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Published : March 2009 Cover Illustration : Nikita Jain Design & Layout : Sushmita Mandal & Rohan D’Souza

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ______3 ACRONYMS ______4 LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS ______5 PROGRAMME SUPPORT ______6 Rationale for Programme______7 1. Influences that Shaped the Program ______8 2. Stakeholder Roles ______10 3. Gaps and Expectations in Stakeholder Roles ______10 4. Scope as Defined by Stakeholder Roles ______11 5. Scope As Defined by Site-wise Variables ______12 6. Realigning Strategic Framework and Objectives ______14 7. Central Questions and Objectives______15 Intervention and Results ______16 1. Socio-economic Analysis and Livelihood Intervention ______16 1.1 Findings on Socio-economic Analysis ______19 1.2 Learnings ______20 2. Institutions and Governance______20 2.1 State Representation ______22 2.2 Community Representation ______23 2.3 Findings on Institutions and Customs ______24 3. Ecological and Conservation Status ______26 3.1` Findings on Conservation and Sustainability ______30 Working Within Consonant Policy Frameworks for a Rights-based Approach______31 1. JFM Policy ______31 2. WPA Amendment ______31 3. Recognition of Forest Rights Act, 2006 (RFRA)______32 4. Biodiversity Conservation and Rural Livelihoods Improvement Project ______33 Conclusion and Way Forward ______34 Sites ______36 1. Site Summary ______37 2. Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple WLS ______40 2.1 Background______41 2.2 Key Issues ______42 2.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention ______42 2.4 Selection of Villages ______42 2.5 Socio-economic Status______43 2.6 Community Aspirations______46 2.7 Institutions______47 2.8 Ecological Status ______52 3. ______57 3.1 Background ______58 3.2 Key Issues ______59 3.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention ______59 3.4 Selection of Villages ______59 3.5 Socio-economic Status______60 3.6 Institutions______65 3.7 Ecological status ______72 4. Kanakapura ______75 4.1 Background______76 4.2 Key Issues ______76 4.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention ______76 4.4 Selection of Villages ______77 4.5 Socio-economic Status______77 4.6 Institutions______82 4.7 Education______86 4.8 Ecological Status ______86 5. ______88 5.1 Background______89 5.2 Key Issues ______90 5.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention ______90 5.4 Selection of Villages ______90 5.5 Socio-economic Status ______91 5.6 Institutions______98 5.7 Ecological Status______100 6. Kalakkad Mundanthurai Reserve______102 6.1 Background ______103 6.2 Key Issues______104 6.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention ______104 6.4 Selection of Villages ______105 6.5 Socio Economic Status ______105 6.6 Institutions______112 6.7 Ecological Status______116 6.9 Way Forward______120 COMMUNITY BASED CONSERVATION CENTRES ______121 SMALL GRANTS PROGRAMME ______124 CONSERVATION EDUCATION ______129 ENDOWMENT FUND ______130 IDENTIFYING BIODIVERSITY HERITAGE SITES IN THE WESTERN GHATS___132 REFERENCES ______135

2 Acknowledgements

This report would not have been possible without data, information, and technical support from colleagues. Sharada Ramadoss provided useful comments, data, information, and guidance that substantially improved our work. We also acknowledge the efforts of Seema Purushottam and Sheetal Patil for compiling and analyzing the socio-economic data, Sajid Pareeth for the GIS maps of site locations. Samuel Thomas, H Manjunatha and Bansuri Taneja for providing critical inputs and support to the programme.

Thanks also to the Forest Departments of and for providing us permission to work in the sites and District administration of Chamrajanagara, Ramanagara, of Karnataka and , Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu. We thank VGKK, SAS, CCD, ACT Foundation, Samruddhi and Kalpavriksh for support, inputs and collaborative efforts during the project period.

We duly thank Ms Madhu Sarin who has been the project consultant and a guiding force with her critical support in taking the programme forward. Her inputs to the project helped us arrive at a cohesive framework to work with.

