THE SEASONAL AGRICULTURAL WORKERS PROGRAM IN ONTARIO: FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF JAMAiCAN MIGRANTS A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Guelph by KIMBERLY KNOWLES In partial fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Master of Arts May, 1997 Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services seMces bibliographiques 395 WetiIington Street 395. rue Wellington 0th- ON K1A ON4 Ortawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence dowing the exclusive permettant à la National Librq of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distri'bute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nIm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be p~tedor otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation, THE SEASONAL AGRICULTURAL WORKERS PROGRAM IN ONTAMO: FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF JAMAiCAN MIGRANTS Kirnberly Knowles Advisor: University of Guelph, 1997 Anthony Winson The phenornenon of offshore migrant labour in Canada poses an interesting challenge to the literature deding with unfree labour relations in capitaiist societies. This thesis uses in-depth interviews with Jamaican migrant labourers in Ontario. dong with supporting statistical data to further our understanding of the subjective domain of labour relations in agriculture- According to the literature The Seasonai Agricultural Workers Program constitutes a system of unfree labour, and many employers in the Ontario agricultural sector benefit frorn this system. Jarnaican migrant workers do not necessarily share this view of unfreedom. While recognising the definite restrictions as defined in the contract. these migrants accept the conditions of employment as a trade off for the opportunity of matenal advancement not available to them in Jamaica. This discrepancy over the definition of unfree labour reflects the disparities between the North and the South. and needs to be addressed. In making my acknowledgernents please understand that the foiiowing people do not necessariiy share my views, but they have helped or supported me dong the way. 1 would Like tû thank the Chanda family, particulariy Lynda, for her help in getting thïs project started, for the years of employment, and for the fienriship. Thanks also to the farmers in my comrnunity who shared their concems and ideas with me. Thank you to rny wonderful research assistant, my sister Kris, without her 1 could not have accomplished the field work in Jamaica. Thank you to my father who aliowed me to bounce ideas off of him, and to Maria Schneidersmann who taiked out concepts and themes with me. Particular thanks to my advisor, Tony Winson and cornmittee memkrs Vic Satzewich and Glen Fison. Tony and Vic provided guidance and encouragement throughout the project, and were always available to answer questions or have discussions. GIen importantly chailenged my ideas and provided support. Thank you to the wonderfui Jmaican families who opened their doors to Kris and 1, your hospitality and generosity is appreciated. Finally, and most importantly, thank you to the many Jarnaican migrants whom 1 have met, shared ideas and concems with, and who patiently answered my questions. 1 hope I have represented you weii. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: AN INTRODUCTION 1 PART ONE: PROVIDING TEE FRAMEWORK 8 CHAPTER 2: HISTORY AND BACKGROUND 9 HISTORY OF OUT-MIGRATION 9 HISTORY OF FARM LABOUR IN ONTARIO 13 SPECIFICS OF THE PROGRAM 17 CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 22 THE ROLE OF THE STATE 23 The Concept of Unfree Labour 26 THE ECONOMK REALITES 30 Unemployment and Underemployment 3 1 Rernittances 33 THE SOCIAL DIMENSIONS 38 Isolation 39 The Relationship With the Employer 4 1 PART TWO: PRACTICAL ORIENTATIONS 47 CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY AND THE FIELD WORK EXPERIENCE 49 GOALS 49 THE RESEARCH DESIGN 52 GAINING ACCESS 55 PRACTICAL CHALLENGES 56 CHAPTER 5: THE STATE AND LIVING AND WORKING CONDITIONS 58 THE STATE 58 The Liaison Officer 58 Recruitment 64 LMNG AND WORIUNG CONDITIONS 68 Living Conditions 68 Working Conditions 72 Working Hours 75 Work Experiences 76 Injuries 78 MAKING SENSE OF THEORY AND OBSERVATIONS 79 The State 79 Living Conditions 84 Working Conditions 84 Chapter 6: FREEDOM AND SOCIAL LIFE OF MIGRANT WORKERS 88 FREEDOM 88 Migration and Immigration 88 The Problem of Transportation 92 The Opportunity to Travel 92 Relationship With Employer 93 Restrictions in Jaxnaica 94 The Contract 95 SOCIAL CONDrnONS 99 Cornparing Social Life 103 Discrimination 106 MAKING SENSE OF THEORY AND OBSERVATIONS 110 Freedorn and Social Life 1 10 CHAPTER 7: ECONOMIC WALITIES 115 ECONOMIC REALITES 1 15 Ernployrnent 1 16 The Beneftis of Work in Canada 1 18 Hard