The Tribes of

Jewish Identities in the Jewish State

In the media and popular discourse, Israeli have long been divided into the categories of “secular” and “religious,” or, in Hebrew, hiloni and dati. As opposed to North America, where denominationalism and diversity of Jewish beliefs and affiliations abound, in Israel is often perceived to be flat and dichotomous. In the minds of many , as a religion is synonymous with Orthodoxy, which generates an all-or-nothing approach to Jewish life that has served both camps well. The perception of Judaism as extreme and uncompromising has reinforced the secular rejection of religion, whereas the belittlement of as Jewishly impoverished has permitted the Orthodox to perpetuate their cherished myth of being the sole carriers of authentic Judaism within the Jewish state. { By DONNIEL HARTMAN

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For many years, this collective mindset, predicated on mutual misperception, has The perception of made for a peaceful status quo. Secular Israelis, Judaism as extreme more concerned with freedom from religion than freedom of religion, have adopted a and uncompromising policy of extreme passivity. Since their public agenda has been to limit the effect of religion has reinforced the and its institutions on their lives, they have secular rejection of not been motivated to exert political pressure in favor of religious pluralism. In fact, the religion, while the ability of Orthodox politicians to stymie pluralism has been enabled by the complicity belittlement of secularism of the so-called secular majority who wish as impoverished has to be free of religion. Religious pluralism is only a value if one wants to participate in permitted the Orthodox religious life. So long as religious institutions continue to affect but a few milestones – to perpetuate their myth birth, marriage and death – in the life of the average Israeli , then they are tolerable, of being the sole carriers regardless of their alienating nature. In of authentic Judaism. fact, the more alienating the better, as each negative encounter serves to reinforce the caricaturization of religious Jews and to Whether the categories of secular and strengthen one’s ideological commitment religious were ever a sufficient or accurate to secularism. depiction of all is, of course, For their part, Orthodox leaders have sought questionable. For one thing, a large sector of to reinforce the control of Orthodoxy over Ju- Israeli society, consisting primarily of Jews daism and its institutions and to look out for who came from Arabic-speaking countries, the welfare of their communities. In the arena has long defined itself as “traditional” rather of education, their aim has been to secure gov- than Orthodox. For many decades, however, ernment funding for their own schools and these Jews had little impact on public not to promote Jewish ed ucation for secular discourse, and their religious identity students. Here, too, they have been abetted by remained invisible or irrelevant to the secularists, who are wary of religious infiltra- larger population. tion of the secular schools. The situation, however, began to change Over the years, this polarized cultural mind- with the end of the Labor Zionist hegemony set and discourse has limited the ways in which and the electoral victory of Menachem Begin, generations of Israelis have understood, or in 1977. This political shift was accompanied misunderstood, their Jewish identity. When by the movement of Sephardic Jewry (edot Jewishness is either secularism, devoid of Jew- ha-mizrach) from the sidelines to the center of ish content, or radical and ritualized ultra-Or- power and cultural influence. Furthermore, thodoxy, people have difficulty fostering more following the collapse of the Soviet Union and complex feelings and approaches to Jewish life. the influx of a million new immigrants, the The religious-secular prism thus serves as a self- social, cultural and Jewish reality of Israel fulfilling prophecy, imprisoning future genera- became even more diverse. Thus today, while tions in its narrow perspectives and creating a the religious–secular distinction remains Jewish desert in the modern Jewish State. valid to a degree, it is not longer sufficient

HAVRUTA | 15 as a descriptive tool and must undergo considerable revision before it can aptly The religious-secular represent the intricate dynamics of Israeli prism serves as a self- Jewish society. A proper reading of the cultural map is fulfilling prophecy, of great educational importance. A richer , Geula and broader classification of Jewish iden- imprisoning future neighborhood, 2007 tities in Israel can serve as a self-fulfilling generations in its prophecy – just as the narrower one did, but in reverse. When Israeli society is popularly narrow perspectives and understood to contain complex varieties of Jewishness, this may serve as a catalyst and creating a Jewish desert opportunity for many Israelis, previously in the modern Jewish State. constricted by the all-or-nothing dichoto- my, to explore their religious feelings and affinities in a more sensitive light. It may encourage them to construct their identity in terms more akin to who they really are and not in accordance with ideologies that aspire to draft them to their cause.

