DOCSLIB.ORG

The Christiani's Rule Over Israel During the Jewish War: Tacitus' Fragment 2 and Histories 5.13, Suetonius Vespasian 4.5, and the Coins of the Jewish War

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Christiani's Rule Over Israel During the Jewish War: Tacitus' Fragment 2 and Histories 5.13, Suetonius Vespasian 4.5, and the Coins of the Jewish War Eric LAUPOT THE CHRISTIANI'S RULE OVER ISRAEL DURING THE JEWISH WAR: TACITUS' FRAGMENT 2 AND HISTORIES 5.13, SUETONIUS VESPASIAN 4.5, AND THE COINS OF THE JEWISH WAR RÉSUMÉ Il a été démontré autre part que les sectateurs de celui qui, chez Tacite, (Annales 15, 44) est désigné comme Christus (i. e. les Christiani ou Nazoréens) ont joué un rôle essentiel dans la Guerre Juive contre Rome de 66-73 (cf. le second fragment des Histoires de Tacite [Tacite, fragment 2]), et que c'est en grande partie pour écraser ces Christiani et leur mouvement que les armées romaines ont détruit le Second Temple. L'article étudie, à partir de données diverses, certaines implications de cette découverte: 1) les Nazoréens étaient très vraisemblablement en charge de l'ensem- ble des Juifs, et pas uniquement du Temple, durant la Guerre Juive; 2) les Christiani de Tacite étaient sans doute la secte historique dont procède, dans le Nouveau Testa- ment, celle des Xristianoí; 3) L'homme qui est désigné sous le nom de Chrestus chez Suétone (Claudius, 25, 4) était un roi nazoréen bien connu; 4) Tacite avait rai- son d'associer les Christiani au Grand Incendie de Rome qui eut lieu en 64, ce qu'il est le seul à faire parmi les historiens antiques; 5) Un autre nom du mouvement nazoréen était «la Voie»; 6) Antérieurement au Grand Incendie, les Gentils de Rome avaient fait l'objet, de la part des Nazoréens, d'une activité prosélyte impor- tante et couronnée de succès; 7) Les Nazoréens ne sont pas à l'origine du Grand In- cendie (la logique interne confirme ici les apparences); 8) L'Église paulinienne pri- mitive était loyale à l'égard de Rome et rejetait les Christiani opposés à Rome: si le gouvernement central n'a pas persécuté l'Église avant 270, c'est sans doute parce que le Christianisme était considéré comme un contrepoids à l'activité prosélyte des Nazoréens (et d'autres, potentiellement) parmi les esclaves et les classes inférieures. SUMMARY It has been demonstrated elsewhere that the ideological followers of the man re- ferred to in Tacitus Annals 15.44 as Christus (i.e., the Christiani or Nazoreans) were major participants in the Jewish War against Rome of 66-73 CE (see the sec- ond fragment of Tacitus’ Histories [= Tacitus’ fragment 2]) and that the Roman army destroyed the Second Temple in Jerusalem in 70 CE in large part to crush the Christiani and their anti-Roman movement. This paper discusses further implica- tions of these findings, including: (1) evidence that the Nazoreans were most likely in charge of the entire Jewish state, not just the Temple, during the Jewish War (2) Revue des Études juives, 162 (1-2), janvier-juin 2003, pp. 69-96 70 THE CHRISTIANI'S RULE OVER ISRAEL additional confirmation that Tacitus’ Jewish-led Christiani were indeed the histori- cal sect upon which the sect of Xristiavoí of the New Testament were partially modeled, (3) the deduction that the man referred to as Chrestus in Suetonius Claudius 25.4 had been a well-known Nazorean king, (4) further confirmation that Tacitus, alone among ancient historians, was correct in associating the Christiani with the Great Fire of Rome in 64, (5) confirmation that an alternate name for the Nazorean movement was “the Way,” (6) evidence that there had been successful mass proselytizing of Gentiles in Rome by the Nazoreans prior to the Great Fire, (7) logical inferences supporting a valid prima facie argument that the Nazoreans did not set the Great Fire, and (8) clear indications that because the early Pauline Church was loyal to Rome and did not consider the anti-Roman Christiani to be of their faith, the central government in Rome therefore did not persecute the Church until 250 CE, presumably because Rome considered