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The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Mercenaries and the State: How the hybridisation of the armed forces is changing the face of national security Caroline Varin A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2012 ii Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <83,157> words. iii Abstract The military has been a symbol of nationhood and state control for the past two hundred years. As representatives of a society’s cultural values and political ambitions, the armed forces have traditionally been held within the confines of the modern state. Today, however, soldiers are expected to operate in the shadows of conflicts, drawing little attention to themselves and to their actions; they are physically and emotionally secluded from a civilian population whose governments, especially in the ‘West’, are proceeding to an unprecedented wave of demilitarisation and military budget cuts. -
Kenyan Somali Islamist Radicalisation
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°85 Nairobi/Brussels, 25 January 2012 Kenyan Somali Islamist Radicalisation tant government positions. The coalition government has I. OVERVIEW created a ministry to spearhead development in the region. A modest affirmative action policy is opening opportuni- Somalia’s growing Islamist radicalism is spilling over in- ties in higher education and state employment. To most to Kenya. The militant Al-Shabaab movement has built a Somalis this is improvement, if halting, over past neglect. cross-border presence and a clandestine support network But the deployment of troops to Somalia may jeopardise among Muslim populations in the north east and Nairobi much of this modest progress. Al-Shabaab or sympathisers and on the coast, and is trying to radicalise and recruit have launched small but deadly attacks against government youth from these communities, often capitalising on long- and civilian targets in the province; there is credible fear a standing grievances against the central state. This prob- larger terror attack may be tried elsewhere to undermine lem could grow more severe with the October 2011 deci- Kenyan resolve and trigger a security crackdown that could sion by the Kenyan government to intervene directly in drive more Somalis, and perhaps other Muslims, into the Somalia. Radicalisation is a grave threat to Kenya’s securi- movement’s arms. Accordingly, the government should: ty and stability. Formulating and executing sound counter- radicalisation and de-radicalisation policies before it is too recognise that a blanket or draconian crackdown on late must be a priority. It would be a profound mistake, Kenyan Somalis, or Kenyan Muslims in general, would however, to view the challenge solely through a counter- radicalise more individuals and add to the threat of terrorism lens. -
Kenyan Somali Islamist Radicalisation
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°85 Nairobi/Brussels, 25 January 2012 Kenyan Somali Islamist Radicalisation tant government positions. The coalition government has I. OVERVIEW created a ministry to spearhead development in the region. A modest affirmative action policy is opening opportuni- Somalia’s growing Islamist radicalism is spilling over in- ties in higher education and state employment. To most to Kenya. The militant Al-Shabaab movement has built a Somalis this is improvement, if halting, over past neglect. cross-border presence and a clandestine support network But the deployment of troops to Somalia may jeopardise among Muslim populations in the north east and Nairobi much of this modest progress. Al-Shabaab or sympathisers and on the coast, and is trying to radicalise and recruit have launched small but deadly attacks against government youth from these communities, often capitalising on long- and civilian targets in the province; there is credible fear a standing grievances against the central state. This prob- larger terror attack may be tried elsewhere to undermine lem could grow more severe with the October 2011 deci- Kenyan resolve and trigger a security crackdown that could sion by the Kenyan government to intervene directly in drive more Somalis, and perhaps other Muslims, into the Somalia. Radicalisation is a grave threat to Kenya’s securi- movement’s arms. Accordingly, the government should: ty and stability. Formulating and executing sound counter- radicalisation and de-radicalisation policies before it is too recognise that a blanket or draconian crackdown on late must be a priority. It would be a profound mistake, Kenyan Somalis, or Kenyan Muslims in general, would however, to view the challenge solely through a counter- radicalise more individuals and add to the threat of terrorism lens. -
Explaining Blackwater's Unparalleled Record of Violence in Iraq