Finally we are grateful to Sir Dorabji Tata Trust for their financial support that has been integral to the project.

3 Acronyms used in the Report

ATREE : Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment BCRLIP : Biodiversity Conservation and Rural Livelihood Improvement BRT : Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple C&LP : Conservation and Livelihoods Programme CBD : Convention on Biological Biodiversity CCC : Community Conservation Centre CCD : Covenant Centre for Development CWLS : Cauvery Wildlife Sanctuary DC : District Commissioner DSWO : District Social Welfare Officer FD : Forest Department GIS : Geographic Information System GMCL : Gram Mooligai Company Ltd. GoI : Government of India HH : Household JFM : Joint Forest Management KMTR : Kalakkad Mundanthurai Tiger Reserve KVG : Kitchen Vegetable Garden LCC : Lantana Craft Centre MM Hills : Male Mahadeshwara Hills MoEF : Ministry of Environment and Forests MPCG : Medicinal Cultivators Group MPGG : Medicinal Plants Gatherers Group MPHG : Multipurpose Home Gardens MSMSSK : Moologai Seharippu Matrum Sahupadi Sangangalin Kottamaippu NGO : Non-government Organization NRM : Natural Resource Management NTFP : Non-timber Forest Produce PA : Protected Area PRI : Panchayati Raj Institution RF : Reserved Forest RFRA : Recognition of Forest Rights Act SAS : Soliga Abhivruddhi sangha SHG : Self-help Group TAP : Tamil Nadu Afforestation Program VFC : Village Forest Committee VGKK : Vivekananda Girijana Kalyana Kendra WLPA/ WPA : Wildlife Protection Act WLS : Wildlife Sanctuary

4 LIST OF FIGURES & MAPS FIGURES Fig.1 Percentage Income from Various Sources - BRT Fig.2 Net Agriculture Income/HH/Annum - BRT Fig.3 Net NTFP Income /Annum - BRT Fig.4 Size-class distribution curve for Phyllanthus spp. BRT Fig.5 Percentage of Income Various Sources MM Hills Fig.6 Net income from NTFPs/HH/Annum MM Hills Fig.7 Percentage Income from Fuel and Bamboo Basketry/HH/Annum MM Hills Fig.8 Income distribution from NTFP Fig.9 Size class distribution curves for Phyllanthus emblica, P. indofischeri & Terminalia chebula- MM Hills Fig.10 Effects of grazing on Phyllanthus emblica, P. indofischeri and Terminalia chebula densities- MM Hills Fig.11 Percentage Income from Various Sources Kanakpura Fig.12 Landholding vs. Net Agri-income/HH/Annum - Kanakpura Fig.13 Percentage of Net Agri-income and Forest Income Kanakpura Fig.14 Percentage HH Expenses Kanakpura Fig.15 Size class Distribution Curve for Phyllanthus and Tamarindus indica- Kanakpura Fig.16 Percentage Income/HH/Annum - Natham Fig.17 Percentage Agricultural Cash and Non-cash/HH/Annum - Natham Fig.18 Percentage NTFP Cash and Non-cash income/HH/Annum - Natham Fig.19 Percentage Fuel wood and Other NTFP Cash & Non-Cash Income /HH/Annum Natham Fig.20 Landholding vs. NTFP Income in Rs/Annum Natham Fig.21 Size-class Density Curve for Gymnema sylvestre Natham Fig.22 Land Distribution by Caste - KMTR Fig.23 Landholding Size in Villages KMTR Fig.24 Gross Income from Agriculture KMTR Fig.25 Percent Net Income from Various Sources - KMTR Fig.26 Fuel Options - KMTR Fig.27 Species' Use KMTR Fig.28 Survival Rate of Useful Species - KMTR Fig.29 Size class Distribution KMTR MAPS Map 1 - All CLP Sites Map 2 - CLP villages in BRT Map 3 - Traditional Clan boundaries mapped with Soliga elders Map 4 - CLP villages in MM Hills Map 5 - CLP villages in Kanakapura Map 6 - CLP villages in Natham Map 7 - CLP villages in KMTR Map8 - Proposed Biodiversity Heritage Sites in India