Christianity to be a counter- weight to Nazorean (and other potentially) subversive proselytizing among the slaves and lower classes. As demonstrated elsewhere1, Tacitus’ Christiani almost certainly were, ac- cording to the second fragment of Tacitus’ Histories (= Tacitus’ fragment 2 = Sulpicius Severus Chronica 2.30.6-7; for the text of the last half of which see note 3 below), a Jewish group that followed an anti-Roman ideology (or superstitio; see note 3) and were major participants in the Jewish War against Rome of 66-73 CE.2 Had this not been the case, the Roman army would never have destroyed the Second Temple largely on account of the Christiani, as reported in Tacitus’ fragment 2.3 The Christiani or Nazoreans were the ideological followers of the founder of their sect, whom Tacitus re- fers to in Annals 15.44.3 as Christus (lit., “the anointed one” or the king of Israel). Tacitus reports that this founder had beenexecuted by Pontius Pilate. The reader is referred to this author’s previous study on the Christiani (see note 1 above) since it provides the basis for the present examination. It 1. Eric LAUPOT, “Tacitus’ Fragment 2: The Anti-Roman Movement of the Christiani and the Nazoreans,” Vigiliae Christianae 54, no. 3 (2000) 233-47. 2. Ibid., 233-4, 236-7, 245-7. On the meaning of the name “Christiani,” 245-6. 3. Ibid., 234-5, 236-7, 244, 245-6. The second part of frag. 2 (= Severus Chron. 2.30.7) describes the council of war convened by Titus in 70 in Jerusalem near the end of the Jewish War for the purpose of deciding whether or not to destroy the Jewish Temple: at contra alii et Titus ipse euertendum in primis templum censebant, quo plenius Iudaeorum et Christianorum religio tolleretur: quippe has religiones, licet contrarias sibi, isdem tamen <ab> auctoribus profectas; Christianos ex Iudaeis extitisse: radice sublata stirpem facile perituram. (“But oth- ers, on the contrary, disagreed [i.e., as to whether to spare the Temple] — including Titus himself. They argued that the destruction of the Temple was a number one priority in order to destroy completely the religion of the Jews and the Christiani: For although these religions are conflicting, they nevertheless developed from the same origins. The Christiani arose from the Jews: With the root removed, the branch is easily killed”). C. HALM, ed., Sulpicii Severi libri qui supersunt (CSEL 1; Vienna, 1866) 85. Instead of religio, Tacitus would have used the classical word superstitio (“alien religious belief”). All translations in this paper are the author’s, unless otherwise noted. THE CHRISTIANI'S RULE OVER ISRAEL 71 may be noted here that the words Christiani and Nahwra⁄oi (Eng., Nazo- reans, from the Heb. Netsarim, meaning «followers of the Davidic Branch [Heb., netser] or king [see further, Isa 11.1 and note 4 below]”) are used interchangeably both in this and the previous study to designate the Jewish- led ideological followers of Tacitus' Christus – in contrast with the words “Christians,” “Christianity,” and “the Church,” which refer to Pauline Christians4. We may now proceed with the following additional observations on the Christiani: 1. In all probability Tacitus’ Christiani were the historical sect that the Xristiavoí of the New Testament were modeled on. This is because both sects had (1) the same name in Latin and Greek (Christiani/Xristiavoí), (2) the same name in Hebrew and Greek, (Netsarim/Nahwra⁄oi)5, and (3) a founder with the same title in Latin and Greek (i.e., Christus/Xristóv), who had been executed by the same Roman official, Pontius Pilate, accord- ing to both Tacitus Ann. 15.44.3 and all four Gospels. 