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To this end, I would like to propose, instead dox) tribe is expected to grow dramatically in of a dichotomy, a model of six “tribes.” Israel’s the coming generation, as their birthrate is Jewish population, which in 2008 constitutes about three times higher than that of other approximately 78% of the state’s citizenry, Jewish Israelis. This tribe is defined primar- may be seen as consisting of a spectrum of ily through its attitude toward modernity. six contiguous subcultures, each with its own According to the ultra-Orthodox narrative, narrative, ideology and lifestyle. These six modernity has nothing of value to add to tribes could easily be twelve or eighteen, as one’s life or religious quest. On the contrary, each contains multiple possibilities for subdi- a pious Jew must be “hared,” literally fear- visions, yet for the sake of clarity I shall focus ful, not only of God but also of all innova- on what I believe to be the primary six, speci- tions that might lead one away from God and fying the subdivisions where relevant. These God’s commandments as represented in tra- tribes of Jewish Israel are: ditional Judaism. As took root in Central 1. The Haredi or Ultra-Orthodox – almost Europe, the Hatam Sofer ( Moses Sofer, 10% of Israel’s Jewish population. 1762–1839) expanded the Mishnaic dictum 2. The Tzioni Dati or Religious Zionist – “the new is forbidden by the ” (which about 10%. referred specifically to “old” versus “new” 3. The Mesorati or Traditionalist – 30–35%. flour) into a popular motto that to this day (Not to be confused with the Masorti encapsulates the ideology of ultra-Orthodox movement, the Israeli branch of the world- Judaism. For haredim, modernity threatens wide Conservative movement, which bears to distort the authentic Judaism that has the same name.) been continuously expressed over the past 4. The Jewish Hiloni or Secular Jewish – 3,000 years. Religious excellence may only 30-35%. be achieved if one isolates oneself from the 5. The Israeli Hiloni or Israeli Secular – an- modern world and its innovations – not other 10%. necessarily from its technological inventions 6. The Jewish non-Jews – approximately or economic structures, but from its value 5%1* system and philosophy. This isolation, which (see table) was fortified in the past by the coercive institution of the ghetto, is rebuilt through Let us examine each of these groups in turn. a self-imposed ghetto consisting of distinct neighborhoods, dress and language, “Everything New Is Forbidden by policies that make social interaction with non- the Torah” haredim almost impossible, and the placing of all men, especially in Israel, in yeshivot Currently slightly less than 10 percent of Is- for as long as possible, minimizing contact raeli Jewish society, the Haredi (ultra-Ortho- with the outside world and susceptibility to its influence. As it says in Pirkei Avot, 1 * All of these estimates are based on an analysis of a 2008 survey by the Guttman Institute and a 2007 survey by Israel's “Turn it and turn it, for everything is in it” Central Bureau of Statistics. The Guttman survey adopted four – everything one has to know may be found categories: Haredi – 9%; Dati – 10%; Mesorati – 30%; and Hiloni – 51%. The Central Bureau of Statistics adopted five: Haredi – 7%; within the Torah. One need not look further. Dati – 10%; Mesorati Dati – 14%; Mesorati non-Dati – 25%; and The State of Israel, as a product of mo- Hiloni 44%. Both surveys end up with a single, monolithic Hiloni dernity, is thus equally devoid of religious category, maintaining Hiloni as the largest tribe but failing to reflect the diversity of answers that this group provided as to value. The may harbor unique their Jewish and religious behavior. spiritual qualities and exclusive halachic