5 PROGRAMME SUPPORT

MAP-1: All CLP sites

6 Rationale for Programme

There are sharply conflicting views on whether the goals of conservation and livelihoods can be reconciled. One argument maintains that the only possible way to conserve biodiversity is by creating boundaries around landscapes and excluding people from it. The counter view is that people's use of forests should be seen as an important part of conservation. These views are reflected in the way conservation and livelihoods have been defined, and in the way different stakeholders in conservation choose to approach the problem of reconciling conservation with human agency.

A wide range of studies on the interface between natural resource management and livelihoods has established that a local community's right to resource or conservation area is a significant determining factor in the outcome of the conservation effort. When access is granted in an ad hoc manner to all, including the local community, or withheld from the local, motivation for conservation is found to be low and can lead to indiscriminate resource use. On the other hand, where a local community is granted legal right to access resources, the assurance of sustained livelihood encourages sustainable harvest practices. This defines a middle ground where it might be possible to seek solutions to conserve biodiversity, as well as sustain livelihoods. An important outcome of explorations of such a possibility has been that communities have been given space to air their views.

At ATREE, the definition of livelihoods has been expanded. Earlier, 'livelihoods' was defined in economic terms, that is, whether the income or produce fulfils the household's own requirements, whether it exceeds needs, or falls short. The term now accommodates elements that may provide stability to, or decrease vulnerability of livelihoods: like tenure, legal right to access, coping mechanisms or alternative livelihood sources: especially in times of stress, presence or absence of representative community institutions, and possibility of a more participative role. The inclusion of these aspects has influenced the way the program has developed.

The strategy for community engagement has been to build community role in resource management and in creating better livelihoods. The aim has been to correct the imbalance in state and community participation in ecosystem management and use. The most prominent move has been towards a rights-based approach that demands community inclusion in matters that affect security, tenure and livelihoods. There is an attempt to make traditional knowledge, customs and practices, and participatory rights, a part of the solution that aims at a decentralised system of resource governance.

7 ATREE follows Ribot, who says, “Local democratic decision making can improve natural resource management while natural resource management can enable local democracy. Democratic representation can help incorporate local knowledge and multiple local voices, and hence the implications of actions, into decision making about resource use. By providing a domain of discretion and substantive powers, natural resources have the potential to strengthen, legitimize, and sustain local authorities. They enable local authorities to act in ways that are useful to local people, giving local people reason to engage local government. When government has meaningful powers and is open to influence by the people they represent, local people are transformed from managed subjects into engaged citizens.” (Ribot 2002)

The C&LP, in its course of work, has also realized the need for a more inclusive system of governance of forests, which is representative of the community as well as constitutionally recognized. A decentralized democratic system legitimizes the local democratic institution such as Gram Sabha, which in our course of work, has emerged as the appropriate institution to work with. As Ribot points out, “It (local government) is an institutionalized form of popular participation. Because local government, however imperfect it may be, serves multiple purposes and is a permanent public institution, it can be sustained beyond the end of focused projects and outside interventions.” (Ribot 2002)

1. Influences that Shaped the Program Three important events have shaped the C&LP course. Two events are policy-related. And one has been the result of a jump in the learning curve, assisted by an external consultancy and our own field experience.

The events that influenced program course, in chronological order, are: a. Recommendations of SDTT-appointed consultant, Madhu Sarin, 2005. Madhu Sarin's recommendations were based on:

n ATREE's inter-disciplinary capabilities, which could be re-directed to a more holistic outcome by including a wider repertoire of factors influencing biodiversity conservation and livelihoods.

n The inadequacy of the existing approach that was based on tactical requirements of individual sites, and had assumed a fragmented shape. The program could aim for a more cohesive picture.

n Madhu Sarin's own long-term association with issues pertaining to participatory forest governance in SE Asia.