Work, Little Pay 12 1 Importance of the Money 123 MAKING SENSE OF THEORY AND OBSERVATIONS 124 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION 127 APPENDICES 139 Appendix A: Arrivals and Contract Completions 139 Appendix B: Workers by Commodity 140 Appendix C: 1996 Prevailing Wage Rate 141 Appendix D: Interview Outline 142 Appendix E: Map of Jarnaiczt 144 LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Breakdown of migrant arrivais by country in 1994, 1995 16 Table 2: AWOL statistics, 1986 - 1995 90 CHAPTER ONE AN INTRODUCTION The central concem of this thesis is to provide an andysis of the meaning that migrant workers attach to their participation in a system of unfree labour in Ontario agriculture. More specifically the aim is to explore the most important aspects of migrant labourers' experiences in Ontario in the Seasonai Agricultural Workers program, using the starting point of the concept of unfree labour fiom the literature (Miles 1987, Satzewich 1989, 1991, Wail 1987). The concept of unfree labour is a usefui one in the sense that it accurately depicts the situation of Caribbean (or Mexican) migrant labour in Ontario as not the having basic freedoms that Canadian labour enjoys. Migrant workers may not circulate freely on the labour market and they rnay not settle in Canada permanently, therefore the state is not responsible for the worker or the worker's farnily in the off season. in another sense the concept of unfree labour is deceiving as it implies a relationship of indentured labour or slavery, in other words a lack of agency on the part of the migrant It is as though the migrant has been acted upon, rather than king an actor in his or her own right- This structural analysis fails to recognise tbat the migrant labourer has made a choice to migrate based upon individual and collective realities. if 1 may go one step Mer, what is purported to be unfreedorn in the literature frorn the North, may be a source of fieedom to those frorn the South (freedom to travel, freedom frorn economic hardship, freedom from unemployment). However, it is precisely because of the disparities between North and South that a discrepancy between what is free and what is not free may exist. Migrating to find work is not a new phenomenon in Jamaica. It can be attributed to rnacro-level problems such as a shortage of productive land, high unernploymenc and underernployment. as well as individuai incentives such as the desire to travel. This thesis attempts to provide the Jarnaican migrant worker with a voice, something largely absent in the literature on this migrant labour program and uncornmon in migration literature in general. By emphasizing the agency of the migrant worker the thesis wiii examine the constraints and decisions of this group of workers: what are their concerns, what are their issues, and how do they define their freedom or unfreedorn in Canada? in the process of this thesis 1 will describe the experiences of Jamaican migrant labourers in Ontario and the role of the state in stnicturing these experiences. I will explore employer-employee relations, the influence of the North - South disparities, and ultimately 1 will acknowledge the agency invotved in the choice of the labourers to migrate. Gardner (1995) writes that a major problem with studies of migration is that they operate at two different leveIs of analysis: individual and structural. Often only the structural level is discussed, and such a discussion fails to acknowledge the meanings that individuais and their communities give to migration that directly fiects them (Gardner 1995:3). In this thesis 1 wiii provide both a structural and individuai, as well as theoretical and personal anaiysis of migration. In Canada, Iittle is known about these men and a smail number of women who come to Ontario every year to work in the agricultural sector. 1 have decided to do qualitative research to acquire a subjective account of the migrant labour program, something Hammersley and Atkinson (1995: 1-2) loosely cal1 ethnographie methodology. Ethnography attempts to understand how people make sense of their world in everyday life. 1 recognise that my particuiar lenses influence how 1 interpret individuai voices as weli as how 1 interpret the roles of other actors and structures involved in the migrant labour program. 1 am female, white, Canadian, an academic. Those are my obvious identities. As well, 1 was raised on a farm, experienced first hand the challenges of securing reliable labour, and later worked for another farmer for four seasons dong side Jamaican migrants (and made some good friends). These perspectives have contributed to the empathy that 1 have for farmers, many of whorn work very hard to remain cornpetitive in the global market and ultimately survive as farmers.