HAVRUTA | 17 obligations, the most basic of which is to settle in it, but the modern state bears no With the 2005 religious significance whatsoever. Quite the disengagement contrary: , in the haredi view, is an affront to the belief that the restoration of from Gaza, religious Jewish sovereignty must be initiated by the same God who decreed our exile. Hastening Zionists were torn the messianic End of Days (dehikat haketz) by between their loyalty rebuilding a Jewish polity is an act of rebel- lion against the will of God. to the state and their Governed by modern secular law, Jews in Israel are still, in this view, essentially un- loyalty to Judaism. der foreign rule, no different from Jews in Czarist Russia or 21st-century America. In order to further their religious values and The intensification of Palestinian ter- goals, such as the study of Torah and child- rorism, which moved the front lines from bearing, the Haredi tribe elects its own rep- Israel’s borders to the streets and buses of resentatives to the Knesset. At the same the cities, brought about a greater involve- time, the overwhelming majority refuse to ment of haredim in the welfare of their fel- serve in the army, reflecting their desire to low Israeli Jews. The religious imperative remain insulated and alienated from the to honor the dead – which had often led larger Zionist culture. the ultra-Orthodox to oppose construc- Their growing birthrate, apparent imper- tion projects that uncovered ancient Jew- viousness to change, and disproportionate ish graves – now propelled haredi men to political power have imparted to the Haredi volunteer in the aftermath of terror at- tribe the aura of stability and strength. tacks, to ensure the sanctity of the victims’ However, a number of factors have con- bodies. Television screens were filled with verged in recent years that have begun to scenes of ultra-Orthodox men combing erode the boundaries between them and the wreckage to salvage fragments of skin the larger society, signaling a subtle process and bone, and offering assistance to the of change. The high birthrate of the ultra- wounded. These acts of compassion were Orthodox has increased their dependency not lost upon the larger public, which be- on government funds, which has led to a gan to view this insulated and alien com- perceptible weakening of their ideological munity in a new light. In 2003, the state rejection of the State of Israel. Their rep- bestowed one of its highest honors, the resentatives in the Knesset, who for many lighting of a torch on Independence Day, years were only concerned with issues di- on Yehuda Meshi-Zahav, head of Zaka, the rectly impacting on their constituency, emergency haredi volunteer corps. His reci- now find themselves engaged in decisions tation, as he lit the flame, of the ceremo- involving the security and foreign policy nial phrase l’tiferet Medinat Yisrael – for the of the state. In addition, in a development glory of the State of Israel – was a water- whose long-term significance has yet to be shed moment in the relationship between measured, we are witnessing an increase in the ultra-Orthodox and the other tribes of haredi men entering the larger Israeli work- Israel, and may have reflected the begin- force to supplement government child-sup- ning of new self-understanding within the port stipends, thus further removing the Haredi tribe. barriers between the communities.

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“Possess the Land and Dwell in It” observance. As a result, one of the central objectives of the Religious Zionist movement Unlike the ultra-Orthodox, the Religious Zi- during the first 25 years of Israel’s existence onist tribe strives to balance an unwavering was to harmonize daily life with Jewish commitment to halacha with an active in- law. Creating the military rabbinate and volvement in the modern world. Rabbi Abra- Chief Rabbinate, and securing the latter’s ham Isaac Kook, one of the founding fathers Kfar Darom, Gaza, hegemony over such areas as marriage and of , taught that the world before Israel’s divorce, conversion and kashrut, allowed disengagement, 2005 and all within it are products of the divine Religious Zionists to become full members of will and as such are infused with value. Ac- Israeli society without compromising their cordingly, Religious Zionists are full partici- halachic standards. pants in the secular world, refusing to isolate themselves from the innovations of moder- The fundamental emphases of Religious nity or from the larger Israeli public. Zionism, however, have changed over the last For them, the State of Israel is a product of four decades. Victory in the Six-Day War, which the divine will, part of God’s plan for history. expanded the rule of the Jewish people over As opposed to the ultra-Orthodox, who see the Land of Israel – in particular such places the pursuit of Jewish independence as a of biblical significance such as Jerusalem, He- rebellion against God, the Religious Zionist bron, Bethlehem, Beit El and Shiloh – were sees the rebirth of Israel as at’halta de’geula, a viewed by Religious Zionists as the ultimate beginning stage in the messianic redemption justification of their view of the temporal, of the Jews and the world. Support for secular state as a vehicle of divine redemption. the state is a profoundly Jewish act and a Fulfilling God’s command to “possess [the foundation of Jewish identity, but must Land] and dwell in it” (Deuteronomy 11:31), not, of course, conflict with strict halachic became the new pillar of the tribe’s ideology.

HAVRUTA | 19 ism. For the first time, the State of Israel was “To be hiloni is more ceding a portion of the Holy Land to non- than simply being Jews, thus violating Jewish law and delaying the redemption. The foundation of the part- nonreligious and nership between the Religious Zionists and the state was broken. No more could they more than being a assume that loyalty to the state would never nonbeliever of religious be at the expense of loyalty to halacha. And yet, during the disengagement, the Religious beliefs . . . To be hiloni Zionists made a choice to preserve their place within Israeli society and gave precedence is to stake a claim to to the state over the land. As a result, there autonomy over one’s were almost no signs of conscientious objec- tion amongst Religious Zionist soldiers and life.” – S.Yizhar officers, and most settlers refrained from crossing the lines of passive resistance. In

