DOCSLIB.ORG

Media and Gridlock

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Media and Gridlock Media and Gridlock Daniel F. Stone1 9th Media Economics Workshop - New Economic School October 2011 1Oregon State University I Anecdotal evidence: minority party tried to block major new policy proposals (social security, health care reform, jobs bill?) I Term `gridlock' only coined after 1980 elections I Binder (1999): hard evidence of increasing gridlock in 80s and 90s (term coined in 80s) I Cloture motions way up over time, especially in last two Congresses Gridlock in U.S. appears to have increased in recent years I Term `gridlock' only coined after 1980 elections I Binder (1999): hard evidence of increasing gridlock in 80s and 90s (term coined in 80s) I Cloture motions way up over time, especially in last two Congresses Gridlock in U.S. appears to have increased in recent years I Anecdotal evidence: minority party tried to block major new policy proposals (social security, health care reform, jobs bill?) I Binder (1999): hard evidence of increasing gridlock in 80s and 90s (term coined in 80s) I Cloture motions way up over time, especially in last two Congresses Gridlock in U.S. appears to have increased in recent years I Anecdotal evidence: minority party tried to block major new policy proposals (social security, health care reform, jobs bill?) I Term `gridlock' only coined after 1980 elections I Cloture motions way up over time, especially in last two Congresses Gridlock in U.S. appears to have increased in recent years I Anecdotal evidence: minority party tried to block major new policy proposals (social security, health care reform, jobs bill?) I Term `gridlock' only coined after 1980 elections I Binder (1999): hard evidence of increasing gridlock in 80s and 90s (term coined in 80s) Gridlock in U.S. appears to have increased in recent years I Anecdotal evidence: minority party tried to block major new policy proposals (social security, health care reform, jobs bill?) I Term `gridlock' only coined after 1980 elections I Binder (1999): hard evidence of increasing gridlock in 80s and 90s (term coined in 80s) I Cloture motions way up over time, especially in last two Congresses Gridlock in U.S. appears to have increased in recent years I Anecdotal evidence: minority party tried to block major new policy proposals (social security, health care reform, jobs bill?) I Term `gridlock' only coined after 1980 elections I Binder (1999): hard evidence of increasing gridlock in 80s and 90s (term coined in 80s) I Cloture motions way up over time, especially in last two Congresses I Previous lit: media and electoral competition; platform formation; actions of winners once in office (Prat and Str¨omberg, WP, 2011) I I model most salient aspect of legislative process: whether losing party obstructs or not I Main result: strategic obstructionism makes effect of less informative media even worse I Not only bad policy more likely proposed, but good policy more likely blocked I examine the relation between media and strategic obstructionism I I model most salient aspect of legislative process: whether losing party obstructs or not I Main result: strategic obstructionism makes effect of less informative media even worse I Not only bad policy more likely proposed, but good policy more likely blocked I examine the relation between media and strategic obstructionism I Previous lit: media and electoral competition; platform formation; actions of winners once in office (Prat and Str¨omberg, WP, 2011) I Main result: strategic obstructionism makes effect of less informative media even worse I Not only bad policy more likely proposed, but good policy more likely blocked I examine the relation between media and strategic obstructionism I Previous lit: media and electoral competition; platform formation; actions of winners once in office (Prat and Str¨omberg, WP, 2011) I I model most salient aspect of legislative process: whether losing party obstructs or not I examine the relation between media and strategic obstructionism I Previous lit: media and electoral competition; platform formation; actions of winners once in office (Prat and Str¨omberg, WP, 2011) I I model most salient aspect of legislative process: whether losing party obstructs or not I Main result: strategic obstructionism makes effect of less informative media even worse I Not only bad policy more likely proposed, but good policy more likely blocked I Political science literature focuses on party polarization (Layman et al, APSR, 2006) - i.e. ideology dispersion - as gridlock cause I My paper: can interpret as highlighting necessary role of uninformative media I Or as providing alternative explanation I In fact, maybe alternative explanation for stylized fact of party polarization? I (Politicans only acting more polarized - Other related literature I My paper: can interpret as highlighting necessary role of uninformative media I Or as providing alternative explanation I In fact, maybe alternative explanation for stylized fact of party polarization? I (Politicans only acting more polarized - Other related literature I Political science literature focuses on party polarization (Layman et al, APSR, 2006) - i.e. ideology dispersion - as gridlock cause I Or as providing alternative explanation I In fact, maybe alternative explanation for stylized fact of party polarization? I (Politicans only acting more polarized - Other related literature I Political science literature focuses on party polarization (Layman et al, APSR, 2006) - i.e. ideology dispersion - as gridlock cause I My paper: can interpret as highlighting necessary role of uninformative media I In fact, maybe alternative explanation for stylized fact of party