Private Military and Security Companies - Chances, Problems, Pitfalls and Prospects
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Noncombatant Immunity and War-Profiteering
In Oxford Handbook of Ethics of War / Published 2017 / doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199943418.001.0001 Noncombatant Immunity and War-Profiteering Saba Bazargan Department of Philosophy UC San Diego Abstract The principle of noncombatant immunity prohibits warring parties from intentionally targeting noncombatants. I explicate the moral version of this view and its criticisms by reductive individualists; they argue that certain civilians on the unjust side are morally liable to be lethally targeted to forestall substantial contributions to that war. I then argue that reductivists are mistaken in thinking that causally contributing to an unjust war is a necessary condition for moral liability. Certain noncontributing civilians—notably, war-profiteers— can be morally liable to be lethally targeted. Thus, the principle of noncombatant immunity is mistaken as a moral (though not necessarily as a legal) doctrine, not just because some civilians contribute substantially, but because some unjustly enriched civilians culpably fail to discharge their restitutionary duties to those whose victimization made the unjust enrichment possible. Consequently, the moral criterion for lethal liability in war is even broader than reductive individualists have argued. 1 In Oxford Handbook of Ethics of War / Published 2017 / doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199943418.001.0001 1. Background 1.1. Noncombatant Immunity and the Combatant’s Privilege in International Law In Article 155 of what came to be known as the ‘Lieber Code’, written in 1866, Francis Lieber wrote ‘[a]ll enemies in regular war are divided into two general classes—that is to say, into combatants and noncombatants’. As a legal matter, this distinction does not map perfectly onto the distinction between members and nonmembers of an armed force. -
Overthrow Kinzer.Pdf
NATIONAL BESTSELLER "A detailed, I)assionateandconvincingbook ... [wilh] lhe pace and grip ofagood lhriller." - TheNew York Tillles BookReview STEPHEN KINZER AUTHOR OF ALL THE SHAH'S MEN OVERTHROW ___________4 _____ 4 __ 111_11 __iii _2_~ __11 __ __ AMERICA'S CENTURY OF REGIME CHANGE FROM HAWAII TO IRAQ STEPHEN KINZER TIM E S BOO K S Henry Holt and Company New York Times Books Henry Holt and Company, LLC Publishers since 1866 175 Fifth Avenue New York, New York 10010 www.henryholt.com Henry Holt® is a registered trademark of Henry Holt and Company, LLC. Copyright © 2006 by Stephen Kinzer All rights reserved. Distributed in Canada by H. B. Fenn and Company Ltd. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kinzer, Stephen. Overthrow: America's century of regime change from Hawaii to Iraq I Stephen Kinzer. -1st ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8050-8240-1 ISBN-1O: 0-8050-8240-9 1. United States-Foreign relations-20th century. 2. Hawaii-History Overthrow of the Monarchy, 1893.3. Iraq War, 2003- 4. Intervention (Internationallaw)-History-20th century. 5. Legitimacy of governments-History-20th century. I. Title. E744.K49 2006 327. 73009-dc22 2005054856 Henry Holt books are available for special promotions and premiums. For details contact: Director, Special Markets. Originally published in hardcover in 2006 by Times Books First Paperback Edition 2007 Designed by Kelly S. Too Printed in the United States of America 791086 Time present and time past Are both perhaps present in time future, And time future contained in time past. -T. -
2015-2016 Official Manual
CHAPTER 3 FEDERAL GOVERNMENT The “Castle” ruins at Ha Ha Tonka State Park. Photo courtesy of Missouri State Archives 80 OFFICIAL MANUAL Members, President Obama’s Cabinet Joseph R. Biden, Vice President www.whitehouse.gov/vicepresident John Kerry, Secretary of State United States www.state.gov Jack Lew, Secretary, Department of the Treasury Government www.treasury.gov Ashton Carter, Secretary, Department of Defense www.defense.gov Executive Branch Loretta E. Lynch, Attorney General, Department Barack H. Obama, President of the United States of Justice The White House www.usdoj.gov 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. N.W., Washington, D.C. 20500 Sally Jewell, Secretary, Department of the Interior Telephone: (202) 456-1414 www.doi.gov www.whitehouse.gov Thomas J. Vilsack, Secretary, Department of Agriculture The president and the vice president of the www.usda.gov United States are elected every four years by a Penny Pritzker, Secretary, Department of majority of votes cast in the Electoral College. Commerce These votes are cast by delegates from each state www.commerce.gov who traditionally vote in accordance with the Thomas E. Perez, Secretary, Department of Labor majority of the state’s voters. States have as many www.dol.gov electoral college votes as they have congressio- Sylvia Matthews Burwell, Secretary, Department nal delegates. Missouri has 10 electoral college of Health and Human Services votes—one for each of the eight U.S. Congress www.hhs.gov districts and two for the state’s two seats in the Julián Castro, Secretary, Department of Housing U.S. Senate. and Urban Development www.hud.gov The president is the chief executive of the Anthony Foxx, Secretary, Department of United States, with powers to command the Transportation armed forces, control foreign policy, grant re- www.dot.gov prieves and pardons, make certain appointments, Ernest Moniz, Secretary, Department of Energy execute all laws passed by Congress and present www.energy.gov the administration’s budget. -