the aftermath, however, the leaders of this Over the years, the Religious Zionist camp tribe made it clear that they would never relinquished its hold over the Chief Rabbin- countenance a repetition of the Gaza disen- ate – the bastion of its civic participation – to gagement in Judea and Samaria. the ultra-Orthodox, focusing instead on the institution that would ensure that the Land of Israel would remain under Jewish hands, The and the Soccer Field namely, the army. Today, roughly 25% of the TheMesorati tribe is possibly the largest tribe junior officers in combat units in the IDF in Israel, comprising close to 35 percent of Is- come from this tribe, and the presence of Re- raeli society. Here, the prevailing religious– ligious Zionists in the upper echelons of the secular distinction most blatantly breaks army, unheard of in the past, is now a regular down. Like the religious Zionists, these Is- occurrence. On the political level, the long- raeli Jews immerse themselves in the mod- standing practice of the National Religious ern world. They, too, are an integral part of Party (Mafdal) of joining every coalition gov- Israel’s social, political and cultural spheres, ernment was replaced by a policy of sitting though less inclined to stress the mystical only in governments that opposed territorial holiness of the land. The tribe’s uniqueness compromise with the Palestinians. With the lies in its approach toward ritual observance, advent of the Oslo peace process, religious Zi- an approach which is having an increasingly onists increasingly found themselves at the important role in shaping the character of fringe of the national consensus. Formerly Jewish life in Israel. situated at the center of the collective Zionist A central feature of Mesorati Judaism is enterprise, this tribe has become focused on that in principle it defers to Orthodoxy, be- the political agenda of the settler movement. lieving it to be the authentic and binding As such, it is gradually replacing the Haredi form of Judaism. I say “in principle,” for the tribe as the most extreme and marginal tribe second feature of Mesorati Judaism is that in Israeli society. its practitioners do not always abide by the In 2005, with the disengagement from Orthodox interpretation but feel free to Gaza, religious Zionists were confronted by pick and choose what they will and will not a severe ideological crisis, torn between their observe. This selective observance neither loyalty to the state and their loyalty to Juda- plagues them with guilt, nor is it institution-

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alized as an alternative approach to Juda- ism. The authentic Jewish life for Mesorati The building of a Jews is the Orthodox life. This is how their shared narrative will grandparents (or parents) lived; this is how the rabbi they respect lives. And while require a new culture of their own lifestyles, with its sporadic hala- chic observance, deviates from Orthodoxy, disagreement, religious they never aspire to replace it as the true tolerance and pluralism. version of Judaism. The origin of this apparent inconsistency The tribes can only join lies in the religious tolerance of the Sephardic community, of which this tribe is largely together to the extent comprised. The Ashkenazi communities of that its members all feel Europe, particularly over the past two centu- ries, erected very clear boundaries between safe and respected. insider and outsider, between heretic and believer, between Orthodox and secular and These somewhat erratic choices are Reform. One was either in or out, and failure governed by myriad considerations and to comply fully with the accepted halachic circumstances, often determined by the norms of the community meant that one was ultimately out. Sephardic and com- tradition (masoret) – real or perceived – of munities, in sharp contrast, did not remove their parents, not necessarily by a search for deviants from the purview of their author- consistency and coherency. It is important ity and institutions. There were some who to understand, however, that the different observed more, some who observed less, yet degrees of observance do not in any way everyone had a place in the synagogue and a imply an alienation from Judaism. Mesorati standing in the Orthodox community. Jews love the Jewish tradition, feel bound As a result, the Mesorati tribe spans a by it and participate with great joy in a wide wide spectrum of lifestyles and self-defini- range of ritual practices and lifecycle events. tions, with varying degrees of observance. Some Mesorati Jews consider themselves to be In general, they are quite proficient in the quite religious, while others see themselves different aspects of Jewish ritual. Mesorati as less so. None of them, however, would call men who do not generally wear a feel themselves secular. comfortable wearing one at funerals or bar Today the Mesorati community faces new . They know how to recite the Kad- challenges. As the generation of the grandfa- dish over a relative who died and what to thers passes on, the foundation for their prac- say when called to the Torah. They may go tice is being weakened. The particular brand to synagogue with some frequency on Friday of Judaism they practice involves natural nights (particularly if the family patriarch is compromises that grew out of a living reality, still alive); yet on day they may go which generated a beautiful balance between to the beach or the soccer field. They are con- love of tradition and life in the larger world. versant with the Jewish calendar and live Now, Mesorati Israelis need to conceptual- their lives according to its rhythms, yet they ize their principles, which will necessitate a do not fulfill all of its ritual obligations. They measure of separation from Orthodoxy and keep kosher in Israel but may go to nonko- its rabbis and the creation of an indepen- sher restaurants abroad – though they will dent religious leadership. It would not be an never touch pork or shrimp. exaggeration to state that the future of the