Madhu Sarin's questioning re-opened the debate on the diffuse nature of artificial boundaries around forests, on how communities might exist in an ecosystem, the incentives and

8 disincentives towards stewardship of forest resources that local communities might experience as a result of laxity or restriction of access. The result has been a program with an approach that emphasizes the role of self-governance and community participation in conservation and livelihoods.

b. Effect of Implementation of WPA Amendment in BRT, 2006 Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple (BRT) Wildlife Sanctuary became an example of how denial of secure access can affect relationships between those experiencing this restraint and those exercising it, and the possible erosion of stewardship of forest resources as a result of such face-off.

The 2002 Amendment of the Wildlife Protection Act banned all NTFP (non-timber forest product) collection in protected areas. In BRT, where the relationship between the Forest Department and the indigenous Soligas was exemplarily amicable, access was not affected. BRT became the only site in the country where it was still possible to study the affect of NTFP extraction on the ecosystem.

However, in 2006, the ban was implemented in BRT and the relationship between the FD and communities nosedived. The situation was exacerbated by a forest fire, for which the FD summarily accused the Soligas, even though it had no evidence. BRT had demonstrated a peaceful negotiation of collaborative use and collaborative responsibility between state and community stakeholders. The events of 2006 altered that dramatically. A community, used to pragmatic use of resources and its conservation, turned indifferent.

For ATREE, this came at a time when the Conservation and Livelihoods Program was already hovering at the edge of change, taking a turn towards exactly those issues that now affected BRT: how access was imperative to livelihoods, and livelihoods to ownership of resources and conservation. The lessons from BRT were stark and unequivocal, and affirmed for ATREE that the intervention was moving in the right direction. c. Recognition of Forest Rights Act (RFRA), 2006 The Recognition of Forest Rights Act gave momentum to C&LP objectives already geared towards access, participation and local governance. The entire perspective of the program's work on tribal and forest-fringe livelihoods issues shifted to accommodate the possibilities of the new Act.

9 2. Stakeholder Roles The primary players are the community and FD, supported by community-based and civic institutions, and external market forces. The grey areas in the table below highlight the dearth of community representation in resource management and the lack of FD accountability to community. Community FD Community Civic Markets Institutions Institutions Resource Use ***** ** *** * ** Resource Management Participation Marginal **** Marginal x x Representation Skewed ** Marginal x x Accountability  Upward Downward x x Protection ? ** x x x Influence over x decisions ***** ** *** *** Decision x making ***** ** ** *** Tenure x  x x x Security Overall Maximum Revenue Limited No decision Indirect Picture dependency, benefits, all representation making influence no decision decision- and no powers but over making making decision can influence decision powers powers making powers both state and making community

3. Gaps and Expectations in Stakeholder Roles The picture is starkly undemocratic. Of all those who have a stake in the ecosystem, indigenous communities have the maximum to lose if conservation is neglected or the ecosystem compromised. However, they are also the ones with the lowest decibel vote in the management of their environment.

The FD, the main keeper of biodiversity conservation, has minimal accountability to the community. All demands on the FD, other than conservation (and revenue generation), are secondary. Therefore the official framework within which the FD might try to reconcile livelihoods with conservation is structurally weak. The FD has accountability to the state, and now, after recognition of some areas as world heritage biodiversity hotspots, also to an international community. Under India's commitment to international conventions, like the Convention on Biological Biodiversity, the state is required to pass legislations to ensure rights of indigenous communities, as in Article 8(j) of the CBD. These legislations are passed, but not necessarily implemented in spirit. Since there is no measure related to the role indigenous

10 communities play in conservation, and since they have no voice, it has been easier for the FD to assume no accountability towards them.

The other primary stakeholder – the community – is mute and unheard in the entire spectrum of the resource management process. Working the observation that an assurance of right to resource use would result in heightened stakes in conservation of resource, the C&LP strategy has been to correct the imbalance in resource management responsibilities between the main stakeholders the FD and the community.

