The Subalterns Sing Music, Agency, and the Politics of Life During the Ebola Epidemic in West Africa

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The Subalterns Sing Music, Agency, and the Politics of Life During the Ebola Epidemic in West Africa THE SUBALTERNS SING MUSIC, AGENCY, AND THE POLITICS OF LIFE DURING THE EBOLA EPIDEMIC IN WEST AFRICA Author: Amat Jeng Supervisor: Dr. Cristiano Lanzano, Senior Researcher at the Nordic Africa Institute. This thesis is submitted for obtaining the Master’s Degree in International Humanitarian Action and Conflict. By submitting the thesis, the author certifies that the text is from his/her hand, does not include the work of someone else unless clearly indicated, and that the thesis has been produced in accordance with proper academic practices. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………………i Acknowledgments ……………………………………………………………………………ii A Map of West Africa ………………………………………………………………………..iii Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………...1 1.1. Background …………………………………………………………………………..1 1.2. Aims and Objectives …………………………………………………………………3 1.3. Research Questions …………………………………………………………………..3 1.4. Thesis Statement ...…………………………………………………………………...3 1.5. Structures of Chapters ………………………………………………………………..4 1.6. Justifications ………………………………………………………………………….4 1.7. Methodology …………………………………………………………………………4 1.8. Delimitation ………………………………………………………………………….5 1.9. Previous Academic Research ………………………………………………………...6 1.9.1. Selected Works on Ebola Music ………………………………………...6 1.9.2. Selected Literature on Agency and the Politics of life …………………..8 Chapter 2. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ………………………………………….....10 2.1. Defining the Subaltern ……………………………………………………10 2.2. Defining Agency ………………………………………………………….11 Chapter 3. EMPIRICAL DATA ………………………………………………………….....14 3.1. The Rumors ……………………………………………………………….14 3.2. The Sensitization/Education Songs ……….………………………………15 3.3. The Protest Songs ………..……………………………………………….17 Chapter 4. DISCUSSIONS ………………………………………………………………….19 4.1. Chapter’s Summary …………………………………………………………….26 Chapter 5. CONCLUSIONS ………………………………………………………………...28 5.1. Conclusion ……………………………………………………………….....28 5.2. Future Research ………………………………………………………….....29 5.3. References ……………………………………………………………..........31 5.4. Appendix ……………………………………………………………………34 I. Abstract The Ebola epidemic in 2014 was framed as the most serious humanitarian crisis that West Africa has faced since the beginning of this millennium. In Liberia and Sierra Leone, two countries that had just come out of civil wars less than twelve years ago, were the most affected. As Ebola spread in these countries, skepticisms, rumors, and distrust spread along, making it difficult for frontline workers and humanitarian actors to tackle the epidemic. To control the narratives and build trust, INGOs and national authorities had to turn to the music industry to produce sensitization/education songs. But they were not alone in this contested space: Along came the protest songs to expose structural violence and the hierarchy of humanities. What explains the emergence of the latter in Liberia and Sierra Leone? What role(s) did music play during the epidemic? This is a qualitative case-study of music as an expressive art for the subalterns. This thesis is grounded in anthropology, humanitarian studies, and postcolonial studies. Six songs that emerged during the Ebola epidemic have been analyzed within the cultural and contextual matrixes they were produced. The emergence of protest songs can be explained by the deep- rooted distrust of outsiders and the fact that postwar reconstruction efforts in Liberia and Sierra Leone have not managed to fundamentally alter the perceptions of a remote state. Keywords: Subaltern, agency, Sierra Leone, Liberia, music, protests, politics, rumors, Ebola. i II. Acknowledgements The idea to write this thesis came about during some sessions in Anthropology at the Uppsala University, where I met Dr. Cristiano Lanzano and his colleague Anna Baral. The sessions challenged me to start thinking around the politics of life and the voice of those affected during humanitarian crises. The week I finished working on this thesis, one of Sweden’s leading newspaper, Svenska Dagbladet, featured an article about the Mozambique Palma attack, where seven people were killed as they tried to escape a siege on a hotel, while “white people and dogs were evacuated first.”1 This has triggered more thoughts about the politics of life. I must say that the thinking is still going on because the insights I have provided in this work are not enough. However, without the help of Dr. Lanzano, there would not have been any insights coming from me at all. His guidance, patience, and unwavering commitments have made it possible for me to complete this work. Thank you, Cristiano! To everyone who cares about me, loves me for what I am, and believes in me, thank you! To the friends I made in