HAVRUTA | 21 Mesorati tribe is dependent on their ability which is shared by Arab citizens . . .) has to to redefine themselves in categories similar contend with all facets of life though the to the North American liberal movements, binding and sovereign framework of a terri- though with a distinct Israeli identity. To do torially defined state . . . The homeland, the so, however, would entail a radical shift in national language and the binding frame- their religious outlook, since, like the Haredi work are the fundamental components of and Tzioni Dati tribes, the Mesorati view the national identity of every person . . . For Orthodoxy as the sole authentic expres- me, Jewish values are not located in a fancy sion of Jewishness. spice box that is only opened to release its pleasing fragrance on Shabbat and holi- days, but in the daily reality of dozens of Judaism as “Israeliness” problems through which Jewish values are Like the Mesorati tribe, the secular Jew- shaped and defined, for better or worse. ish Hiloni tribe constitutes 30–35 percent of Israel’s Jewish majority. Its members do Members of the Jewish Hiloni tribe are not not reject Judaism outright but take a more necessarily atheists. In fact, most believe in subtle position, akin to that of the Mesorati. God but are simply not interested in being Indeed, the increased role of this tribe in cur- guided or commanded by God, nor are they in- rent Israeli society is due in no small part to terested in worship. In the words of the Israeli the relocation of Mesorati Jews at the center author S. Yizhar: “To be hiloni is more than of the Israeli map. As negative stereotypes simply being nonreligious and more than be- of Sephardim, propagated by the Ashkenazi ing a nonbeliever of religious beliefs . . . To elite, gradually declined, intermarriage be- be hiloni is to stake a claim to autonomy over tween the two groups became common. This one’s life.” mingling of Jewish ethnic groups (edot) ex- These secular Jews are comfortable with posed secular Ashkenazim to aspects of Jew- the Jewish calendar because it is the nation- ish ritual that had often been absent from al calendar of Israel. According to opinion their prior way of life. surveys, the vast majority of this tribe fast The major characteristic of this tribe lies on and participate in a Seder on in the fact that they do not see Orthodoxy . Many now build sukkot, light can- as the primary carrier of Jewish religious dles on Hanukkah, dress up on , plant identity or its most authentic representative. trees on Tu Be’shvat and, as children, collect Secular Judaism, while having roots in the wood and gather around a bonfire on Lag past, is fundamentally a new Jewish identity. Ba’omer. A recent development has seen the For this tribe, the State of Israel, its land, inclusion of a tikkun, a night of studying, on culture and values, are the foundations night, as a mainstay of the secular of this new Jewish life, replacing the Jewish calendar, as they, too, celebrate the synagogue, religious belief and halachic Jewish people’s receiving of the Torah. The observance. “Israeliness” is a new, vital majority have a Shabbat dinner on Friday expression of Jewish life, reflected in the night, mostly without reciting the Kiddush; contemporary reality of the Jewish people some may continue the evening at a cinema in their sovereign state. As A. B. Yehoshua or club. wrote in the Ha’aretz newspaper in 2006, in This is a tribe which feels deeply Jewish, a piece addressed to : no less so than the Mesorati, Religious Zionist and Ultra-Orthodox tribes. In a sense, secular Israeli Jewish identity, which we call Israeli Jews are even more at home with their Jewish identity (as distinct from Israeli citizenship, identity than many Mesorati Jews, since they