polarization? I (Politicans only acting more polarized - Other related literature I Political science literature focuses on party polarization (Layman et al, APSR, 2006) - i.e. ideology dispersion - as gridlock cause I My paper: can interpret as highlighting necessary role of uninformative media I Or as providing alternative explanation I (Politicans only acting more polarized - Other related literature I Political science literature focuses on party polarization (Layman et al, APSR, 2006) - i.e. ideology dispersion - as gridlock cause I My paper: can interpret as highlighting necessary role of uninformative media I Or as providing alternative explanation I In fact, maybe alternative explanation for stylized fact of party polarization? Other related literature I Political science literature focuses on party polarization (Layman et al, APSR, 2006) - i.e. ideology dispersion - as gridlock cause I My paper: can interpret as highlighting necessary role of uninformative media I Or as providing alternative explanation I In fact, maybe alternative explanation for stylized fact of party polarization? I (Politicans only acting more polarized - I Two political parties, a majority and minority I Majority proposes policy, X I Either efficient, E, or partisan and deadweight loss, D (X 2 fD; Eg) I Minority then takes action Y I Either accept (A) or block (B)(Y 2 fA; Bg) I Based on US system where minority party can block policy by filibuster I X = post-bargaining proposal (bargaining process exogenous) I If (X ; Y ) = (D; A), then α benefit to majority, α cost to minority, and social loss I If (X ; Y ) = (E; A), then 0 benefit (cost) to majority (minority), social gain I Status quo (B) payoff 0 for all The model I Majority proposes policy, X I Either efficient, E, or partisan and deadweight loss, D (X 2 fD; Eg) I Minority then takes action Y I Either accept (A) or block (B)(Y 2 fA; Bg) I Based on US system where minority party can block policy by filibuster I X = post-bargaining proposal (bargaining process exogenous) I If (X ; Y ) = (D; A), then α benefit to majority, α cost to minority, and social loss I If (X ; Y ) = (E; A), then 0 benefit (cost) to majority (minority), social gain I Status quo (B) payoff 0 for all The model I Two political parties, a majority and minority I Either efficient, E, or partisan and deadweight loss, D (X 2 fD; Eg) I Minority then takes action Y I Either accept (A) or block (B)(Y 2 fA; Bg) I Based on US system where minority party can block policy by filibuster I X = post-bargaining proposal (bargaining process exogenous) I If (X ; Y ) = (D; A), then α benefit to majority, α cost to minority, and social loss I If (X ; Y ) = (E; A), then 0 benefit (cost) to majority (minority), social gain I Status quo (B) payoff 0 for all The model I Two political parties, a majority and minority I Majority proposes policy, X I Minority then takes action Y I Either accept (A) or block (B)(Y 2 fA; Bg) I Based on US system where minority party can block policy by filibuster I X = post-bargaining proposal (bargaining process exogenous) I If (X ; Y ) = (D; A), then α benefit to majority, α cost to minority, and social loss I If (X ; Y ) = (E; A), then 0 benefit (cost) to majority (minority), social gain I Status quo (B) payoff 0 for all The model I Two political parties, a majority and minority I Majority proposes policy, X I Either efficient, E, or partisan and deadweight loss, D (X 2 fD; Eg) I Either accept (A) or block (B)(Y 2 fA; Bg) I Based on US system where minority party can block policy by filibuster I X = post-bargaining proposal (bargaining process exogenous) I If (X ; Y ) = (D; A), then α benefit to majority, α cost to minority, and social loss I If (X ; Y ) = (E; A), then 0 benefit (cost) to majority (minority), social gain I Status quo (B) payoff 0 for all The model I Two political parties, a majority and minority I Majority proposes policy, X I Either efficient, E, or partisan and deadweight loss,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Phenomenology of Gridlock
    Cornell Law Library Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository Cornell Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 6-2013 The heP nomenology of Gridlock Josh Chafetz Cornell Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub Part of the Legislation Commons, and the Politics Commons Recommended Citation Chafetz, Josh, "The heP nomenology of Gridlock" (2013). Cornell Law Faculty Publications. Paper 586. http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub/586 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SYMPOSIUM THE AMERICAN CONGRESS: LEGAL IMPLICATIONS OF GRIDLOCK THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF GRIDLOCK Josh Chafet4 Assertions that our legislative process is gridlocked-perhaps even "hopelessly" so-are endemic. So many more of our problems would be fixed, the thinking goes, if only our political institutions were functioning properly. The hunt for the causes of gridlock is therefore afoot. This Essay argues that this hunt is fundamentally misguided, because gridlock is not a phenomenon. Rather, gridlock is the absence of phenomena; it is the absence, that is, of legisla- tive action. Rather than asking why we experience gridlock, we should be asking why and how legislative action occurs. We should expect to see legislative action, the Essay argues, when there is sufficient public consensus for a specific course of action. "Sufficient," in this context, is determined with reference to ourspecific constitutionalstructure.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Towards a Third Generation of Global Governance Scholarship This Is the Final Typeset and Copyedited PDF Version. the Chapter