Noncombatant Immunity and War-Profiteering
In Oxford Handbook of Ethics of War / Published 2017 / doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199943418.001.0001 Noncombatant Immunity and War-Profiteering Saba Bazargan Department of Philosophy UC San Diego Abstract The principle of noncombatant immunity prohibits warring parties from intentionally targeting noncombatants. I explicate the moral version of this view and its criticisms by reductive individualists; they argue that certain civilians on the unjust side are morally liable to be lethally targeted to forestall substantial contributions to that war. I then argue that reductivists are mistaken in thinking that causally contributing to an unjust war is a necessary condition for moral liability. Certain noncontributing civilians—notably, war-profiteers— can be morally liable to be lethally targeted. Thus, the principle of noncombatant immunity is mistaken as a moral (though not necessarily as a legal) doctrine, not just because some civilians contribute substantially, but because some unjustly enriched civilians culpably fail to discharge their restitutionary duties to those whose victimization made the unjust enrichment possible. Consequently, the moral criterion for lethal liability in war is even broader than reductive individualists have argued. 1 In Oxford Handbook of Ethics of War / Published 2017 / doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199943418.001.0001 1. Background 1.1. Noncombatant Immunity and the Combatant’s Privilege in International Law In Article 155 of what came to be known as the ‘Lieber Code’, written in 1866, Francis Lieber wrote ‘[a]ll enemies in regular war are divided into two general classes—that is to say, into combatants and noncombatants’. As a legal matter, this distinction does not map perfectly onto the distinction between members and nonmembers of an armed force. -
Changing Perceptions of War Profiteers Ezra Chaskelson Advisor
Changing Perceptions of War Profiteers Ezra Chaskelson Advisor: Philip Brenner Spring 2008 University Honors in International Studies Chaskelson 2 You, sir, are a snake in the grass. You are the sludge of the Earth, a stain on society, the banality of evil, and your presence disgusts me. You are a war profiteer. The act of war profiteering traditionally entails earning profits by selling weapons, goods, or services to fighting parties during times of war. Society reserved a very special feeling of contempt for those profiting from America’s military struggles against the tyrannies of evil during the early twentieth century, but the past few decades have witnessed changing values. This paper examines the change over time of the American public’s opinion of war profiteers through the expression of popular media such as newspapers, movies, and political cartoons. Under examination is the occupation of war profiteer’s transformation from one of individual, unbridled opportunism coupled with abysmal moral integrity to ambitiously savvy businessman or even entrepreneurial patriot in some cases. Why is it that fifty years ago someone engaging in war profiteering was considered scum of the earth, while today people clamor for the same jobs? Perceptions, values, and even terminology have all changed. War profiteering is rarely called by its name anymore, and even when the term is used it hardly elicits the outrage one would expect from such acts. Society’s values, it seems, have changed. Profiting from war is no longer looked down upon as it once was; rather, profiting excessively is the new stigma. Only when overcharging for services or failing to deliver on promises occurs is there public outcry, and even then it seems to quickly fade from public memory. -
Regulating Private Military Companies Options for the UK Government Chaloka Beyani and Damian Lilly
regulating private military companies options for the UK Government Chaloka Beyani and Damian Lilly International Alert is an independent non-governmental organization which analyses the causes of conflict within countries, enables mediation and dialogue to take place, sets standards of conduct that avoid violence, helps to develop the skills necessary to resolve conflict non-violently, and advocates policy changes to promote sustainable peace. The International Alert Policy and Advocacy department has three programmes on security and peacebuilding: light weapons, the privatisation of security, and security sector reform. Each promotes the development and implementation of policies and works to enhance the capacity of governments, non-governmental organizations and civil society to address the causes