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do not feel obligated by that which they do Yom Kippur, who go to the beach on the High not observe and, consequently, experience Holidays, who do not attend a Passover Sed- no dissonance between the lifestyle they er, belong to this tribe. Judaism, for them, is endorse and the one they actually lead. neither a collective ethos nor a national heri- Another difference between these two tribes tage; it is a burden to be shed. Secular Israelis is the secular Jews’ deep alienation from see themselves as members of a “normal” na- the ultra-Orthodox. The Mesorati Jews, by tion like all others, with a “normal” identity contrast, are a main constituency of the rooted in universal ethical values and not in ultra-Orthodox Shas party. a Jewish past that divided the them from the The Hiloni tribe rejects the Orthodox no- world and from a healthy existence. tion that their spiritual “cart” is empty (agala Of the Jewish tribes, this is the one with reikah) – a classic metaphor applied by the the deepest assimilation tendencies; what haredi leader Hazon Ish in a famous encoun- sustains their continuity is their physical ter with David Ben-Gurion. However, sus- and philosophical rootedness in the land and taining their self-perception of a full Jewish State of Israel. Outside of Israel, this tribe identity requires that secular Jews become would be disconnected from its life force and more knowledgeable about the tradition. As be absorbed into the larger society. If any ves- Amos Oz has commented on the famous bib- tiges of Jewishness are to be found, they are lical verse from the end of the book of Lam- those which have been nationalized and ab- entations: “‘Renew our days as old.’ It is im- sorbed into the new Israeli narrative. Hence, possible to renew without the old, and there Hanukkah, Purim and – to a certain degree is no existence for the old without renewal.” – Passover are commemorated, but solely as Given the abysmal state of Israeli holidays. for secular Jews in Israel, achieving this re- newal is no easy task. The perception of Nothing but Israeli The Israeli Hiloni tribe, which for many years Judaism as extreme and dominated Israel’s cultural elite, does not uncompromising has want to see itself within Jewish categories. If, for the Secular Jewish tribe, Israeliness reinforced the secular imbues the Jewish tradition with new mean- ing, for Secular Israelis it serves to replace rejection of religion, Judaism altogether. This tribe prefers to re- while the belittlement fer to itself as Israeli as distinct from Jewish. Judaism, it believes, may have been of value of secularism as in the Diaspora, but with the return to the land and the establishment of the State of Is- impoverished has rael, that value had become obsolete. permitted the Orthodox Like the Jewish Hiloni tribe, Secular Israe- lis do not feel compelled by halachic obliga- to perpetuate their myth tion; unlike Secular Jews, they feel no need or inclination to participate in ritual either. of being the sole carriers This is a tribe devoid of all sentimental- ity toward Jewish life. The 10 percent or so of authentic Judaism. of Israeli Jewish society who do not fast on

HAVRUTA | 23 These secular Israelis want freedom from In the end, the Secular Israeli owns a seat religion, not freedom of religion. Shinui, the at the Jewish table and helps shape the Jew- now-defunct political party that represented ish discussion in Israel. One of this tribe’s this tribe, demanded the legalization of civil limitations, however, is that more of its ef- marriages but not the right of non-Orthodox forts seem to be directed to keeping Juda- rabbis to perform marriages. Indeed the ism out of public life, rather than develop- Secular Israelis are happy to acquiesce to ing a positive vision of what Israeli identity the control of Orthodoxy over Judaism. must entail. They are the ones to whom the famous Israeli saying most applies: “The synagogue I don’t go to is Orthodox.” The Orthodox The Outsiders Within: rabbinate’s hammerlock on Judaism is a Jewish non-Jews boon for Secular Israelis, as it legitimizes their rejection of religion. The youngest tribe in Israel consists of some However, by building their national iden- 350,000 immigrants from the former Soviet tity within the State of Israel, even the most Union who have arrived over the past two secular Israelis have difficulty breaking com- decades and who, while eligible for citizen- pletely with their Jewishness. Almost all ship under Israel’s Law of Return, are not circumcise their sons and maintain some recognized as Jews by the Orthodox rabbin- measure of Jewish mourning rituals. While ate – nor, for that matter, by most Israelis, in- declaring that they have more in common cluding secular Jews and the Israeli Reform with their fellow and citizens movement, who hold that a Jew is someone – who serve alongside them in the Israeli army whose mother is Jewish, or someone who has – than with ultra-Orthodox or Diaspora Jews, converted to Judaism. The Law of Return, this seems to be more of a hyperbolic slogan however, grants automatic Israeli Jewish cit- than a true assessment of their identity. De- izenship to anyone whom Nazi Nuremberg spite the contrarian rhetoric, secular Israeli- Laws would have classified as Jewish – mean- ness is basically a different way of expressing ing anyone with at least one Jewish parent or the notion that Jewish identity need not be grandparent, as long as they did not convert religious, but at its core entails membership in to another religion. the Jewish people. In the words of the Zionist The Jewish non-Jews – who also include thinker Jacob Klatzkin (1882–1948): spouses of former Soviet Jews who have made – are an integral part of main- In the past there have been two criteria for stream Israeli Jewish society. They live Judaism: the criterion of religion . . . and among Jewish Israelis, attend Jewish public the criterion of the spirit . . . In opposition schools, serve in the army and are generally to these two criteria, which make Judaism indistinguishable from the Israeli Jewish a matter of creed, a third has now arisen, population. Some still consider themselves the criterion of consistent nationalism… to be Christian and maintain their former To be a Jew means the acceptance of nei- religious customs, but they are a minority. ther a religious nor an ethical creed. We Most see themselves as part of the secular are neither a denomination nor a school of Israeli tribe. thought, but members of one family, bear- From a cultural standpoint, the Jewish ers of a common history. Denying the Jew- non-Jews are gradually assimilating into the ish spiritual teachings does not place one of Israel and consider them- outside the community and accepting it selves Jewish. This process is being acceler- does not make one a Jew. ated by the army’s Nativ program, which pro-