2. The content and some of the language used in fragment 2 (see note 3 above) reminds one strongly, not only of Isa 11.16, but also of that in the two well-known descriptions in Tacitus Hist. 5.13.2 and Suetonius Vesp. 4.5 of the biblical prophecy that set off the Jewish War.7 Note especially 4. LAUPOT, “Tacitus’ Fragment 2,” 233, 234, 238, 244, 245-6. The familiar Hebrew word Notserim (sg., Notseri) designates in the Babylonian Talmud both the Nazoreans and the Pauline Christians (b. Abod. Zar. 6a, 7b [both referring to Christians], 17a; b. San. 107b; b. Sota 47a; b. Taan. 27b [Christians]; b. Ber. 17b; etc.). It can be inferred from this author’s prior study on the Christiani that the word Notserim almost certainly derived from Netsarim. Specifically, it seems likely that Notserim originated either (1) as a variant spelling of Netsarim, and/or (2) with LXX Isa 60.21, which reads fulásswv (= Heb., notser, “guard”), as against netser in Isa 60.21 (MT). See esp. Chaim RABIN, “Noserim,” Textus 5 (1966) 44- 52, esp. 52 n. 36; further, S[olomon] SCHECHTER, ed., Fragments of a Zadokite Work, vol. 1, Documents of Jewish Sectaries (2 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1910) XXXI n. 10. On the historical connection between the Christiani and Isa 60.21, see LAUPOT, “Tacitus’ Fragment 2,” 244; also, 241, 242. 5. LAUPOT, “Tacitus’ Fragment 2,” 233, 238-43, 245-6, 247. 6. Ibid., 233, 238-47. 7. This prophecy is described, but not otherwise identified, as follows: (1) Tacitus Hist. 5.13.2: pluribus persuasio inerat antiquis sacerdotum litteris contineri, eo ipso tempore fore ut ualesceret Oriens profectique Iudaea rerum potirentur (“Many [Jews] believed it was written in the ancient writings of their priests that this was the very time when the East would become powerful and that men emanating [profecti] from Judea would seize control of the Roman Empire”), (2) Suetonius Vespasianus 4.5: Percrebruerat Oriente toto uetus et constans opinio esse in fatis ut eo tempore Iudaea profecti rerum potirentur…. praedictum Iudaei ad se trahentes rebellarunt (“There had spread all over the East a very old and fixed belief to the effect that it had been prophesied that men emanating from Judea [Iudaea profecti] would at that time seize control of the Empire… The Judeans applied this prophecy to themselves and took up arms again”).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • As Raízes Judaico-Cristãs Do Movimento Proto-Islâmico E Os Profetismos Na Península Arábica (Séc
    UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DE MINAS GERAIS FACULDADE DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA PAULO RENATO SILVA DE ANDRADE RECITA , EM NOME DO TEU SENHOR: As raízes judaico-cristãs do movimento proto-islâmico e os profetismos na Península Arábica (séc. VII E.C.) Belo Horizonte 2017 PAULO RENATO SILVA DE ANDRADE RECITA , EM NOME DO TEU SENHOR: As raízes judaico-cristãs do movimento proto-islâmico e os profetismos na Península Arábica (séc. VII E.C.) Dissertação apresentada como requisito parcial para a obtenção do título de mestre no Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, na linha de pesquisa História e Culturas Políticas. Orientador: Prof. Dr. André Luis Pereira Miatello. Belo Horizonte 2017 FOLHA DE APROVAÇÃO Dissertação de mestrado intitulada "Recita, em nome do teu Senhor: as raízes judaico- cristãs do movimento proto-islâmico e os profetismos na península arábica (séc. VII E.C.)" , defendida pelo aluno Paulo Renato Silva de Andrade e aprovada no dia ___ de _________________ de 2017 pela banca examinadora, composta pelos seguintes professores: ____________________________________________ Prof. Dr. André Luis Pereira Miatello (orientador) ____________________________________________ Prof. Dr. Tadeu Mazzola Verza (UFMG) ____________________________________________ Prof. Dr. José Antônio Dabdab Trabulsi (UFMG) AGRADECIMENTOS Qualquer tentativa sincera de agradecimento imediatamente nos remete não a uma tarefa hercúlea – visto que esta, ainda que enorme, implica em sua possível completude – mas sisífica. Não por uma suposta inutilidade do objetivo em si, mas pela futilidade do esforço, cujo ator já inicia consciente de que a pedra rolará para o pé da montanha. Ainda assim, é com a resignação otimista do Sísifo, tal como interpretado por Camus, que empreendemos a tarefa, com a mais alegre boa vontade, apesar da ciência da incomensurabilidade da gratidão que nutrimos e da incapacidade de expressá-la, em toda a sua plenitude e subjetividade.
