Comparative Educational Research, Vol. One: Contexts, Classrooms and Outcomes. Oxford: Symposium Books, pp. 237–​260. Reprinted by permission from Symposium Books Ltd.

Chapter 8. Culture, context and policy: new perspectives on learning from the ENCOMPASS study of pupils in England, France and Denmark. Osborn, M., Broadfoot, P., McNess, E., Planel, C., Ravn, B. and Triggs, P. (2003) A World of Difference? Comparing Learners across Europe. Maidenhead: Open University Press, Chapter 10, pp. 205–​225. Reprinted by permission from Open International Publishing Ltd.

Chapter 9. Performativity versus empowerment: how the ‘assessment society’ is inhibiting the advent of a ‘learning society’. Broadfoot, P. (1998) ‘Quality, standards and control in higher educa- tion: what price life-​long learning?’ International Studies in Sociology of Education, 8(2), 155–​180. Reprinted by permission from Taylor & Francis.

Chapter 10. Assessment as a social technology: the socio-cultural​ origins and implications of the ‘standards’ agenda. Broadfoot, P. and Pollard, A. (2006) ‘The changing discourse of assessment policy: the case study of English primary education’. In H. Lauder, P. Brown, J. Dillabough, and A.H. Halsey (eds) Education, Globalisation and Social Change, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Extracted from: Broadfoot, P. and Pollard, A. (2000) ‘The changing discourse of assessment policy: the case of English primary education’. In A. Filer (ed.) Assessment: Social Practice and Social Product. London: Falmer Press. Reprinted by permission from Taylor & Francis. xviii Previously published chapters Chapter 11. Enter the ‘assessment society’: international trends and future challenges. Broadfoot, P. and Black, P. (2004) ‘Redefining assessment?’ The first ten years of Assessment in Education’. Assessment in Education, 11(1) March, 7–​29. Reprinted by permission from Taylor & Francis.

Chapter 12. Challenging the status quo: the potential of assessment for learning. Broadfoot, P. (2007) An Introduction to Assessment. London: Continuum, Chapter 10, pp. 109–​113. Used by permission of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.

Chapter 13. Towards an Assessment Revolution? The potentially transforming potential of computer-​based assessment. Timmis, S., Broadfoot, P., Sutherland, R. and Oldfield, A. (2016) ‘Rethinking assessment in a digital age: opportunities, challenges and risks’. British Educational Research Journal, 42(3), 454–​476. Reprinted by permission from John Wiley and Sons. Introduction

