Inter-American Comission on Human Rights Resolution 14/2020
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida. -
The Venezuelan Crisis, Regional Dynamics and the Colombian Peace Process by David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive Summary
Report August 2016 The Venezuelan crisis, regional dynamics and the Colombian peace process By David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive summary Venezuela has entered a crisis of governance that will last for at least another two years. An unsustainable economic model has caused triple-digit inflation, economic contraction, and widespread scarcities of food and medicines. An unpopular government is trying to keep power through increasingly authoritarian measures: restricting the powers of the opposition-controlled National Assembly, avoiding a recall referendum, and restricting civil and political rights. Venezuela’s prestige and influence in the region have clearly suffered. Nevertheless, the general contours of the region’s emphasis on regional autonomy and state sovereignty are intact and suggestions that Venezuela is isolated are premature. Venezuela’s participation in the Colombian peace process since 2012 has allowed it to project an image of a responsible member of the international community and thereby counteract perceptions of it as a “rogue state”. Its growing democratic deficits make this projected image all the more valuable and Venezuela will likely continue with a constructive role both in consolidating peace with the FARC-EP and facilitating negotiations between the Colombian government and the ELN. However, a political breakdown or humanitarian crisis could alter relations with Colombia and change Venezuela’s role in a number of ways. Introduction aimed to maximise profits from the country’s oil production. During his 14 years in office Venezuelan president Hugo Together with Iran and Russia, the Venezuelan government Chávez Frias sought to turn his country into a leading has sought to accomplish this through restricting produc- promotor of the integration of Latin American states and tion and thus maintaining prices. -
CRACKDOWN on DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela
CRACKDOWN ON DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Crackdown on Dissent Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-35492 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit: http://www.hrw.org The Foro Penal (FP) or Penal Forum is a Venezuelan NGO that has worked defending human rights since 2002, offering free assistance to victims of state repression, including those arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered. The Penal Forum currently has a network of 200 volunteer lawyers and more than 4,000 volunteer activists, with regional representatives throughout Venezuela and also in other countries such as Argentina, Chile, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Uruguay, and the USA. Volunteers provide assistance and free legal counsel to victims, and organize campaigns for the release of political prisoners, to stop state repression, and increase the political and social cost for the Venezuelan government to use repression as a mechanism to stay in power. -
The Quality of the Venezuelan Democracy Under Hugo Chávez (1999–2013)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ESE - Salento University Publishing PA rtecipazione e CO nflitto * The Open Journal of Sociopolitical Studies http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/paco ISSN: 1972-7623 (print version) ISSN: 2035-6609 (electronic version) PACO, Issue 10(1) 2017: 89-118 DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v10i1p89 Published in March 15, 2017 Work licensed under a Creative Commons At- tribution-Non commercial-Share alike 3.0 Italian License RESEARCH ARTICLE THE QUALITY OF THE VENEZUELAN DEMOCRACY UNDER HUGO CHÁVEZ (1999–2013) Javier Corrales Amherst College, Amherst, MA, USA Manuel Hidalgo Carlos III University, Madrid, Spain ABSTRACT: Following the work of Morlino (2012) and Katz and Morlino (2012), we evaluate the quality of democracy in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez. We argue that by the end of this administration, Venezuela became a hybrid regime. In those instances in which operated as a democracy, institutional quality was low; in other instances, the regime exhibited clear autocratic features. KEYWORDS: Venezuela, democracy, hybrid regime, quality, political competition, participation, rule of law, accountability, freedom, equality, responsiveness. CORRESPONDING AUTHORS: Javier Corrales, email: [email protected]; Manuel Hidalgo, email: [email protected] Revised version of the presentation prepared for Meeting of the Network of Studies on the Quality of Democracy in Latin America, Lima, October 17–18, 2012. We would like to thank CENDES and IESA for their assistance in carrying out the field work in Venezuela. Special thanks to Daniel Mogollón, Maurelyn Rangel, Carlos Sabatino and Federico Sucre for the support of the research they provided. -
Venezuela and Cuba: the Ties That Bind