    [Show full text]
  • View of Late Antiquity In
    ARAM, 23 (2011) 489-508. doi: 10.2143/ARAM.23.0.2959670 WALLS OF THE DECAPOLIS Dr. ROBERT SMITH (Mid-Atlantic Christian University) Walls were important to the citizens of the Decapolis cities.1 While the world- view of Late Antiquity interpreted the rise and fall of cities as ultimately being the result of divine intervention, the human construction of defensive walls was still a major civic concern. Walls, like temples, honored a city’s patron deities and fostered a sense of local identity and well-being. These structures, long a bulwark of independence and status for cities in the Levant,2 were present in the Hellenizing pre-Decapolis cities, permitted in the Decapolis during the Roman period and were promoted during the subsequent Byzantine period as well. Instead of fostering local rebellion against a distant Rome or later Con- stantinople, the construction of Decapolis city walls, like other components of the imperial architectural palette, was a strategic asset that served to cultur- ally unify the region’s ethnically and linguistically diverse population.3 The “spiritual walls” of cultural solidarity, established in Hellenism and continued by Rome, together with the physical walls of the Decapolis cities helped to preserve their identities for centuries. The Roman and Byzantine empires depended upon strong loyal cities like those of the Decapolis to sustain their rule in the Levant. WALLS OF PRE-DECAPOLIS CITIES IN THE PRE-ROMAN ERA Cities that would be counted as part of the Decapolis in the Roman Era were typically established in the Hellenistic era on the remains of ancient settle- ments.
    [Show full text]
  • Sulpicius Severus and Martin of Tours: Defending a Mentor, Securing a Saint Matthew Yar N Reed Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2009 Sulpicius Severus and Martin of Tours: defending a mentor, securing a saint Matthew yaR n Reed Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Reed, Matthew Ryan, "Sulpicius Severus and Martin of Tours: defending a mentor, securing a saint" (2009). LSU Master's Theses. 3232. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/3232 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SULPICIUS SEVERUS AND MARTIN OF TOURS: DEFENDING A MENTOR, SECURING A SAINT A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of History by Matthew R. Reed B.A., University of Louisiana at Lafayette, 2006 May, 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................... iii CHAPTER 1. NOW FOR THE DEFENSE: SULPICIUS SEVERUS ......................................................1 2. A SOLDIER AND SIMPLETON ......................................................................................16
    [Show full text]
  • Jewish Love Magic Magical and Religious Literature of Late Antiquity
    Jewish Love Magic Magical and Religious Literature of Late Antiquity Series Editors Shaul Shaked Siam Bhayro volume 6 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/mrla Jewish Love Magic From Late Antiquity to the Middle Ages By Ortal-Paz Saar leiden | boston Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Saar, Ortal-Paz, author. Title: Jewish love magic : from late antiquity to the Middle Ages / by Ortal-Paz Saar. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2017] | Series: Magical and religious literature of late antiquity; volume 6 | Based on the author’s thesis (doctoral) – Universiṭat Tel-Aviv, 2009. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: lccn 2017017142 (print) | lccn 2017018785 (ebook) | isbn 9789004347892 (e-book) | isbn 9789004347885 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: lcsh: Jewish magic–History–To 1500. | Magic in rabbinical literature. | Magic, Ancient. | Love–Religious aspects–Judaism–History–To 1500. Classification: lcc bf1622.j45 (ebook) | lcc bf1622.j45 s33 2017 (print) | ddc 133.4/3089924–dc23 lc record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017017142 Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 2211-016x isbn 978-90-04-34788-5 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-34789-2 (e-book) Copyright 2017 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.