Educational assessment may be defined as the act of gathering data about an educational performance. It may be undertaken with a variety of motives. Often it involves the interpretation of that data in order to make a judgement. Crucially, such judgements may be expressed in a variety of ‘codes’ such as grades or marks. It is these ‘codes’ that provide the language of assessment discourse. They provide a proxy way of representing the perceived quality of a performance that can serve a range of purposes. Such ‘codes’ are widely used to judge whether a given individual performance has reached a par- ticular standard, such as the driving test. Equally often these ‘codes’ are used for comparative purposes to rank individuals – ​a use that is, in practice, fre- quently linked to selection. The habitual use of such ‘codes’ thus makes it possible to translate the relative quality of a performance into some kind of scale. This is the explan- ation for the extraordinary impact of educational assessment. Numbers can be easily generated to provide a quick, convenient and readily under- standable language for all kinds of educational communications – ​feedback on the quality of classwork; school reports; grade-​point averages and the host of other tests and examinations that punctuate the business of formal educational programmes. But it doesn’t stop there of course. Individual per- formance ‘codes’ can be conveniently aggregated to provide for judgements about teacher quality and about the relative performance of an individual school or group of schools. The data can be further aggregated to form the basis of judgements about the quality of entire education systems; judgements which are then used to compare the relative strengths of educa- tional performance in different countries. This entire pyramid of judgements depends on the assumption that the data on which it is based is objective, accurate and meaningful; in assessment language, that it is both valid in the sense that the data truly reflect the quality of the performance being measured, and that it is reliable, in the sense that the performance in question would produce the same result on another day. As I argue in this collection, the idea that educational per- formance can be measured and reported using such ‘codes’, is rooted in the 2 Introduction post-​Enlightenment scientific revolution and the search for objectivity and rationality in understanding the world to which it led. Equally, the advent of mass schooling in the 19th century brought with it the need for assessment tools that would provide a useful and publicly acceptable means for judging the quality of educational performance by individuals, by teachers and by schools. Since that time, literally millions of hours have been devoted by testing agencies and assessment experts of all kinds to the search for ever more trustworthy, ever more precise, tools with which to measure the quality of educational performance. Today, the creation, dissemination and application of various forms of assessment is a global endeavour. It exerts the most profound influence in shaping the delivery of education in the whole range of formal settings from kinder- garten to university. Surprisingly, it is only relatively recently that sociologists of educa- tion have shown interest in this phenomenon. Research into educational assessment has traditionally been dominated by more psychological perspectives focused on measuring the quality of particular approaches to testing and the development of better assessment tools. Understanding the social role of educational assessment, its origins and its impact at all levels of society, has attracted less interest. It was this awareness of the international importance of assessment in contemporary educational provision, coupled with the historic lack of scholarly attention to understanding its social sig- nificance, that has been at the heart of my academic project. For a sociologist, educational assessment cannot but be seen as a pro- foundly social activity. An individual’s performance on a particular task, cannot be divorced from their human characteristics –​ from culture, from personality, from motivation – ​even from the external conditions prevailing at the time the performance is measured. Despite attempts over more than a century to portray educational assessment as a science, dedicated to the objective meas- urement of achievement, common sense and personal experience alone are sufficient to challenge this view as a myth. Not only is it the case that edu- cational assessment can only ever be a more or less good proxy for quality and should be regarded as such, but also, its profound impact on every aspect of educational provision needs to be recognised. From the chagrin of a failing student at one end of the continuum to the policy decisions made in the light of international comparisons of national achievement at the other, assessment plays a pivotal role in the educational priorities and practices of individuals, institutions and governments. Thus, this collection of some of my published work has three goals. The first goal is to establish the importance of developing a sociological understanding of educational assessment given its overwhelmingly powerful impact on contemporary society. The second goal is to illustrate various ways in which this might be done, using examples from my own theoret- ical and empirical work. Given the rapid pace of change in contemporary Notes 3 society, the third goal is to explore the significance of the current world-​ wide interest in assessment for learning, including the potentially profound impact of the digital revolution and the fundamental changes in the social role of assessment to which this might lead. The book has four parts. Each part has a brief introduction which is designed to highlight the contribution of each publication included to a sociological understanding of educational assessment. Part I is centrally concerned with my first goal of establishing the importance of developing a sociological understanding of educational assessment. It draws its title from that of my PhD thesis – ​The Rationality of Judgement: comparative perspectives on the social role of educational assessment – ​ since it brings together some of my early work in which I sought to explore the various social roles of educational assessment and to understand their significance. Parts II and III address the second goal of the book in illustrating various ways to achieve a greater sociological understanding of the role of educa- tional assessment using examples drawn from my own empirical work. Part II asserts the unique sociological value of comparative studies by drawing extensively on a series of international comparative studies that I under- took in order to help understand the impact of educational assessment in different cultural settings and in the context of significant policy change. Part III develops the focus on understanding educational assessment as a lever of policy-making​ and leads into the more forward-looking​ perspective of Part IV. Here the collection addresses my third goal of seeking to under- stand the potential for change in the social role of educational assessment that may result from the ever more significant impact of the digital revo- lution. The contributions in Part IV explore current trends in educational assessment and the challenges represented by the acknowledged need for learning itself to become ‘life-long’.​ The digital revolution is likely to lead to both novel social roles for educational assessment and radical new ways of forming judgements about performance. A sociological perspective is needed to understand whether and how such a transformation might come about. Finally, a brief ‘Epilogue’ offers some thoughts on the messages that can be derived from the collection as a whole. It suggests some pointers for future scholars who will share the commitment to understanding educa- tional assessment from a sociological perspective that has driven so much of my work. I hope, too, that they will share the passion that has driven me beyond mere understanding of what is, to use their fresh insights towards what might be; disseminating that understanding to help shape educational provision in which new, creative approaches to assessment challenge the unthinking travesties of the past and the myth of measurement.