Wheeled Warriors: Explaining Blackwater’s Unparalleled Record of Violence in Iraq by Scott Fitzsimmons Department of Political Science University of British Columbia [email protected] On September 16, 2007, employees of Blackwater, a private security company tasked with protecting U.S. State Department personnel in Iraq, opened fire on pedestrians and motorists in Baghdad’s bustling Nisour Square. This brief but ferocious use of violence against unarmed Iraqi civilians, which came to be known as the “Nisour Square incident,” left 17 civilians dead and two dozen wounded.1 This event was one of the most violent and widely reported on incidents involving Blackwater’s personnel, but it was emblematic of their unparalleled record of violent actions during the Iraq War. In fact, the firm’s personnel fired their weapons during at least 323 incidents in Iraq between January 1, 2005, and December 31, 2007, for an average of two shooting incidents per week. Moreover, despite operating during the same period, performing the same tasks, for the same clients, and facing the same threats in the same general environment, Blackwater’s personnel killed and seriously injured far more people than their counterparts in DynCorp, one of the other major private security companies that provided protective services for the U.S. State Department during this period of the Iraq War. Stunningly, while Blackwater’s personnel inflicted at least 62 deaths and 86 serious injuries during this 1 Blackwater changed its name to Xe in 2009 and to Academi in 2011. However, since the firm is almost invariably referred to by its original name, this study will, whenever possible, do the same. -
Cry Havoc: Simon Mann's Account of His Failed Equatorial Guinea Coup
Transcript Cry Havoc: Simon Mann’s Account of his Failed Equatorial Guinea Coup Attempt Simon Mann Author and Coup Attempt Leader Discussant: Alex Vines Director, Regional and Security Studies, Chatham House Chair: Professor Nana Poku John Ferguson Professor of African Studies and Dean, School of Social and International Studies, University of Bradford 1 November 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Transcript: Simon Mann Professor Nana Poku: It is a considerable pleasure and also a bit of apprehension that I sit in this seat, in large part because of some of the accounts in the book and some of the complexities of the issues that have ensued since then. But I am delighted to welcome Simon Mann who requires no further introduction I’m sure, but for the sake of those of us who like formalities, Simon is a former SAS [officer] and was actively involved – I’m not sure whether I can repeat what was said on a website about being an attempted coup plotter – but certainly there was a bit of an incident in Central and Southern Africa in 2004 which I think Simon has some insight that he has kindly agreed to share with us. -
247012037-Blackwater.Pdf
Annotation La historia no autorizada del épico ascenso de una de las fuerzas más poderosas y secretas surgidas del «complejo militar-industrial» estadounidense.En marzo de 2004 la Guerra de Irak dio un giro decisivo tras el abatimiento de 4 soldados americanos en una emboscada de Faluya. La noticia, de gran repercusión mediática, puso al descubierto Blackwater, un ejercito privado de élite que venía operando en misiones estadounidenses desde principios de la administración Bush.El 16 de septiembre de 2007, unas inesperadas ráfagas de ametralladora disparadas en la plaza Nisour, de Bagdad, dejaron un saldo de 17 civiles iraquíes muertos, entre los que se contaban mujeres y niños. Esta matanza indiscriminada, conocida como «el domingo sangriento de Bagdad», no fue llevada a cabo por insurgentes iraquíes ni por soldados estadounidenses, pues los autores de los disparos pertenecían a una empresa secreta de mercenarios, la Blackwater Worldwide. Esta es la escalofriante historia de una compañía fundada hace más de una década en Moyock, Carolina del Sur, y que se convirtió en uno de los protagonistas más poderosos de la «guerra del terror». En su apasionante best seller, el periodista Jeremy Scahill nos lleva desde las ensangrentadas calles de Irak hasta las zonas de Nueva Orleans devastadas por el huracán Katrina, pasando por las esferas gubernamentales en Washington, para poner al descubierto a Blackwater como el nuevo y terrible rostro de la maquinaria bélica estadounidense. JEREMY SCAHILL BLACKWATER — oOo — Título original: Blackwater. The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army © Jeremy Scahill, 2007 © de la traducción: Albino Santos y Gemma Andújar, 2008 En colaboración con Editorial Planeta, S.A. -
Senator Byron L. Dorgan Chairman, Democratic Policy Committee