    [Show full text]
  • Outline: Eusebius, Sulpicius, and the Christian Roman Empire Richard
    1 Outline: Eusebius, Sulpicius, and the Christian Roman Empire Richard Goodrich I. Introduction A. Argument: 1. In Sulpicius Severus' Chronicon, the Gallic author challenged and rejected Eusebius' model of a Christian Roman Empire. This was driven by complex motivations: Gallic antipathy toward the Roman state, apocalyptic thought, and a desire to promote Martin. B. Premises (To demonstrate my argument, I will show): 1. That Eusebius proposed an innovative model for a Christian Roman Empire 2. Sulpicius was familiar with Eusebius' works/model 3. Sulpicius rejected this model and offered his own alternative 4. Sulpicius' model was driven by: a. A provincial distrust of imperial authority b. His apocalyptic thought c. A desire to promote Martin C. Significance: A study of Sulpicius' project will contribute to our understanding of: 1. How provincial elites viewed the weakening Roman empire 2. How Christian Roman authors used texts and traditional rhetoric to promote themselves and their subjects 3. The ongoing debate among Christian thinkers about the proper relationship between church and state II. Background: Eusebius' Christian Roman Empire (Prem. 1) A. Eusebian Excess 1. Three centuries of animosity toward Christians comes to an end 2. Eusebius wants to ensure Christianity's place going forward 3. Promotes a model of a Christian Roman Empire based on the career of Constantine a. Most prominently in his works: Hist Ecc, Vita Const, and Laus Const 4. This model became normative over the next century a. Foundational for the entire Byzantine Empire B. Unpacking the Model (Key Secondary Sources for this Section = Cameron & Hall (1999); Barnes (1981), Drake (1995, 2000); Dvornik (1966)) 1.
    [Show full text]
  • DOCUMENTING MIRACLES in the AGE of BEDE by THOMAS EDWARD ROCHESTER
    SANCTITY AND AUTHORITY: DOCUMENTING MIRACLES IN THE AGE OF BEDE by THOMAS EDWARD ROCHESTER A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham July 2017 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This doctoral dissertation investigates the writings of the Venerable Bede (673-735) in the context of miracles and the miraculous. It begins by exploring the patristic tradition through which he developed his own historical and hagiographical work, particularly the thought of Gregory the Great in the context of doubt and Augustine of Hippo regarding history and truth. It then suggests that Bede had a particular affinity for the Gospel of Luke and the Acts of the Apostles as models for the writing of specifically ecclesiastical history. The use of sources to attest miracle narratives in six hagiographies known to Bede from Late Antiquity are explored before applying this knowledge to Bede and five of his early Insular contemporaries. The research is rounded off by a discussion of Bede’s use of miracles in the context of reform, particularly his desire to provide adequate pastoral care through his understanding of the ideal bishop best exemplified by Cuthbert and John of Beverley.
    [Show full text]
  • Salaminius Hermias Sozomenus – the Ecclesiastical History
    0450-0450 – Salaminius Hermias Sozomenus – The Ecclesiastical History The Ecclesiastical History, comprising a History of the Church, from A.D. 323 to A.D. 425 this file has been downloaded from http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf202.html NPNF (V2-02) Socrates Scholasticus THE 179 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN, COMPRISING A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH, FROM A.D. 323 TO A.D. 425. TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK. Revised by CHESTER D. HARTRANFT, HARTFORD THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY. 191 Introduction. ———————————— Salaminius Hermias Sozomen ———————————— Part I.—The Life. 326 NPNF (V2-02) Socrates Scholasticus The name is an unusual and difficult one. It seems desirable to give preference to the order which Photius adopts, but to preserve the spelling in Nicephorus Callistus, and in the captions of the chief manuscripts, and therefore to call him Salaminius Hermias Sozomen. What the term Salaminius indicates, cannot yet be accurately determined. There are no data to show any official connection of Sozomen with Salamis opposite Athens, or Salamis (Constantia) in Cyprus; certainly there is no record of any naval service. In vi. 32, where he speaks of the greater lights of monasticism in Palestine, Hilarion, Hesychas, and Epiphanius, he remarks, “At the same period in the monasteries, Salamines, Phuscon, Malachion, Crispion, four brethren, were highly distinguished.” In the tart controversy between Epiphanius and the empress, the latter had said, “You have not power to revive the dead; otherwise your archdeacon would not have died.” Sozomen explains, “She alluded to Crispion, the archdeacon, who had died a short time previously; he was brother to Phuscon and Salamanus, monks whom I had occasion to mention when detailing the history of events under the reign of Valens” (viii.