    Towards a Third Generation of Global Governance Scholarship This is the final typeset and copyedited PDF version. The chapter should be cited as: David Coen and Tom Pegram, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Global Governance Scholarship’, Global Policy, Global Policy, Volume 9, Issue 1 (February 2018), 107-113. Abstract Global governance is widely viewed as in crisis. Deepening interdependence of cross-border activity belies the relative absence of governance mechanisms capable of effectively tackling major global policy challenges. Scholars have an important role to play in understanding blockages and ways through. A first generation of global governance research made visible an increasingly complex and globalising reality beyond the interstate domain. A varied second generation of scholarship, spanning diverse subfields, has built upon this ‘signpost scholarship’ to generate insight into efforts to manage, bypass and even – potentially – transcend multilateral gridlock to address pressing transboundary problems. This article plots a course towards a ‘third generation’ of global governance research, serving to also introduce a special section which brings together leading scholars in the field of global governance, working across theoretical, analytical and issue-area boundaries. This collaborative endeavour proposes to advance a convergence, already underway, across a theoretically and empirically rich existing scholarship, distinguished by a concern for the complexity of global policy delivery. 1 Introduction Although its conceptual, analytical and theoretical boundaries may be hotly debated, global governance is widely viewed as a vital component to addressing transboundary common goods challenges, from large-scale violence to sustainable development, health to climate change, bio-pathogen containment to financial disruption. As Martin Wolf (2012) of the Financial Times suggests, humanity’s efforts to overcome the tragedy of the global commons ‘could prove to be the defining story of the century’.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Gridlock Matters
    \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\88-5\NDL503.txt unknown Seq: 1 2-JUL-13 11:56 WHY GRIDLOCK MATTERS Michael J. Gerhardt* INTRODUCTION A week before the 2012 presidential election, I had the opportunity to speak with a former senator. I asked him about gridlock. I wondered what he would say to my law students who had lost hope in the legislative process because of the gridlock that defined the 112th Congress. He told me that they had good reason to have lost hope. He said that he conceived of the legislative process as a target; that the center of the target represented the areas that were most important to the country and the likeliest ones in which bipartisan agreement could be reached; and that the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“ACA” or “Affordable Care Act”),1 in which he said that President Obama had invested so much time and capital, was on the periph- ery, if not the outside, of the target. He explained that the ACA exceeded the scope of congressional power. He explained that opposing the ACA should be the top priority of legislators and citizens. When I asked him what issues were at the center of the target, he initially did not respond. After I politely pressed him for an answer, he eventually said that there was nothing more important than opposing the health care bill. For him, gridlock had become a constitutional necessity. The former senator’s position on gridlock is hardly unique. Indeed, more than a year before President Obama’s re-election, Antonin Scalia, the longest serving justice on the current Supreme Court, told the Senate Judici- ary Committee that, “Americans should learn to love gridlock .
    [Show full text]
  • How Partisan Gridlock in State Legislatures Encourages the Use of Citizen Initiatives
    blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/usappblog/2015/11/23/how-partisan-gridlock-in-state-legislatures-encourages-the-use-of-citizen-initiatives/ How partisan gridlock in state legislatures encourages the use of citizen initiatives. While partisan gridlock has become a common occurrence in the US Congress, this is also often the case in many state legislatures. In new research, Frederick J. Boehmke, Tracy L. Osborn, and Emily U. Schilling look at one consequence of legislative rules that encourage legislative paralysis – the increasing use of ballot initiatives by citizens. Using data from the American states, they find that as ‘pivotal legislators’ – gatekeepers whose support is needed to overcome a legislative filibuster or gubernatorial veto – become ideologically farther away from the state’s median voter, initiative use increases due to those lawmakers thwarting legislative action to secure preferred outcomes in the form of ballot measures. In the early 20th century, Progressive reformers pushed for institutions of direct legislation, such as the initiative, referendum and recall, as a means to return power to the people and to place a check on elected officials. In this way, the direct initiative process in the American states offers a potential cure for legislative inaction. In the current era of increased legislative polarization and gridlock, such institutions may be more important than ever. In new research, we find that the initiative process can indeed provide an important alternate mechanism for making policy. Yet, the initiative process can potentially both hinder and encourage legislative obstructionism. We show that more burdensome hurdles for legislative action in the American states lead citizens to sponsor more ballot measures in order to alter policy outside the legislative arena.