Opening Statement Senator Byron L. Dorgan Chairman, Democratic Policy Committee “Abuses in Private Security and Reconstruction Contracting in Iraq: Ensuring Accountability, Protecting Whistleblowers” Friday, September 21, 2007 10:30 a.m. – 12:30 p.m. 226 Dirksen Senate Office Building Today the Democratic Policy Committee is holding a hearing to examine the continuing lack of accountability in private security and reconstruction contracting in Iraq. There are now nearly as many private contractors in Iraq as there are American soldiers. And when contractors operate without accountability, and come to believe that there will not be any consequence for wrongdoing, our mission in Iraq is compromised and our troops are undermined. One of the largest sectors in which private contractors are active in Iraq is the area of security. Last year the GAO estimated that there are as many as 48,000 private security contractors in Iraq, though no one knows the precise number. And these security contractors have operated in a climate of impunity. On Sunday, there was a firefight in Iraq involving private security contractor Blackwater that left at least 11 Iraqis dead. The incident is being investigated, and I certainly do not want to prejudge the results of the investigation. But we cannot ignore the fact that the Iraqi government has said that it believes that Blackwater overreacted and caused the loss of innocent life. Prime Minister Maliki said that this was the seventh such incident involving Blackwater, and he urged that Blackwater be replaced. Nearly a year ago, the Congress passed a law requiring that private security contractors be bound by the same code of conduct as U.S. -
The Human Conveyor Belt : Trends in Human Trafficking and Smuggling in Post-Revolution Libya
The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya March 2017 A NETWORK TO COUNTER NETWORKS The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya Mark Micallef March 2017 Cover image: © Robert Young Pelton © 2017 Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Acknowledgments This report was authored by Mark Micallef for the Global Initiative, edited by Tuesday Reitano and Laura Adal. Graphics and layout were prepared by Sharon Wilson at Emerge Creative. Editorial support was provided by Iris Oustinoff. Both the monitoring and the fieldwork supporting this document would not have been possible without a group of Libyan collaborators who we cannot name for their security, but to whom we would like to offer the most profound thanks. The author is also thankful for comments and feedback from MENA researcher Jalal Harchaoui. The research for this report was carried out in collaboration with Migrant Report and made possible with funding provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, and benefitted from synergies with projects undertaken by the Global Initiative in partnership with the Institute for Security Studies and the Hanns Seidel Foundation, the United Nations University, and the UK Department for International Development. About the Author Mark Micallef is an investigative journalist and researcher specialised on human smuggling and trafficking. -
Ex New Horizon
Archived Content Information identified as archived on the Web is for reference, research or record-keeping purposes. It has not been altered or updated after the date of archiving. Web pages that are archived on the Web are not subject to the Government of Canada Web Standards. As per the Communications Policy of the Government of Canada, you can request alternate formats on the "Contact Us" page. Information archivée dans le Web Information archivée dans le Web à des fins de consultation, de recherche ou de tenue de documents. Cette dernière n’a aucunement été modifiée ni mise à jour depuis sa date de mise en archive. Les pages archivées dans le Web ne sont pas assujetties aux normes qui s’appliquent aux sites Web du gouvernement du Canada. Conformément à la Politique de communication du gouvernement du Canada, vous pouvez demander de recevoir cette information dans tout autre format de rechange à la page « Contactez-nous ». 1 CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE / COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES JCSP 33 / PCEMI 33 EXERCISE/EXERCICE NEW HORIZONS An Enduring Conflict: Specialist Retention in the British Army Versus Private Security Companies By /par Maj IS Warren This paper was written by a student La présente étude a été rédigée par un attending the Canadian Forces College stagiaire du Collège des Forces in fulfilment of one of the requirements canadiennes pour satisfaire à l'une des of the Course of Studies. The paper is exigences du cours. L'étude est un a scholastic document, and thus document qui se rapporte au cours et contains facts and opinions which the contient donc des faits et des opinions author alone considered appropriate que seul l'auteur considère appropriés and correct for the subject. -
6037 Wow Comp Merc Report