    [Show full text]
  • Missing Magdala and the Name of Mary 'Magdalene'
    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/278323992 Missing magdala and the name of mary 'magdalene' Article in Palestine Exploration Quarterly · September 2014 DOI: 10.1179/0031032814Z.000000000110 CITATIONS READS 2 330 1 author: Joan Taylor King's College London 37 PUBLICATIONS 235 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: A Trans-disciplinary View on the site where the 2000 year old Parchment manuscripts -the so-called Dead Sea Scrolls- were found by combining Nuclear, Biological and Synchrotron-based analytical Techniques View project All content following this page was uploaded by Joan Taylor on 04 June 2020. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Palestine Exploration Quarterly, , (), – MISSING MAGDALA AND THE NAME OF MARY ‘MAGDALENE’ J E. T Traditionally, Mary Magdalene’s name is assumed to indicate the place she came from: Magdala, meaning ‘the Tower’. However, no place named Magdala is mentioned in the earliest manuscripts of the New Testament or in other contemporaneous writing. The site called ‘Magdala’ in Israel today, some 5 km north of Tiberias and just north of Mount Arbel, continues a Byzantine identification, from the 5th or 6th centuries CE. It is often assumed that the sizeable town now coming to light here was more commonly called by the Greek name Tarichaea. However, questions may be asked about evidence. There was a village attested in rabbinic literature as Migdal Nuniya (‘Tower of Fish’), lying about one mile north of Tiberias, which was probably called ‘Magdala’ locally, but this Magdala lay south of Mount Arbel.
    [Show full text]
  • 0360-0425 – Sulpicius Severus – Dialogi Dialogues of Sulpitius
    0360-0425 – Sulpicius Severus – Dialogi Dialogues Of Sulpitius Severius this file has been downloaded from http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf211.html NPNF211. Sulpitius Severus, Vincent of Lerins, John Cassian Philip Schaff so that people exclaimed, “Who would ever believe that man to be clothed in sackcloth, or who would imagine that he was enveloped with ashes?” For even then he presented such an appearance, as if he had been manifested in the glory of the future resurrection, and with the nature of a body which had been changed. But it is hardly credible what a multitude of human beings assembled at the performance of his funeral rites: the whole city poured forth to meet his body; all the inhabitants of the district and villages, along with many also from the neighboring cities, attended. O how great was the grief of all! how deep the lamentations in particular of the sorrowing monks! They are said to have assembled on that day almost to the number of two thousand,—a special glory of Martin,—through his example so numerous plants had sprung up for the service of the Lord. Undoubtedly the shepherd was then driving his own flocks before him—the pale crowds of that saintly multitude—bands arrayed in cloaks, either old men whose life-labor was finished, or young soldiers who had just taken the oath of allegiance to Christ. Then, too, there was the choir of virgins, abstaining out of modesty from weeping; and with what holy joy did they conceal the fact of their affliction! No doubt faith would prevent the shedding of tears, yet affection forced out groans.
