Montgomery Sent Spirited Caravan Past Philadelphia the Flood of Protest and Honest Elections” Washington-Bound Curs Swelled by Ronald Jones Street

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Montgomery Sent Spirited Caravan Past Philadelphia the Flood of Protest and Honest Elections” Washington-Bound Curs Swelled by Ronald Jones Street Memorial Day Martyrs of Labor (See Page 3) THE MILITANT PUBLISHED WEEKLY IN THE INTERESTS OF THE W ORKINC PEOPLE Vol. XXI - No. 21 NEW YORK, N. Y., MONDAY, MAY 27, 1957 PRICE 10c Standing Up for Freedom March On Washington Showed Determination To Win Equal Rights Excellent Union Turnout The Union Train Rally Hailed From District 65 in N.Y. Each Note By Henry Gitano “Stand back and let ’em through,” is what the gateman shouted as New. York’s union train-contingent Of Militancy arrived to be “counted! in” at the nationwide mass demon­ By John Thayer stration against Jim Grow in Washington. It was a Part of the estimated 27,000 persons who demonstrated against Jim Crow by,- attending monumental event, this vanguard army that expanded By' special trains and buses, the “Prajter Pilgrimage For Freedom” in Washington, D. C., May 17. People above stood on chartered planes, motorcades Montgomery’s and Tallahasse’sJ the asphalt road curving around the Lincoln'Memorial throughout the 316-hour meeting. The and every means of individual mass action pattern to the na- for a high purpose. A Spanish size of the crowd was difficult to estimate since it could not be seen as a whole frpm any travel thousands of Negro free­ tional scene. speaking member of 65 said: “I point. believe in brotherhood against dom fighters from every corner This vast delegation did not discrimination. We are demon­ of the country marched on Wash­ come to lobby, nor did they come strating that we are united and ington for the May 17 prayer merely to hear speeches or ready to fight for one another. pilgrimage.’The great throng of to pray. They came as one I had to fight for the govern­ some 27,000 gathered at worker from District 65 said: American Forum Target ment in World War II,. this noon before the Lincoln Memorial “Because I feel this is the time we’re fighting for our­ for three hours of prayer and greatest thing that ever hap­ selves.” John Meegan of Local protest against Jim Crow. The pened in America. This brings 2, District 65, said: “The his­ size of the meeting and the Of Witch-Hunting Attack us closer together. In unity tory of our union is one long great distances traveled by the there is strength, and we are audience made it the most im­ By Harry Ring fight against segregation and purpose of American Forum “is marching together; • alone you for equality.” Another 65er said: pressive demonstration for civil “Pilgrims” arriving in Washington, I). C. aboard the train The newly organized American Forum — For So­ believed to be to furnis'h a can’t do anything, together we “We’ll flush this administration rights to date. chartered by various unions in the New York City area to respectable front organization for Can win.” out of their fox-holes and make Integrated in the audience and cialist Education, dedicated to promoting a free exchange carry members to the Prayer . Pilgrimage, May 17. The largest the U.S. Communist Party.” It How much more powerful this them conscious of what’s going in their mode of transportation of all socialist viewpoints, has become the target Q,f a union contingent came from District 65 of the Retail Wholesale goes on to suggest that “the demonstration could . have been, on. We want a living and prac­ were some two or three thou­ attack by the SenateS> and Department Store Union which had eleven cars on the witch-hunt Senate Internal Security Sub­ had the officialdom of the tical democracy, not a pious sand white supporters of the Internal Security Subcommittee Amcndments in refusing to committee look into this mob powerful American labor move­ election-day-speech democracy.” train. fight against race discrimina­ headed by racist Senator East­ testify about the American Forum without delay'; also that the A t­ ment done more than pay mere On the return trip, there was tion. Many of these were from land (D-Miss.) New York news­ and told the committee that its torney General make inquiries as lip service to it, is dramatized the same sense of comradeship, union delegations, antr-racist papers have joined the smear questions “could not conceivably to whether he oughtn’t to add it by what District 65 achieved. organizations and the various serve any valid legislative pur­ ther-e was singing and there against the organization which is In contrast to the labor “states­ Many Youth ‘Pilgrims’ components of the socialist pose.” He was also quizzed, ac­ (Continued on page 