    [Show full text]
  • Gridlock, Lobbying, and Democracy Joseph P
    University of Cincinnati College of Law University of Cincinnati College of Law Scholarship and Publications Faculty Articles and Other Publications College of Law Faculty Scholarship 2017 Gridlock, Lobbying, and Democracy Joseph P. Tomain University of Cincinnati College of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.uc.edu/fac_pubs Part of the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Joseph P. Tomain, Gridlock, Lobbying, and Democracy, 7 Wake Forest J.L. Pol'y 87 (2017) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Law Faculty Scholarship at University of Cincinnati College of Law Scholarship and Publications. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Articles and Other Publications by an authorized administrator of University of Cincinnati College of Law Scholarship and Publications. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GRIDLOCK, LOBBYING, AND DEMOCRACY JOSEPH P. TOMAINt the Supreme Court vacancy left by W Antoninith the refusalScalia, theto fillSenate adds another layer of gridlock in Washington.' In the recent past, congressional gridlock has threatened to shut down the legislative process by such maneuvers as creating a faux debt crisis and by regularly assailing the president and the executive branch over so-called job-killing regulations.' Through these efforts, obstructionist Republicans have attempted a gridlock hat-trick by trying to shut down each of the three branches of government-at least as far as the headlines go.' The political reality, however, is more nuanced, and gridlock is more complicated than commentators often claim-and not to the public benefit.
    [Show full text]
  • A Theory of Political Gridlock
    Theoretical Economics 12 (2017), 555–586 1555-7561/20170555 A theory of political gridlock Juan Ortner Department of Economics, Boston University This paper studies how electoral incentives influence the outcomes of political ne- gotiations. It considers a game between two political parties that have to bargain over which policy to implement. While bargaining, the parties’ popularity varies over time. Changes in popularity are partly exogenous and partly driven by the parties’ actions. There is an election scheduled at a future date and the party with more popularity at the election date wins the vote. Electoral incentives can have substantial effects on bargaining outcomes. Periods of gridlock may arise when the election is close and parties have similar levels of popularity. Keywords. Bargaining, elections, political gridlock, inefficient delay. JEL classification. C73, C78, D72. 1. Introduction An important element of political negotiations—especially negotiations over high- profile or landmark legislation—is that agreements can have consequences that go well beyond implemented policies. As Binder and Lee (2013) put it, “Negotiation in Congress is never solely about policy; politics and policy are always intertwined.” Beyond policy considerations, political parties usually weigh whether compromising on a given issue is in their best electoral interest. Reaching an agreement can lead to changes in the par- ties’ level of support among voters, and these changes can be of crucial importance in determining electoral outcomes. The goal of the current paper is to study how such elec- toral incentives affect the outcomes of political negotiations. The results shed light on the circumstances under which electoral considerations can lead to periods of gridlock and political inaction.
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism in Eastern Europe During and After Communism
    James Hughes Federalism in Eastern Europe during and after Communism Book section Original citation: Originally published in Fagan, Adam and Kopecký, Petr, (eds.) The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics. Routledge, London, UK. ISBN 9781138919754 © 2018 Routledge This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/69642/ Available in LSE Research Online: March 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Federalism in Eastern Europe during and after Communism James Hughes Chapter 10 Forthcoming in Adam Fagan and Petr Kopecky eds. The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics. Routledge 2017 One of the earliest political visionaries of federalism in Eastern Europe,interwar Polish leader Józef Piłsudski, famously remarked to former socialist comrades that “we both took
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Stephen, Matthew D. Article — Accepted Manuscript (Postprint) Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance Global Governance Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Stephen, Matthew D. (2017) : Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance, Global Governance, ISSN 1942-6720, Brill Nijhoff, Leiden, Vol. 23, Iss. 3, pp. 483-502, http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215866 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu This article was published by Brill in Global Governance, Vol. 23 (2017), Iss. 3, pp. 483–502 (2017/08/19): https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009.