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vides a voluntary intensive Jewish-studies Jews – including large numbers of secular immersion program that many non-Jewish Jews – regard Orthodoxy as the sole authen- immigrant soldiers choose to pursue. While tic version of the Jewish religious tradition. the program’s goal of formally converting While Jewish diversity thrives on a the soldiers to Judaism is only marginally private level, the various tribes – the successful, the program is transformative Orthodox excepted – are quite passive from an educational point of view. Conver- in the public sphere. They do not lobby sion is a problem because the stringent re- for government allocations to Jewishly quirements of the Orthodox rabbinate are educate their children, and they are willing completely unrealistic for most Jewish non- to maintain the status quo on issues of Donniel Hartman, Jews. Hence among the 350,000 members state and religion, even if this impinges on Co-Director of the of this tribe, there are only about 1,000 to their individual rights. The Israeli majority Shalom Hartman 1,500 converts a year. continues to cede control over Judaism to Institute and an The dilemma of the Jewish non-Jews as Orthodox authorities, subordinating issues ordained rabbi, is the insider-outsiders most acutely penetrates of religious freedom to the need to build founder of extensive the national consciousness when a member parliamentary coalitions with the Orthodox education, training and of this tribe dies in battle and the question of parties in order to implement foreign and enrichment programs Jewish burial arises. In these cases, a sense defense policies. Such behavior reinforces for educators and of decency coupled with the recognition that passivity and Jewish spectatorship, and rabbis in Israel and service in the IDF is tantamount to a sort of thus significantly endangers, in the long North America. Author secular conversion, leads the army to find run, the ability of Israelis to sustain their of The Boundaries of ad hoc solutions within military cemeteries. religious diversity on a private level as well. Judaism, he holds a doctorate in Jewish The dissonance is more pronounced when While disagreements still abound among philosophy from the members of the tribe want to marry Jews. the six Jewish tribes of Israel, there is also Hebrew University of Eventually, public pressure may finally force much that is shared. The fact that the great Jerusalem. the institution of civil marriage in Israel, for majority of Israeli Jews are connected on it is manifestly unacceptable to impose the some level with Jewish tradition makes responsibilities of citizenship upon immi- it possible to imagine the structuring of a grants and then deprive them of the ability common narrative and a collective identity. to marry in their own country. It is also to Doing so will require of all the non-Orthodox be hoped that the Chief Rabbinate will relax tribes to strengthen their attachments to its standards for conversion, though this is their own Jewish narratives and the ultra- unlikely in the foreseeable future. Orthodox to strengthen their bond with the state. At the same time, the building of a shared narrative will require a new culture Toward a Common Narrative of disagreement, religious tolerance and Israel is a far more complicated country than pluralism. The tribes can only join together the religious–secular model implies. Eighty to the extent that its members all feel safe percent of Israeli Jewish society does not live and respected. Whether there is a will to an Orthodox lifestyle, but barely half of Is- work – on both fronts – is the most significant raeli Jews would call themselves hiloni. The question facing contemporary Zionism and majority of the hiloni Jews are not anti-reli- the modern Jewish state. gious, and at least 85 percent of all Jewish Israelis live a Jewish life of different degrees of intensity and see themselves as having a Jewish identity. Amid this spectrum of Jew- ish expression, at least two-thirds of Israeli

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