Supported by FIGHTING GLOBAL POVERTY FIGHTING GLOBAL POVERTY Corporate Mercenaries The threat of private military and security companies Corporate Mercenaries: The threat of private military and security companies Preface . 1 Executive summary. 2 1.The rise and rise of the PMSC . 3 1.1 From ignoble beginnings . 3 1.2 to multi-billion dollar industry . 4 1.3 Direct and indirect combat services . 4 1.4 Defending corporate interests . 5 1.5 What do PMSCs actually do? . 8 2.The privatisation of war . 10 2.1 Plausible deniability and war by proxy . 10 2.2 Vietnam syndrome . 11 2.3 Overcoming military overstretch . 12 3.The threat of PMSCs . 13 3.1 Accountability and immunity . 13 3.2 Human rights abuses and violations of the law . 13 3.3 Weapons trade. 15 3.4 Destabilisation . 15 4. Regaining control of PMSCs. 17 4.1 UK legislation . 17 4.2 International regulation . 18 4.3 Buying influence. 19 5. Conclusion and recommendations . 21 Note on terminology Corporate mercenaries are known by a variety of terms — private military companies, private security companies, military contractors or simply mercenaries.We have chosen to use the term private military and security companies (PMSCs) in this report, primarily in order to express the essential continuity between the military and security services provided by the companies in question. The same formulation is increasingly being used by the United Nations1 and by UK government officials, and is fast becoming the standard terminology. Preface War is one of the chief causes of poverty.War can completely complements War on Wants longstanding support for our undermine a countrys development prospects, destroying partners in conflict zones: some of the worlds bravest men and schools and hospitals and putting agricultural land out of use for women, on the front line in the struggle for human rights. -
News - Belfast Telegraph
Mother of man shot dead by army slams web posting - Local & National - News - Belfast Telegraph Tuesday, October 16, 2007 Weather: Hi: 12°C / Lw: 5°C Loadzajobs | Propertynews | Sunday Life | Community Telegraph Belfast Telegraph - IPR Website of the Year Search Site Advanced Search ● Loadzajobs.co.uk Home > News > Local & National ● Don't miss . Propertynews.com Local & National ● Belfast Telegraph TV Unlocking the ● Family Notices secrets of cot death 90% of mothers ● Mother of man shot dead by army slams web posting Ads For Free who lose babies are smokers l Belfast Telegraph ● Email ● Most ❍ Home Article Emailed McIlroy is ❍ News ● Print ● Most in the money ■ Local & National Version Read Nearly £190k in a month as pro ■ World news ● Search for Rory Tuesday, October 16, 2007 ■ Politics By Chris Thornton ■ Environment Stormont shake-up? ■ Education The mother of a north Belfast teenager shot dead by Scots Guards 16 years ago has hit out after Robinson seeks one of Iraq's biggest defence contractors claimed the troops were "wrongly convicted" of murder. ■ Letters radical overall of Assembly ■ Opinion Aegis Specialist Risk Management - run by the soldiers' former CO, Tim Spicer - posted the claim on its website earlier this month. ■ Technology The former colonel was the commander of the Scots Guards in 1992 when two of his soldiers shot 18-year- Help shape ❍ Breaking News old Peter McBride. Belfast's image ❍ Northwest Edition Their patrol stopped and searched the teenager, which a judge said showed they knew he was unarmed. What does the city mean to you, ❍ He then ran away, possibly because he was wanted for petty crime. -
Regulating Private Military Companies Options for the UK Government Chaloka Beyani and Damian Lilly
regulating private military companies options for the UK Government Chaloka Beyani and Damian Lilly International Alert is an independent non-governmental organization which analyses the causes of conflict within countries, enables mediation and dialogue to take place, sets standards of conduct that avoid violence, helps to develop the skills necessary to resolve conflict non-violently, and advocates policy changes to promote sustainable peace. The International Alert Policy and Advocacy department has three programmes on security and peacebuilding: light weapons, the privatisation of security, and security sector reform. Each promotes the development and implementation of policies and works to enhance the capacity of governments, non-governmental organizations and civil society to address the causes of insecurity in regions of conflict. · The Light Weapons and Peacebuilding programme was established in 1994. It focuses on identifying ways by which to control the proliferation and misuse of conventional arms, especially light weapons. · The Privatisation of Security programme, established in 1998, focuses on the development and promotion of policies and practices which will ensure that the activities of private and security and military companies have a positive impact on preventing conflicts and building sustainable peace. · The Security Sector Reform programme seeks to develop policy and practice which contributes to the effective implementation of security sector reform programmes. © International Alert, August 2001 Designed @ www.thepowerstation.com Contents Abbreviations & Acronyms . 2 Acknowledgements . 3 About the Authors . 3 Executive Summary . 4 I Introduction . 9 II Lack of Accountability and the Need for Regulation . 11 2.1 Traditional mercenaries and the emergence of private military companies . 11 2.2 Responding to the rise of private military companies .