Falun, Oxford, Paris, and Uppsala, you know yourselves, thank you for your moral and intellectual supports. To my girl, Sophi Binta Jeng-Jonskog, I love you and will always do. This journey is for you. 1 Andersen, Svenska Dagbladet, 2021, Vita och hundar evakuerades först. ii III. A Map of West Africa Source: Updated from map courtesy of University of Texas Libraries: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/africa/txu-oclc-238859671-africa_pol_2008.jpg. iii Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background In 2014, the Ebola epidemic hit West Africa, claiming about 11, 000 lives. Liberia and Sierra Leone were the most affected. Sierra Leone, a former colony of the British crown with a population of about 7 million (2014 estimates) has a sketchy history since it gained Independence in 1961: a civil war (1991-2002), a protracted postwar reconstruction caused by years of economic mismanagement and institutional inertia, and recently, the Ebola epidemic which claimed about 4, 000 lives. Liberia and Sierra Leone have many things in common, except that the former was never colonized; rather, it was founded in 1822 by the American Colonization Society as a settlement for freed slaves. Two civil wars (1989-1997 &1999- 2003) ravaged Liberia, killing more than a half a million people. Conservative estimates have it that 5, 000 people died from the Ebola epidemic in Liberia, whose population was 4.3 million in 2014.2 During the Ebola epidemic, social protests erupted in both Liberia and Sierra Leone as frontline workers entered villages where rumors that the virus was created by the political elites in close collaboration with some outsiders had already taken a firm hold. Consequently, the interventions to control the epidemic were made much difficult by the poor health care systems as they were by the misinformation, level of mistrust of the governments, and the rumors. The governments in both countries, after many years of postwar reconstructions that had disproportionately focused on building institutions at the expense of state-society relations, were caught off-guard. Therefore, an appeal was made to the international community. The US Center for Disease Control (CDC), for example, said that its response to the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, was the “largest in the agency’s history:” 3, 000 of its staff were involved, including the 1, 200 deployed to the region to conduct incident management, surveillance, contact tracing, rapid isolation and treatment, training of health care workers, etc.3 Quarantine centers were built, Ebola hotline opened, ECOWAS trained and deployed 114 volunteers to the affected countries, and 1, 000 health personnel were sent by the African Union from other African countries.4 2 CDC, CDC Releases Detailed History of the 2014-2016 Ebola Response in MMWR. 3 Ibid. Note: This was before the ongoing global pandemic, Covid19. 4 AU, 2014, African Union Support to Ebola in West Africa 1 By December 2014, a staggering US$2.89 billion, more than the combined national budgets of both Sierra Leone and Liberia, had been on its way to the region.5 Despite all these efforts, containing the epidemic proved difficult for many reasons: The status of the public health system in both country was in shamble; health officials and public workers were not familiar with the epidemic; and more alarmingly, there was ubiquitous distrust of the governments, health workers, and aid agencies on the ground. West Africa is rich in oral narrative, so the society thrives on word of mouth passed by one person to another, rather than on official narratives. Also, in West Africa, music plays a symbolic cultural, social, and political roles, making it an instrument for expressing the myriads of problems the society faces.6 Therefore, when Ebola erupted, different songs saturated the airspace and social media. On the one hand, there were those songs I herein categorized as educational/sensitization songs, such as Africa Stop Ebola, Ebola is Real, and Ebola in town. These educational/sensitization songs were supported and written with the help of humanitarian actors. On the other hand, there were the protest songs such as White Ebola, Good Morning Salone, and Ebola, produced by independent and influential artists with no support from the government or NGOs. As has been widely observed, response to humanitarian crises in non-Western societies usually involve Western media and humanitarian communicators speaking for or on behalf of the victims. This was the case of Band Aid and the Western media in Ethiopia in the 1980s. This, as some scholars have observed, infantilizes the victims, turns them into ‘speechless emissaries’, takes away their agency, and fails in recognizing how political oppression, class oppression, and economic and social injustices have played in creating the humanitarian crisis, in the first place.7 Therefore, through analyzing
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