4) was the feeling expressed by a headed by the well known pacifist, men” who are afraid and in- movement. The license plates cording to the Daily Worker 65er that: “The handwriting is A. J. Muste. (See editorial, page capable of mobilizing- mass and signs on the endless rows report, regarding the Socialist on the wall. I’ll go to Washing- threei) action, New York’s District 65, In Baltimore Contingent of parked ears and buses which Unity Forum, which is sponsored ton again tomorrow if we’re Five people have been sub­ Retail, Wholesale and Depart­ called to go. We are on the By Fred Halstead occupied every inch of curb poenaed by the Senate committee by the Committee for Socialist Rarick Takes space for about three miles ment Store Union filled up move. It was not as big as and hospitals, the segregated which is seeking “information” Unity. To obtain another view of the around the Lincoln Memorial eleven complete coaches on the possible, but this is only the housing. He said there had been about the American ¡Forum as it The attempt to depict the May 17 Prayer Pilgrimage, I ac­ Freedom Train, besides three beginning. Whenever we of Dis­ some changes in the past 10 testified to the truly national relates to “current methods. of American Foriim as a “Com­ companied the bus caravan from character of the turnout. Peo­ Stand Against buses and 35 cars. Twelve trict 65 do anything, we’ve year's, but that they had to be Communist infiltration,” accord­ munist front” is particularly Baltimore, a border-state city ple from at least 36 states had hundred District 65 unionists always got a lot of spirit.” fought for. '‘We’ve organized ing to a report in the May 19 crude in that its 40-member na­ with a large Negro population, rrfade the journey and iti is sacrificed a day’s wages in ad­ From th e start, District some picket lines,” he said. N. Y. Herald Tribune. The five tional committee represents a only an hour’s ride from Wash­ dition to paying their own fare 65 threw its full weight behind I mentioned- the importance of probable that the other twelve are: Albert Blumberg of the broad spectrum of socialist view­ Senate Probe ington, D.C. in support of the fight against the Pilgrimage. Workers were (having a large pilgrimage from states were represented to one Communist Party, Clifford T. points. Many members of the YOUNGSTOWN — Declaring The Baltimore section of the extent or another. discrimination everywhere. urged to get together in in­ Baltimore, since it is so close to McAvoy, chairman of the Com­ committee have a long public Pilgrimage was organized almost that he has changed his mind as On the 65 Union Train there dividual shops and plan to march 'Washington and relatively little mittee for Socialist Unity, Mil­ record of political opposition to entirely through the various N. Y. SENDS 11,000 a result of ¡numerous discussions was a joyous mood. Singing, from as a unit. The union guaranteed sacrifice was involved in making, ton Zaslow of the same organiza­ the program of the Communist with rank-and-file steel workers, churches in the Negro communi­ The biggest turnout was from spirituals to calypso to Mexican that no disciplinary action would the trip. He agreed, then nodded tion, Bert Cochran, editor bf the Party. ty. By eight o’clock in the morn­ New York City which sent Donald C. Rarick took a strong love songs, filled the coaches. I be taken for absenteeism on to. a young man nearby. “His ing of May 17, a small crowd had some 11,000. Over 1,500' of these magazine American Socialist, This well-established fact has, stand, May 14, in opposition to asked a District 65 member May 17. A union spokesman ‘gathered in front of the Gillis foreman gave him fhe day off to arrived on two special trains — and the economist Victor Perlo. of course, not served to inhibit the the McClellan Committee’s anti- about the spirited atmosphere: attributed the solid turnout to make the trip,” said the Rev- unioon probe. ,Rarick, who piled Memorial Community Church chartered by District 65 of the All except Perlo are members of smear campaign of the capitalist “Everyone is happy doing what the “union’s tradition of fight­ ¡erend, “but they’re not all like awaiting the ¡buses from the oth­ AFL-CIO Wholesale Retail De­ the national committee of the press. The May 15 N. Y. Daily up one-third of the ¡yote by offi­ they are doing. They are doing ing discrimination on every' that. A person has to live the American forum. News, for example, carried an cial count when he opposed David er churches which were to con­ partment Store Union, the it with their heart. This should level. We spearheaded the verge and leave from this point. rest of the year. If you can’t get One of the five, Albert Blum­ editorial entitled, “Look into this J.