Latin American Program | January 2020 A portrait of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez in between the Cuban and Venezuelan flags.Credit: Chávez Fusterlandia (On the left) A silhouetted profile of Fidel Castro in his military cap says “the best friend.” Dan Lundberg, March 18, 2016 / Shutterstock Venezuela and Cuba: The Ties that Bind I. Two Nations, One Revolution: The Evolution of Contemporary Cuba-Venezuela Relations By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich CONTENTS “Cuba es el mar de la felicidad. Hacia allá va Venezuela.” I. Two Nations, One (“Cuba is a sea of happiness. That’s where Venezuela is going.”) Revolution: The Evolution —Hugo Chávez Frías, March 8, 2000 of Contemporary Cuba- Venezuela Relations Contemporary Cuban-Venezuelan relations blossomed in the late 1990s, due in large part By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich to the close mentor-pupil relationship between then-presidents Fidel Castro Ruz and Hugo Chávez Frías. Their affinity grew into an ideological and then strategic partnership. Today, these ties that bind are more relevant than ever, as Cuban security officials exercise influ- II. The Geopolitics of Cuba–Venezuela-U.S. ence in Venezuela and help maintain the Nicolás Maduro government in power. Details of the Relations: relationship, however, remain shrouded in secrecy, complicating any assessment of Cuba’s An Informal Note role in Venezuela. The Venezuelan and Cuban governments have not been transparent about By Richard E. Feinberg the size and scope of any contingent of Cuban military and security -
Venezuela's Media War: Coexistence and Confrontation in the Struggles of the Bolivarian Revolution
Venezuela’s media war: Coexistence and confrontation in the struggles of the Bolivarian Revolution by Douglas Amundaray B.A., Universidad Santa María, 2008 Extended Essay Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the School of Communication (Dual Degree Program in Global Communication) Faculty of Communication, Art and Technology © Douglas Amundaray SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2017 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval Name: Douglas Amundaray Degree: Master of Arts (Communication) Title: Venezuela's media war: Coexistence and confrontation in the struggles of the Bolivarian Revolution Program Co-Directors: Dr. Zhao Yuezhi, Dr. Adel Iskandar Katherine Reilly Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Date Approved: _______August 18, 2017____________________ ii Abstract In the midst of economic crisis and violent anti-government protests, the president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, convoked a Constituent Assembly in May 2017. The initiative aims to transform the State and craft a new Constitution without consulting the Venezuelan people. The response of the population has intensified the division between government and opposition, generating unexpected turns that make it difficult for media to provide a proper and accurate coverage of events. This paper uses critical discourse analysis of newspaper‟s articles and Twitter trending topics to suggest that these media platforms have constructed a dichotomy. This dichotomy addresses the Constituent Assembly as a victory for the Bolivarian Revolution, but a misfortune for the opposition. It also denotes the use linguistic means to validate the political ideology of the media platforms analyzed. -
Curbing the Threat to Venezuela from Violent Groups
A Glut of Arms: Curbing the Threat to Venezuela from Violent Groups Latin America Report N°78 | 20 February 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Armed Groups, Crime and the State ................................................................................ 4 A. Guerrillas ................................................................................................................... 4 B. Colectivos ................................................................................................................... 7 C. Paramilitaries ............................................................................................................. 11 D. Criminal Groups ........................................................................................................ 12 III. Armed Groups in a Political Agreement .......................................................................... 16 IV. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 18 APPENDICES A. Map of Venezuela ............................................................................................................ -
Irregularities in the Venezuelan Elections During
Electoral Irregularities A Typology Based on Venezuela under Chavismo Draft February 6, 2018 Javier Corrales1 Department of Political Science Amherst College [email protected] This is a draft document. Please help improve this document by reporting any errors and omissions to [email protected]. 1 I am grateful to Alejandro Sucre, Federico Sucre, and Franz von Bergen for their research assistance. 1 Electoral Irregularities: A Typology based on Venezuela under Chavismo Venezuela’s Chavista period (1999-present) has often been praised for its frequent electoral activity. But it has also been characterized by two, less praiseworthy features: irregularities and biased electoral reforms. These features have worsened over time. To date, the total number of irregularities is 117. From the very beginning, almost every electoral process has featured at least one major irregularity or system biases in favor of the incumbent party. These irregularities consist of practices, rules, and even laws that depart from either the spirit or the letter of the Constitution or from international standards for conducting “free and fair” elections. This paper provides a typology of electoral irregularities in Venezuela in the Chavista era, 1999-present. The full list appears in the Appendix. Irregularities are classified according to three characteristics: timing, type, and effect. Regarding timing, the evidence shows that electoral irregularities occurred since the start of the Chavista era (referendum on whether to conduct a constituent assembly, 1999) and expanded over overtime during the entire Hugo Chávez administration (1999-2013). They have become ubiquitous now under Nicolás Maduro (2013- present). Regarding type, each irregularity is classified according to the following categories: 1. -
Venezuela INDIVIDUALS