of insecurity in regions of conflict. · The Light Weapons and Peacebuilding programme was established in 1994. It focuses on identifying ways by which to control the proliferation and misuse of conventional arms, especially light weapons. · The Privatisation of Security programme, established in 1998, focuses on the development and promotion of policies and practices which will ensure that the activities of private and security and military companies have a positive impact on preventing conflicts and building sustainable peace. · The Security Sector Reform programme seeks to develop policy and practice which contributes to the effective implementation of security sector reform programmes. © International Alert, August 2001 Designed @ www.thepowerstation.com Contents Abbreviations & Acronyms . 2 Acknowledgements . 3 About the Authors . 3 Executive Summary . 4 I Introduction . 9 II Lack of Accountability and the Need for Regulation . 11 2.1 Traditional mercenaries and the emergence of private military companies . 11 2.2 Responding to the rise of private military companies . -
War Is a Racket – Abolish Corporate Personhood Comments by Ira Harritt, KC AFSC Program Coordinator, 8/9/10 Move to Amend Rally, KCMO
War is a Racket – Abolish Corporate Personhood Comments by Ira Harritt, KC AFSC Program Coordinator, 8/9/10 Move to Amend Rally, KCMO Seventy years ago, Smedley Butler, perhaps the most highly decorated Marine Corps general, disturbed by his participation in various military interventions, declared that WAR IS A RACKET. And wrote a short book by that title. It begins… War is a racket. It always has been. It is possibly the oldest, easily the most profitable, surely the most vicious. It is the only one international in scope. It is the only one in which the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives. A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the people. Only a small "inside" group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes. In his farewell address Pres. Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1961 warned: In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. -
Essay War, Profits, and the Vacuum of Law: Privatized Military Firms And
FORMATTEDSINGER006FINAL.DOC 01/22/04 1:35 PM Essay War, Profits, and the Vacuum of Law: Privatized Military Firms and International Law * P.W. SINGER Over the last decade, a new global industry has arisen, made up of private firms that sell military services. These companies, known as “privatized military firms” (“PMFs”), sell everything from small teams of commandos to massive military supply operations. PMFs have operated in places as diverse as Sierra Leone and Iraq, and on behalf of many states, including the United States. The rise of PMFs signals an important new development in the way that war is now carried out. Unfortunately, the legal side has not yet caught up to these events. This article examines the applicability of present international laws and definitions to PMFs and finds a gap in effectiveness. It next looks at national attempts at legal regulation and the challenges that they face. Finally, it surveys some of the potential solutions that have been offered to this legal quandary, seeking to offer workable proposals for how the PMF industry might be brought under some standard of regulation. * Peter Warren Singer is National Security Fellow in the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the Brookings Institution and Director of the Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World. He has a Ph.D. in Security Studies from Harvard University. His book, CORPORATE WARRIORS (2003) is the first overall survey of the privatized military industry. Dr. Singer has published in Foreign Affairs, International Security, Survival, and World Policy Journal, and has served as a commentator for ABC, BBC, CNN, Fox and al Jazeera. -
Mercenarism and Private Military and Security Companies
MERCENARISM AND PRIVATE MILITARY AND SECURITY COMPANIES An overview of the work carried out by the Working Group on the use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination Designed and Printed at United Nations, Geneva – 1806644 (E) – April 2018 – 500 – HRC/NONE/2018/40 MERCENARISM AND PRIVATE MILITARY AND SECURITY COMPANIES An overview of the work carried out by the Working Group on the use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination HRC/NONE/2018/40 Cover pictures credits : UN Photo-Sylvain Liechti / UN Photo-Jean-Marc Ferré / UN Photo-Bikem Ekberzade / UN Photo-Shafiqullah Waak / UN Photo -Stephenie Hollyman / UN Photo - Nektarios Markogiannis / UN Photo Yutaka Nagata / UN Photo-Sahem Rababah / UN Photo-Basile Zoma Table of contents 3 Table of contents Acknowledgment ............................................................................................................ 4 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 5 Introduction to the mandate ....................................................................................... 6 A. From Special Rapporteur to Working Group – an evolving mandate ............................................. 6 1) Special Rapporteur ......................................................................................................... 6 2) Working Group -