Recommended publications
  • I,/I(,I Ulpr Maceo Dixon National of Fice COPY I COPY COPY
    I, 14 Charles Lane New York, N.Y. 10014 October 8, 1979 TO ORGANIZERS AND NATIONAL COMMITTEE MEMBERS Dear Comrades, Enclosed are copies of communications between comrades in industry and the National Of fice concern- ing trade-union activity and the role of worker- Bolsheviks. Also included is correspondence between David Herreshoff and Frank Lovell. Herreshoff is a former member of the party. These materials would be usef ul for trade-union fraction heads and coordinators Comradely , I,/i(,i ulpr Maceo Dixon National Of fice COPY I COPY COPY Phoenix, Arizona September 14,1979 Frank Lovell a / o S;i(ITrp 14 Charles Lane New York, N.Y. 10014 Dear comrade Lovell: In this letter I want to ask for your opinion on three questions . The first is what attitude our fractions should, in general, take towards "shop floor" issues in the plants. Before I go further, let me say that I am not of the opinion that our fractions should orient towards these "shop floor" issues and neglect what has been called "broad social questions." I agree generally with the replies to comrade Riehle in the pre-convention discussion by comrades Ryan, Kendrick and Taylor. But none of these articles dealt concretely with what attitude we should take towards "shop floor" questions. We clef initely should talk to as many workers as we can about "broad social issues" and socialism, sell the press, bring contacts to forums, etc. In the process, workers see us as people with intel- ligent ideas and consequently come up to us and ask us what to do about every problem, big and small.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of the Trotskyists in the United Auto Workers, 1939- 1949
    The Role of the Trotskyists in the United Auto Workers, 1939- 1949 Victor G. Devinatz Willie Thompson has acknowledged in his survey of the history of the world- wide left, The Left in History: Revolution and Reform in Twentieth-Century Politics, that the Trotskyists "occasionally achieved some marginal industrial influence" in the US trade unions.' However, outside of the Trotskyists' role in the Teamsters Union in Minneapolis and unlike the role of the Communist Party (CP) in the US labor movement that has been well-documented in numerous books and articles, little of a systematic nature has been written about Trotskyist activity in the US trade union movement.' This article's goal is to begin to bridge a gap in the historical record left by other historians of labor and radical movements, by examining the role of the two wings of US Trotskyism, repre- sented by the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and the Workers Party (WP), in the United Auto Workers (UAW) from 1939 to 1949. In spite of these two groups' relatively small numbers within the auto workers' union and although neither the SWP nor the WP was particularly suc- cessful in recruiting auto workers to their organizations, the Trotskyists played an active role in the UAW as leading individuals and activists, and as an organ- ized left presence in opposition to the larger and more powerful CP. In addi- tion, these Trotskyists were able to exert an influence that was significant at times, beyond their small membership with respect to vital issues confronting the UAW. At various times throughout the 1940s, for example, these trade unionists were skillful in mobilizing auto unionists in opposition to both the no- strike pledge during World War 11, and the Taft-Hartley bill in the postwar peri- od.
    [Show full text]
  • Joseph Hansen Papers
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf78700585 No online items Register of the Joseph Hansen papers Finding aid prepared by Joseph Hansen Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2006, 2012 Register of the Joseph Hansen 92035 1 papers Title: Joseph Hansen papers Date (inclusive): 1887-1980 Collection Number: 92035 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 109 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box, 3 envelopes, 1 audio cassette(46.2 linear feet) Abstract: Speeches and writings, correspondence, notes, minutes, reports, internal bulletins, resolutions, theses, printed matter, sound recording, and photographs relating to Leon Trotsky, activities of the Socialist Workers Party in the United States, and activities of the Fourth International in Latin America, Western Europe and elsewhere. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Hansen, Joseph, Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Joseph Hansen papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1992. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu . Materials have been added to the collection if the number of boxes listed in the online catalog is larger than the number of boxes listed in this finding aid.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism: a Comment
    American Communist History, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2003 Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism: A Comment JOHN MCILROY Bryan Palmer’s critical commentary on the historiography of American Com- munism is eloquent and persuasive and I fully endorse the core components of his argument. Absent or insubstantial in many studies, both traditional and revisionist, a singular casualty of historical amnesia, Stalinism matters. A proper understanding of American Communism demands an account of its political refashioning from the mid-1920s.1 Moreover, Palmer’s important rehabilitation of the centrality of programmatic disjuncture opens up what a simplistic dissolution of Stalinism into a timeless, ahistorical official Commu- nism closes down: the existence of and the need to historicize different Commu- nisms, the reality of an “anti-Communism” of the left as well as of the right, the possibility of rediscovering yesterday and tomorrow a revolutionary interna- tionalism liberated from Stalinism which threatened not only capital but organized labor, working-class freedoms and any prospect of socialism. In this note I can touch tersely on only two points: the issue of continuity and rupture in the relationship between the Russians and the American Party in the 1920s and the question of how alternative Communisms handled the problem of international organization. Russian Domination and Political Rupture My emphasis on the continuity of Moscow control of US Communism is different from Palmer’s. What I find striking is the degree to which Russian domination of the Comintern and thus of the politics of its American section was sustained from 1920, even if the political content of that domination changed significantly as Stalinism developed.