CONSOLIDATED LIST OF FINANCIAL SANCTIONS TARGETS IN THE UK Last Updated:25/03/2021 Status: Asset Freeze Targets REGIME: Venezuela INDIVIDUALS 1. Name 6: AMOROSO 1: ELVIS 2: EDUARDO 3: n/a 4: n/a 5: n/a. DOB: 04/08/1963. POB: Caracas, Venezuela a.k.a: HIDROBO AMOROSO Nationality: Venezuelan National Identification no: V-7659695 Address: Venezuela.Position: Second Vice President of the National Constituent Assembly Other Information: (UK Sanctions List Ref):VEN0029 Date designated on UK Sanctions List: 31/12/2020 (UK Statement of Reasons):Former First and Second Vice-President of the non-recognised National Constituent Assembly (ANC). Lead the non-recognised ANC, signing the ‘law against hatred’, justifying the removal of a legally-elected opposition governor and banning Juan Guaido from running for any public office. (Gender):Male Listed on: 30/06/2020 Last Updated: 31/12/2020 Group ID: 13844. 2. Name 6: BENAVIDES TORRES 1: ANTONIO 2: JOSE 3: n/a 4: n/a 5: n/a. DOB: 13/06/1961. Nationality: Venezuelan Address: Caracas, Venezuela.Position: Chief Distrito Capital Government until January 2018.Former General Commander of the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB) until 21 June 2017 Other Information: (UK Sanctions List Ref):VEN0003 Date designated on UK Sanctions List: 31/12/2020 (Further Identifiying Information):Former General Commander of the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB) until 21 June 2017 (UK Statement of Reasons):Chief of the Capital District (Distrito Capital) Government until January 2018.General Commander of the Bolivarian National Guard until 21 June 2017.Involved in repression of civil society and democratic opposition in Venezuela, and responsible for serious human rights violations committed by the Bolivarian National Guard under his command.His actions and policies as General Commander of the Bolivarian National Guard, including the Bolivarian National Guard taking the lead in the policing of civilian demonstrations and publically advocating that military courts should have jurisdiction over civilians, have undermined the rule of law in Venezuela. -
Magistrado Ponente: JUAN JOSÉ MENDOZA JOVER El 07 De Enero
Magistrado Ponente: JUAN JOSÉ MENDOZA JOVER El 07 de enero de 2020, fue recibido en esta Sala Constitucional escrito presentado por el ciudadano ENRIQUE OCHOA ANTICH, titular de la cédula de identidad V-4.632.450, contentivo de la acción de amparo constitucional “(…) de mi derecho constitucional a la participación política y la representación consagrado en el artículo 62 de la Constitucion (sic)…”. En la misma fecha, se dio cuenta en Sala y se designó como ponente al Magistrado Juan José Mendoza Jover quien, con tal carácter, suscribe el presente fallo. En sentencia n° 0001 de fecha 13 de enero de 2020, esta Sala Constitucional se declaró competente para conocer la acción de amparo constitucional interpuesta por el ciudadano ENRIQUE OCHOA ANTICH, contra la Asamblea Nacional y, particularmente, respecto “a los Diputados Luis Parra, Franklin Duarte y José Gregorio Noriega, por un lado y a los Diputados Juan Guaidó, Juan Pablo Guanipa y Carlos Berrizbeitia, por otro lado, quienes pretenden cumplir funciones de integrantes de sendas Juntas Directivas de la Asamblea Nacional”, y ordenó notificar a los Diputados que dicen integrar la nueva Junta Directiva de la Asamblea Nacional elegida, el 05 de enero de 2020, a saber: Luis Parra, Franklin Duarte y José Gregorio Noriega, a los fines de que en el lapso de cinco (5) días siguientes a su notificación, en la forma requerida en el cardinal 3 del artículo 91 de la Ley Orgánica del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia, remitieran a esta Sala informe sobre el acto parlamentario de conformación de la nueva Junta Directiva de la Asamblea Nacional y el quórum de la sesión, tanto el de instalación como el de la aprobación de la Directiva, lo cual deberán soportar con copia certificada del acta y demás actuaciones vinculadas con la información requerida, so pena de incurrir en la sanción señalada en el artículo 122 eiusdem. -
Continuing Political Crisis in Venezuela
AT A GLANCE Continuing political crisis in Venezuela One year after Juan Guaidó's self-proclamation as interim President of Venezuela, the political crisis affecting the country is far from over, as shown by the government's latest failed attempt to neutralise the opposition forces in the National Assembly. The legislative election announced by Nicolas Maduro for 2020 will not improve the country's political situation unless it is accompanied by a free and fair presidential election. The government tries to control the National Assembly On 5 January 2020, when the National Assembly was due to elect its President for the last year of the current legislature, members of the National Guard prevented opposition MPs, including Juan Guaidó, from entering the Legislative Palace. In the session, held without the required quorum and ridden with irregularities, MPs loyal to the government elected Luis Parra, a former member of the Primero Justicia (Justice First) opposition party who had been expelled for alleged corruption and later became an ally of Maduro. To counter this 'parliamentary coup,' the opposition MPs held a parallel session in the premises of the El Nacional newspaper, where they re-elected Guaidó by a wide margin – 100 MPs out of the 167 that make up the National Assembly. The Maduro government, despite having its tactics clearly exposed to the public through the live media coverage, immediately recognised Parra. However, the parliamentary coup was strongly condemned by the United States – which imposed sanctions on Parra and six other politicians, the Organisation of American States (OAS), the Lima Group, the International Contact Group (ICG), and the EU.