    [Show full text]
  • NPNF2-02. Socrates and Sozomenus Ecclesiastical Histories by Socrates Scholasticus About NPNF2-02
    NPNF2-02. Socrates and Sozomenus Ecclesiastical Histories by Socrates Scholasticus About NPNF2-02. Socrates and Sozomenus Ecclesiastical Histories by Socrates Scholasticus Title: NPNF2-02. Socrates and Sozomenus Ecclesiastical Histories URL: http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf202.html Author(s): Socrates Scholasticus Schaff, Philip (1819-1893) (Editor) Publisher: Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library Print Basis: New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1886 Source: Logos Inc. Rights: Public Domain Status: This volume has been carefully proofread and corrected. CCEL Subjects: All; Proofed; Early Church; LC Call no: BR60 LC Subjects: Christianity Early Christian Literature. Fathers of the Church, etc. NPNF2-02. Socrates and Sozomenus Ecclesiastical Histories Socrates Scholasticus Table of Contents About This Book. p. ii Title Page.. p. 1 The Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus.. p. 2 Title Page.. p. 2 Prefatory Note.. p. 2 Introduction.. p. 3 Sources and Literature.. p. 3 Life of Socrates.. p. 4 Socrates© Ecclesiastical History.. p. 9 History of Socrates© Work.. p. 14 Book I. p. 16 Introduction to the Work.. p. 16 By what Means the Emperor Constantine became a Christian.. p. 17 While Constantine favors the Christians, Licinius, his Colleague, persecutes them.. p. 19 War arises between Constantine and Licinius on Account of the Christians.. p. 19 The Dispute of Arius with Alexander, his Bishop.. p. 20 Division begins in the Church from this Controversy; and Alexander Bishop of Alexandria excommunicates Arius and his Adherents.. p. 20 The Emperor Constantine being grieved at the Disturbance of the Churches, sends Hosius the Spaniard to Alexandria, exhorting the Bishop and Arius to Reconciliation and Unity.
    [Show full text]
  • Alexander Janneus As High Priest and King: Struggling Between Jewish and Hellenistic Concepts of Rule
    religions Article Alexander Janneus as High Priest and King: Struggling between Jewish and Hellenistic Concepts of Rule Vasile Babota Department of Biblical Theology, Faculty of Theology, Pontifical Gregorian University, Piazza della Pilotta, 4, 00187 Roma RM, Italy; [email protected] Received: 6 December 2019; Accepted: 9 January 2020; Published: 12 January 2020 Abstract: Josephus refers explicitly to Alexander Janneus in his narratives in both War and Antiquities only as king. Janneus’s high priestly office is only implied, and that in a context that is hostile to him (War 1.88//Ant. 13.372). If one looks at Josephus’s list of high priests in Ant. 20.242, there he reports that Janneus acted both as king and priest for “twenty-seven years”. Was it Josephus who did not want to refer explicitly to Janneus as high priest in his narratives, was this dictated by his source/s, or by some other reason/s? More specifically, why is there a contrast between the narratives and the list? This study adopts source-critical, comparative, and interdisciplinary approach. It also compares Janneus with other rulers from the Hellenistic world with whom he shared many characteristics. However, certain aspects make the Hasmonean high priestly monarchy unique, dictated mainly by theological reasons. That of Janneus is an example of an institutional clash. Josephus was aware of the complexity and controversial aspects surrounding the institution of Hasmonean kingship and its combination with the high priesthood. For various reasons he chose not to identify Janneus explicitly as high priest in his narratives, but rather focus mainly on the royal policy.
    [Show full text]
  • New Archaeological Research in the Northwest Quarter of Jerash and Its
    New Archaeological Research in the Northwest Quarter of Jerash and Its Implications for the Urban Development of Roman Gerasa Author(s): Achim Lichtenberger and Rubina Raja Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 119, No. 4 (October 2015), pp. 483-500 Published by: Archaeological Institute of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3764/aja.119.4.0483 Accessed: 22-09-2015 07:16 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3764/aja.119.4.0483?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference# references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Archaeological Institute of America is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 130.225.27.190 on Tue, 22 Sep 2015 07:16:02 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions article New Archaeological Research in the Northwest Quarter of Jerash and Its Implications for the Urban Development of Roman Gerasa achim lichtenberger and rubina raja The nature and extent of the urban development of Roman Gerasa (modern Jerash) has for decades been a topic of discussion among scholars studying settlement pat- terns as well as public and private life in the Roman empire.
    [Show full text]