    [Show full text]
  • CIO in Detroit Urges National
    Workers of the World, Unite ! FORD STRIKE AND THE “ FOURTH WAGE ROUND” By Bert Cochran — See Page 2 — t h e MILITANT PUBLISHED WEEKLY IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING PEOPLE Vol. X III - No. 21 217 NEW YORK, N. Y., MONDAY, MAY 23, 1949 PRICE: FIVE CENTS Ford Maneuvers CIO in Detroit Fail to Shake Strike Solidarity Urges National D E T R O IT — Thousands of Ford workers are maintain­ ing their 24-hour picket line around the huge Rouge plant in Dearborn as the strike against speedup comes to the end of its^ second week. Bendix strikers in • > ---------------------------------;----------------- South Bend, Ind., Chevrolet work­ guarantee assembly line produc­ ers in Flint who have voted for tion at a constant speed geared ‘Labor Holiday’ the second time in a year to to “normal work practices” and strike against speedup, workers not require workers to make up in every UAW plant in the coun­ production lost through power try are anxiously watching de­ failures, parts shortages, etc. Oil, Ship Unions Calls for 24-Hour Stoppage velopments in the Ford strike, COMPANY’S ANSWER which can have a decisive effect on the outcome of “fourth wage The company responded by an­ Ask Shorter Week To Win Taft-Hartley Repeal round” negotiations this year. nouncing the firing of seven more The latest “peace formula” of UAW officials on charges they the UAW international team of had “invaded” the company’s of­ With Same Pay DETROIT, May 17 — The Greater Detroit an& negotiators headed by W alter fices to intimidate salaried em­ Wayne County CIO Council at its meeting tonight ployees into leaving their jobs on Calling upon all labor organiza­ Reuther has been rejected by the tions to join in a drive for a Ford Motor Company.
    [Show full text]
  • Bio-Bibliographical Sketch of Bert Cochran
    Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Bert Cochran Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: Basic biographical data Biographical sketch Selective bibliography Note on archives Basic biographical data Name: Bert Cochran Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): E.R. Frank ; Alexander Goldfarb ; White Date and place of birth: December 25, 1913 [?]1, New York, NY (USA) Date and place of death: June 6, 1984, New York, NY (USA) Nationality: USA Occupations, careers, etc.: Writer, editor, journalist, lecturer, trade union and party organizer Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1934 - ca. 1954 Biographical sketch Bert Cochran, in the Trotskyist movement also known by his pseudonyms E.R. Frank and White, was born in Poland as Alexander Goldfarb. In the early 1930s, he attended the University of Wisconsin and was recruited to Trotskyism by Max Shachtman. In 1934, he joined the ranks of the Communist League of America (CLA), the Trotskyist party founded and led by James P. Cannon, Max Shachtman and Martin Abern. CLA was renamed American Workers Party (AWP) when it fused with the group of A(braham) J(ohannes) Muste. In accordance with Trotsky's turn towards the 'entryist' tactic, the majority of the AWP, including Bert Cochran, entered Norman Thomas' Socialist Party (SP) where the Trotskyists formed a faction called the Appeal Group (named after their organ Socialist Appeal). They were expelled from the SP in 1937 and on January 1, 1938, they founded the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). Cochran belonged to the founding members of this new American Trotskyist party and for several years served as member of its leading body, the National Committee (NC).