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism and Decentralization – a Critical Survey of Frequently Used Indicators
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics Joint Discussion Paper MAGKS Göttingen Series in Economics Kassel Aachen by the Universities of Siegen Marburg Aachen · Gießen · Göttingen Kassel · Marburg · Siegen Gießen ISSN 1867-3678 No. 21-2008 Lorenz Blume and Stefan Voigt Federalism and Decentralization – A Critical Survey of Frequently Used Indicators This paper can be downloaded from http://www.uni-marburg.de/fb02/makro/forschung/magkspapers/index_html%28magks%29 Coordination: Bernd Hayo • Philipps-University Marburg Faculty of Business Administration and Economics • Universitätsstraße 24, D-35032 Marburg Tel: +49-6421-2823091, Fax: +49-6421-2823088, e-mail: [email protected] Federalism and Decentralization – A Critical Survey of Frequently Used Indicators1 Lorenz Blume * and Stefan Voigt # Abstract: The economic effects of federalism are unclear: some papers find that federalism has strong positive effects on a number of economically relevant variables, others find negative effects. The results often crucially hinge upon the proxies for federalism used. In this paper, we critically survey the existing indicators for both federalism and fiscal decentralization. We argue that federalism is a constitutional institution whereas decentralization is (the outcome of) a policy choice and that the two ought to be systematically distinguished because decentralization can also occur in non-federally structured states. We further argue that institutional details are very important with regard to federalism and that dummy variables usually capture only very specific aspects of the institutional details. We use factor analysis to test whether the latent variables behind the observed indicators support these assumptions.
    [Show full text]
  • Gridlock, Legislative Supremacy, and the Problem of Arbitrary Inaction
    \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\88-5\NDL508.txt unknown Seq: 1 19-JUN-13 11:48 GRIDLOCK, LEGISLATIVE SUPREMACY, AND THE PROBLEM OF ARBITRARY INACTION Michael J. Teter* INTRODUCTION Gridlock has Congress in a headlock. Gripped by stalemate, America’s chief lawmaking body can barely muster the ability to make law. Some argue that this is as it should be—or, at least, as the Framers planned.1 In actuality, rather than furthering the Framers’ vision, gridlock undermines many princi- ples that, together, establish our governmental structure. Specifically, gridlock threatens the fundamental constitutional doctrines of separation of powers and legislative supremacy. Moreover, as many schol- ars have noted,2 the Framers were concerned with preventing arbitrary gov- ernmental action. Gridlock not only makes the arbitrary exercise of governmental power more likely, but also implicates a new concern: the problem of arbitrary inaction. From tax cuts and the budget deficit, to immi- gration policy, to taking up key executive and judicial nominations, gridlock prevents Congress from acting on matters that undoubtedly rest within the proper realm of the federal government. My central thesis, then, is this: congressional gridlock threatens our con- stitutional structure—both as originally constructed in 1787 and as it cur- rently stands. As discussed below, stalemate undermines the core constitutional principles of separation of powers and legislative supremacy, while heightening the risk of arbitrary government decisions—and indeci- 2013 Michael J. Teter. Individuals and nonprofit institutions may reproduce and distribute copies of this Article in any format at or below cost, for educational purposes, so long as each copy identifies the author, provides a citation to the Notre Dame Law Review, and includes this provision in the copyright notice.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
    CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ⃺ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized.
    [Show full text]
  • Internal Separation of Powers: Checking Today's Most Dangerous Branch from Within
    Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2006 Internal Separation of Powers: Checking Today's Most Dangerous Branch from Within Neal K. Katyal Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1882 https://ssrn.com/abstract=900820 115 Yale L.J. 2314 (2005-2006) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Legislation Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons NEAL KUMAR KATYAL Internal Separation of Powers: Checking Today's Most Dangerous Branch from Within ABSTRACT. The standard conception of separation of powers presumes three branches with equivalent ambitions of maximizing their powers. Today, however, legislative abdication is the reigning modus operandi. Instead of bemoaning this state of affairs, this Essay asks how separation of powers can be reflected within the executive branch when that branch, not the legislature, is making much of the law today. The first-best concept of "legislature v. executive" checks and balances must be updated to contemplate second-best "executive v. executive" divisions. A critical mechanism to promote internal separation of powers is bureaucracy. Much maligned by both the political left and right, bureaucracy serves crucial functions. It creates a civil service not beholden to any particular administration and a cadre of experts with a long- term institutional worldview. This Essay therefore proposes a set of mechanisms that can create checks and balances within the executive branch in the foreign affairs area.
    [Show full text]