Notes 1 ‘Rationality’ is taken here to refer to both forms of logic and ideology. 4 Notes 2 These terms embody a Marxist conceptualization of the relationship between economic and social relations (see, for example, Williams 1961). 3 Although some industrialized societies, such as Japan, retain a ‘collectivist’ rather than an ‘individualist’ orientation in general, underneath there is intense indi- vidualist competition in what is now regarded as an excessively competitive edu- cational system (Takeuchi 1991). As Weber points out in his book The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, there are major national differences in the impact of capitalism. The Japanese case usefully emphasizes the point that while the provision of a rational means of allocating individuals to differential social roles, and hence educational assessment, is a necessary feature of an expanding division of labour, the precise way in which this process is organized will be spe- cific to the societal context. Japan arguably still represents an extreme case of ‘sponsored’ mobility (Turner 1960), in that, once selected for elite educational institutions, individuals no longer need to compete for status. After entry, such status comes from seniority. 4 For an analysis of Japanese society in these terms, see Shimahara (1979) – ​see note 3 above. 5 See Max Weber (1947). Also H. Gerth and C. Wright-​Mills (1946). 6 Marshall (1982: 33) cites the examples of Italy, France, Spain and Portugal which had capitalism long before the Reformation and conversely, where ascetic Protestantism seems to have given no impetus to capitalist development in Switzerland, Scotland, Hungary and parts of the Netherlands. 7 Matthews (1980) argues that pre-capitalist​ society was also essentially pre-​ ideological society, the term ‘ideology’ being coined by Antoine Destutt de Tracy in 1795. 8 Hence the conservatism of the teaching profession – ​at least in some countries – ​ identified by Durkheim and Bourdieu. 9 The three levels of the medieval French university –​ the Baccalauréat, the License and the Aggregation –​ are still essentially the same today nearly eighty years after Durkheim remarked upon this. 10 The links with the ideas of another French writer, Foucault, are explicit here. Foucault’s analysis of the increasing tendency of society to remove into institutions the criminal and the insane so that they might be subject to hierarchical authority and normalizing judgement strangely echoes Durkheim’s analysis of changing social attitudes towards another only semi-socialized​ group, the young, who were at this time also increasingly subject to surveillance and enclosure. 11 For a description of the Jesuit system see Durkheim (1947: 260). 12 The title of Derek Rowntree’s book, Assessing Students: How Shall We Know Them?, is particularly revealing in this respect, but the tone is essentially similar in any of the standard works on classroom assessment techniques. See, for example, Dunn (1967), Schofield (1972), Jackson (1974), MacIntosh and Hale (1976) and Sumner (1982). 13 It is important to note that it was the prevailing rhetoric, far more than the practices themselves, that changed –​ more traditional pedagogy now being supported by a legitimating ideology that is the product of recent years of reces- sion and disquiet. 14 Quoted by Habermas (1970: 84). See also Schostak (1983). 15 An interesting parallel with the context for Durkheim’s work. 16 See also Giddens (1982: Chapter 15). Notes 5 17 See Durkheim’s (1947) description of the advent of the monastic ideal of schooling in the seventeenth century. 18 Bell and Lancaster’s monitorial system is described by Foucault (1977). 19 In some Victorian school buildings elements of this panopticism are still visibly represented and in current use in the architectural design of a large central hall and an encircling gallery to allow for supervision. 20 The significance of such ‘self-​control’ is discussed in Chapter 2 in relation to accountability, where it is argued that the exposure of teachers to both public and bureaucratic ‘surveillance’ is a great deal more effective in influencing how teachers set their own canons of moral and professional accountability than the more formal authority of a central bureaucracy. 21 A debate that ultimately cannot be resolved –​ at least with the current array of conceptual tools – ​for, as Marshall (1982: 150) suggests, ‘discussion of which changed first –​ the world (Marx), or people’s understanding of it (Weber) – ​is likely to be interminable because what is at issue is not the status of this or that body of empirical material but is rather the validity of competing frameworks for the interpretation of social reality.’ 22 It is interesting to note that Antoine Destutt de Tracy, who, as mentioned earlier coined the term ‘ideology’, was a member of the newly founded Institut de France (1795), whose members were known as ideologues – ​progressive, radical, liberal-​scientific scholars –​ during the French Revolution (see Matthews 1980; see also Larrain 1979). 23 See also Ranson (1983). 24 The example Ranson et al. cite of when the increasing size of an organization constrains it to become more bureaucratic and, at the same time, it is located in a turbulent environment and therefore constrained to become more flexible and adaptable in its structural arrangements, is very clearly the situation facing the education of advanced industrial societies. 25 See also Ranson (1983). 26 A point made by a senior HMI inspector in interview. 