    [Show full text]
  • “A Seemingly Incongruous Alliance”: Trotskyists and Teamsters in 1934 / Bryan D
    Document generated on 09/30/2021 5:44 p.m. Labour Journal of Canadian Labour Studies Le Travail Revue d’Études Ouvrières Canadiennes “A Seemingly Incongruous Alliance” Trotskyists and Teamsters in 1934 Bryan D. Palmer, Revolutionary Teamsters: The Minneapolis Teamsters Strikes of 1934 (Leiden: Brill, 2013) Alan Wald Forum: History Under Harper Volume 73, Spring 2014 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1025206ar See table of contents Publisher(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (print) 1911-4842 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this note Wald, A. (2014). “A Seemingly Incongruous Alliance”: Trotskyists and Teamsters in 1934 / Bryan D. Palmer, Revolutionary Teamsters: The Minneapolis Teamsters Strikes of 1934 (Leiden: Brill, 2013). Labour / Le Travail, 73, 301–310. All Rights Reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 2014 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ REVIEW ESSAY / NOTE CRITIQUE “A Seemingly Incongruous Alliance”: Trotskyists and Teamsters in 1934 Alan Wald Bryan D. Palmer, Revolutionary Teamsters: The Minneapolis Teamsters Strikes of 1934 (Leiden: Brill, 2013) Bryan Palmer’s exuberant 300-page book immediately takes its place among the essential works about 1930s radicalism in the United States. Revolutionary Teamsters is no nostalgic chronicle of sepia-tinted events, much less a sentimental tryst with the revolutionary past.
    [Show full text]
  • James P. Cannon Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
    Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet James P. Cannon Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: • Basic biographical data • Biographical sketch • Selective bibliography • Notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: James P. Cannon Other names (by-names, pseud., etc.): John Battle ; C. ; James Patrick Cannon ; Jim Can­ non ; Cook ; Dawson ; Dzh. P. Kannon ; Legrand ; Martel ; Martin ; Jim McGee ; Walter Date and place of birth: February 11, 1890, Rosedale, Ka. (USA) Date and place of death: August 21, 1974, Los Angeles, Cal. (USA) Nationality: USA Occupations, careers, etc.: Journalist, political activist, party leader, writer and editor Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1928 - 1974 (lifelong Trotskyist) Biographical sketch James P. Cannon was an outstanding example for American labour radicalism, a life-long devoted and unwaver­ ing socialist and internationalist, a co-founder of both the communist (in 1919/20) and the Trotskyist (in 1928/ 29) movement in the United States, the founder and long-time leader of the American Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and its predecessors as well as one of the most influential figures in the Trotskyist Fourth International (FI) during the first two decades of its existence. However, his features in the annals of Trotskyism are far away from being homogeneous, and it is a very truism that a man like Cannon must almost inevitably have caused much controversy. Undoubtedly being America's foremost Trotskyist and vigorously having coined the SWP, he on the one hand has been continuously worshipped and often monopolized by various epigones whereas on the other hand Trotskyist and ex-Trotskyist dissidents have considered him an embodiment of petrified orthodoxy or workerism or ultra-Leninist factionalism.
    [Show full text]
  • From Stalinism to Trotskyism
    1 Interview With Geoff White (Part 1) From Stalinism to Trotskyism The following is the first part of an interview with 26 Movement signaled the end of the SWP as a revolu- Geoff White, one of the leaders of the Revolutionary tionary party. The organization’s capitulation to Castro- Tendency (RT) within the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) ism eventually culminated in the 1963 reunification with in the early 1960s. The SWP, whose founding cadres had the European Pabloists. broken with the Communist Party (CPUSA) in 1928, in The RT’s principled defense of the SWP’s history and opposition to the Stalinist degeneration of the Commu- traditions was essential to the survival and development nist International, was the American section of the of Trotskyism in North America and, ultimately, inter- Fourth International founded by Leon Trotsky. White nationally. Geoff White played a central role in this and the other leaders of the RT were bureaucratically political fight, both as the leader of the tendency’s largest expelled in December 1963 for their Trotskyist critique branch and as the author of the first draft of the RT’s of the pro-Castroist liquidationism of the SWP majority. founding document, ‘‘In Defense of a Revolutionary They immediately began to publish a journal, Spartacist, Perspective.’’ This fine document remains an important and launched the Spartacist League (SL) in 1966. restatement of the fundamentals of Marxism in the im- The SWP’s adulation of Fidel Castro as an ‘‘uncon- perialist epoch, and the Bolshevik Tendency proudly scious Marxist’’ in the early 1960s led inexorably to their claims it as part of our revolutionary heritage.