UFPJ OCCUPY PEACE SUMMIT Notes Final
OCCUPY PEACE SUMMIT REPORT February 24‐26, 2012, Philadelphia, PA Dear UFPJ Supporters and Member Groups, From Feb 24‐26, 2012 close to 100 people from a wide range of local and national peace groups came together in Philadelphia to reflect on the current political moment, assess opportunities and challenges, and see if there was work ahead that the UFPJ network was called to do. What follows are the notes from our weekend together. Click here http://smu.gs/xZfp8T for great photos taken by UFPJ’s own Siri Margerin. Work has already begun on some of what we planned. It was exciting to see how much energy, care and compassion was in the room and how many people made commitments whether it was to help stop a war with Iran or to start challenging corporate power in a more direct ways like protesting the Bank of America’s investments in war at its annual shareholder meeting. For 10 years UFPJ has been fighting for peace with justice. It has been a long and difficult struggle. Despite enormous challenges, we turned world opinion against war, even if we did not stop our government’s destructive wars. We built a broad and deep mass movement that continues to support those most impacted by war. We can learn and build on this rich history as we organize for the long haul that lies ahead. 2012 will be one of the most significant years for organizing in a long time. With the rise of the Occupy Movement, a serious challenge is underway toward the 1% and the corporations who are profiting off our backs. -
The Convergence of Military and Media Discourse James R
Shocked and Awed: The Convergence of Military and Media Discourse James R. Compton, Ph.D. University of Western Ontario [email protected] Submitted to International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR) Political Economy Section Communication and Democracy: Challenges for a New World Porto Alegre, Brazil July 25-30, 2004 More than one year after the United States military occupation of Iraq there still is no credible evidence linking Saddam Hussein to the Al Qaeda terrorist network, nor is there any trace of the Middle Eastern dictator’s ballyhooed Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) program. These stubborn facts notwithstanding, and in the face of opinion polls that indicate public support for the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq had slipped, U.S. President George W. Bush and other members of his administration continued to reassert the same dubious claims that helped them win over American public opinion in the lead-up to the 2003 invasion. “The reason I keep insisting that there was a relationship between Iraq and Saddam and Al Qaeda: because there was a relationship between Iraq and Al Qaeda,” Bush said after a cabinet meeting June 17 (Milbank 2004). In a New York Times/CBS News poll, conducted over the weeks leading up to the invasion, 45 percent of respondents said Saddam Hussein was directly involved in the attacks. A second poll, conducted before the second anniversary of the September 11 attacks, found the number had increased. The Washington Post poll reported that nearly 7 in 10 respondents thought Hussein was involved in the attacks—a troublesome figure considering there is no evidence to support the opinion. -
Houston, We Have a Problem
HOUSTON, WE HAVE A PROBLEM AN ALTERNATIVE ANNUAL REPORT ON HALLIBURTON, APRIL 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction: Houston, We Have a Problem II. Military Contracts, the War on Terrorism, and Iraq III. Around the World IV. Corporate Welfare and Political Connections V. Conclusion and Recommendations V. Additional Resources COVER: Zubair oil fields, Southern Iraq. Photo: David Martinez, Corpwatch HOUSTON, WE HAVE A PROBLEM HOUSTON, WE HAVE A PROBLEM Halliburton, the largest oil-and-gas services company in the world, is also one of the most controversial corporations in the United States. The company has been the number one financial beneficiary of the war against Iraq, raking in some $18 billion in contracts to rebuild the country’s oil industry and service the U.S. troops. It has also been accused of more fraud, waste, and cor- ruption than any other Iraq contractor, with allegations ranging from overcharging $61 million for fuel and $24.7 million for meals, to confirmed kickbacks worth $6.3 million. Halliburton is also currently under investigation by the Department of Justice. Perhaps most importantly, Halliburton has friends in the high- Although Halliburton saw a barrage of criticism in 2003, the est of places: Vice President Dick Cheney was Halliburton’s company has a history of scandal. Since 1919, when Earle P. CEO prior to his taking office in 2000, and he continues to Halliburton founded the company with patented technology receive annual payments from the company in excess of stolen from his former employer2, Halliburton has been $150,000. While CEO at Halliburton from 1995 to 2000, involved in controversial oil drilling projects around the world.