27 A point made by IDEN in interview. 28 See Broadfoot (1980) for an enlargement of this argument. 29 It would be misleading, however, to regard the trends depicted in Figure 1.2 as anything more than general tendencies and to ignore the many examples of resistance on the part of educational practitioners and consumers to such changes that can be identified, and the associated pattern of negotiation between politicians, administrators, teachers and the public that this has made necessary. 1 For an account of this ‘cause célèbre’ which illustrated how limited the bur- eaucratic control of the local education authority is when put to the test by a head teacher and a group of staff who reject conventional norms of practice, see Gretton & Jackson (1976). 2 See, for example, Mager, 1962. 3 Apart from the widespread attempts currently being made in England to design ‘graded-tests’,​ in, for example, maths, modern languages and science, DES policy is now to follow the Scottish Education Department’s lead in instituting ‘grade-​related’ criteria for the new 16 +. Thus in England this move to criterion-​ referencing is taking a number of different forms. Given the detailed provision of syllabus objectives in France, criterion-referencing​ is less necessary as a way of providing information on what pupils have obtained, and has not, as yet, taken off there to the same extent. 6 Notes 4 See, for example, Patterson (1972), Duverger (1970, 1971a, b). 5 See, for example, Spencer (1970). 1 All the tables are summaries of qualitative analyses, therefore tests of significance were not felt to be appropriate. In all tables it was possible for individual teachers to mention more than one category, therefore total percentages do not equal 100. 1 See David Reynolds’s contribution in this volume. 2 The patterns of change in these countries tends to reflect historical grounded cul- tural associations. For example, New Zealand, Australia and Hong Kong are all seeking to introduce a ‘levels-based’​ national curriculum with specified learning targets, accompanied by a criterion-​referenced assessment system. In other coun- tries, the emphasis is more on efforts to break down national homogeneity and, as in France, to encourage teachers to introduce a more individualised pedagogy which can provide for a wider range of student learning outcomes. 3 The members of the QUEST team are Patricia Broadfoot, Marilyn Osborn and Claire Planel, University of Bristol, and Keith Sharpe and Brigitte Ward, Canterbury Christchurch College. The support of the Economic and Social Research Council for this research is gratefully acknowledged. 1 Cambridge University, for example, introduced marks for the Tripos examination in 1784. 2 For example, the recently published HEQC Report, ‘Assessment in Higher Education and the Role of Graduateness’ argues that, despite the apparent use of a common vocabulary across subjects and institutions, this may have more to do with procedural expectations than being a reflection of common values or standards. It suggests that the increasing fragmentation of courses which is the result of modularisation is leading to a decline in internalised notions of quality which in turn threatens the future reliability of assessments. The report expresses a concern that there may in practice be little real comparability across either subjects or institutions. This is also a theme of the Final Report of the HEQC (1997) Graduate Standards Programme which was set up to develop mechanisms for making degree standards more transparent and comparable across institutions. 3 See DfEE circular 2/​96. 4 Significantly, this is the nomenclature employed by the Audit Commission itself. 5 The key skills initiative is now taking on considerable prominence in higher edu- cation, see for example the Key Skills in Higher Education Report University of Nottingham, 1997. 6 The use of this Foucauldian term here is deliberate since many of Foucault’s ideas are implicit in the foregoing arguments. For further discussion see Broadfoot, 1996, ­chapter 4. 1 It is important to note that the terms ‘performance’ and ‘competence’ as used by Bernstein (1996) and in this chapter have distinctly different meanings from those associated with ‘performance’ (authentic) and ‘competence’ testing as more gener- ally understood in the field of assessment and as used elsewhere in this book. 1 In the USA this is generally known as Computer Aided Assessment and this ter- minology is still in use today. 2 See http://​www.bristol.ac.uk/​education/​research/​sites/​tea/​publications/.​ 3 Though versions are found in many countries and international organisations, notable examples can be seen in the US Partnership for 21st Century Skills (www.p21.org), the UK curriculum’s Personal, Learning and Thinking Skills, as References 7 well as the EU’s Key Competences for Lifelong Learning (http://​ec.europa.eu/​dgs/​ education_​culture/​publ/​pdf/​ll-​learning/​keycomp_​en.pdf). 4 As digital technologies evolve at a fast pace, this is an ever-​changing landscape, so examples are illustrative, not definitive. 5 Massive Online Open Courses—see​ https://​www.coursera.org/ ​ for examples. 6 https://​wiki.mozilla.org/​Badges. 7 For further discussion on Learning Analytics, see our briefing paper at http://​www. bristol.ac.uk/​education/​research/​sites/​tea/​publications/​learninganalytics.pdf. 8 See OECD’s annual ‘Education at a Glance’—and​ PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) at http://​www.oecd.org/.​

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