    [Show full text]
  • P the Party 1
    2 THE PARTY A Political Memoir DEDICATION This book is dedicated to the memory of Farrell Dobbs (1907-83), worker organizer and leader, revolutionary politician, central leader of the Socialist Workers Party. Selfless, incorruptible, fair-minded and warm human being and friend. © Resistance Books 2005 ISBN 1-876646-50-0 Published by Resistance Books, 23 Abercrombie St., Chippendale 2008, Australia Printed by Southwood Press, 76-82 Chapel St., Marrickville 2204, Australia CONTENTS Acknowledgements................................................................................................................. 5 Preface .................................................................................................................................... 7 1. How I Came to Join the SWP ....................................................................................... 11 2. First Lessons ................................................................................................................. 29 3. The Southern Sit-Ins and the Founding of the YSA .................................................... 35 4. Early Battles ................................................................................................................. 41 5. The Cuban Revolution Changes the World! ................................................................. 48 6. The Freedom Rides....................................................................................................... 54 7. Rifts in the SWP ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Frank Lovell Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
    Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Frank Lovell Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: • Basic biographical data • Biographical sketch • Selective bibliography • Sidelines, notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Frank Lovell Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Frederick Lang * Frederick J. Lang Date and place of birth: July 24, 1913, Ipava, Ill. (USA) Date and place of death: May 1, 1998, New York, NY (USA) Nationality: USA Occupations, careers, etc.: Seaman, auto worker, trade-union organizer, party organizer, editor, writer Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1935 - 1998 (lifelongTrotskyist) Biographical sketch Frank Lovell was an outstanding trade union and party-organizer, writer on union and labour matters and for more than 60 years a devoted and faithful militant of Trotskyist organizations. The following biographical sketch is chiefly based upon the obituaries, biographical sketches and the memorial volume listed in the Selective bibliography section below. Frank Lovell was was born on July 24, 1913 in Ipava, a town situated in a farming district of Illinois (USA) as son of an entrepreneur. Since the late 1940s, he was married with labour activist, party orga­ nizer and editor Sarah Lovell (b. Hellman, 1922-1994) with whom he had a daughter, Joan, born 1950. After the death of his wife, labour activist and librarian Miriam Braverman (b. Gutman, 1920-2002), the widow of Harry Braverman, became his companion until his death. In the first half of the 1930s, Lovell studied philosophy at the University of California at Berkeley, eventually earning a B.A. degree. After he had left the campus, Lovell from 1936 to 1946 earned his living as a seaman, chiefly on the West Coast of the USA.
    [Show full text]
  • Century US Trade Union Movement
    American Communist History, Vol. 3, No. 1, 2004 Shades of Red: The Leninist Left and the Shaping of the 20th-Century US Trade Union Movement VICTOR G. DEVINATZ* Left Out: Reds and America’s Industrial Unions Judith Stepan-Norris and Maurice Zeitlin, 2003 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 375 pp., $75.00 Not Automatic: Women and the Left in the Forging of the Auto Workers’ Union Sol Dollinger and Genora Johnson Dollinger, 2000 New York: Monthly Review Press 214 pp., hardcover $48.00, softcover $23.95 Revolutionary Labor Socialist: The Life, Ideas, and Comrades of Frank Lovell Paul Le Blanc and Thomas Barrett, eds., 2000 Union City, NJ: Smyrna Press 352 pp., $25.00 Communists and Trotskyists have played a major role in the building of and participation in US trade unions, beginning in the mid-1930s. Both branches of US Communism exerted their highest level of influence in the unions, roughly from the formation of the Committee for Industrial Organization in November 1935, later renamed the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), until a few years past the onset of the Cold War in the late 1940s. The stories of the US Communist Party’s (CPUSA) role in the organization and the leading of a number of the industrial unions affiliated with the CIO are well known throughout the literature that dates back nearly half a century.1 *Victor G. Devinatz is Professor of Management at Illinois State University. 1In fact, even before the party’s success in the industrial unions during the mid-1930s and the late 1940s, there were a couple of books written in the pre-CIO era that deal with the Communist Party’s role in the US trade unions during the party’s first few years of existence: see David Saposs, Left-Wing Unionism: A Study of Radical Policies and Tactics (New York: Russell & Russell, 1926) and David M.
    [Show full text]