4. Scope as Defined by Stakeholder Roles The scope of the intervention has expanded in recent years from activity-based intervention to a governance and institution-based focus. Due to socio-economic, political, institutional and ecological differences between sites, each site has demanded an urgent course of action, which still had to be contained within a coherent framework defined by the new orientation of the program.

The conservation and livelihoods perspective has been geared towards strengthening, instead of effacing the bond between the community and the ecosystem. It assumes, on historical evidence, the direct relationship between security of tenure and stewardship of the resource being used. From the livelihoods perspective, a variety of legal strictures on resource use by a local community have had a multitude of effects. At the conservation-livelihoods interface, the effect might be that insecure right of access to the forest resource diminishes the sense of affinity with conserving the resource. This can lead to cessation of careful resource or eco-system management, or stewardship that local communities may have exercised to protect forests from overuse by non-local entities. A model of conservation that has no place for human resource use can create conservation refugees, which can eventually lead to a further reduction in the constituency for conservation. Or, where use rights are selectively granted by the resource owning bureaucracy, it creates a situation of insecurity regarding the continuation of livelihoods.

As observed, this perspective is not shared by all stakeholders. The state, represented by the FD, has always held a centralized approach that excluded the community. So engagement with stakeholders has called for influencing or bending existing attitudes towards more inclusive resource management practices, while also assessing capacity for responsible resource use and the strain placed on the ecosystem because of such use. This has required:

n Institutional collaboration with organizations representative of community interests.

n Non-confrontational dialogue, advocacy and policy-influencing with state-appointed institutions and departments.

n And implementation of livelihood or other interventions in keeping with the expressed needs and capacities of the communities.

11 The community's role in protection and stewardship has been demonstrated in BRT WLS. ATREE's work in BRT (where we have had opportunity to observe the effect of harvest on regeneration and positive sustainability of a species) underlines the fact that one needs to factor in stewardship to arrive at an equation of ecosystem loss or gain.

The extent to which the program can engage with communities and institutions has been decided by the status of existing community representation:

n Whether community representation exists

n What its capacities are

n How representative it is of the community

n What its relationship is with state representation

5. Scope As Defined by Site-wise Variables The breadth of program engagement has also had to be tailored as per specific local needs, or circumstances that have had a deciding role in livelihood or conservation status at that site. The variables have been diverse. A summing up may be possible under the following heads:

12 Social Variables Policy Variables Ecosystem Variables

· Secure tenure, or · Open access · Extent of number of landless regime biodiversity depletion households · Legal right of and ecological status · Access rights: The access/ denial of of the forest to nature of the access and the support NTFP intervention had to institutional harvest be fine-tuned for mechanism to · Possibilities of PAs, where the counter this regeneration/ WPA Amendment · WPA, RFRA and reclamation bans NTFP the possibilities · Resource availability collection of action under (commons, water) · NTFP use: these · Quality of land Subsistence and · State of · Distance from cash needs community resources · Alternative income empowerment · Human-wildlife sources available to through local conflict the community institutions · Rural/ peri-urban · Community’s · Monopolistic geography access to markets trade practices · Social and gender that undermine inequities that may community rights affect benefit sharing or participation · Erosion of traditional knowledge

Some variables change the character of the intervention dramatically at the site, and they need to be acknowledged within the scope of the C&LP.

13 6. Realigning Strategic Framework and Objectives According to our changed perspective, the term 'livelihoods' now encompasses, besides income : rights, access, participation in decision-making, and resource management. The premise on which the strategy for the C&LP is based is:

n That local communities are integral to the conservation effort, and

n That a participatory and inclusive approach that reconciles livelihoods and biodiversity conservation is possible.

What this has meant for the program is the recognition that communities be included in what are typically state-managed decisions, and the rights of the communities that live in this ecosystem be acknowledged. This has brought ATREE face to face with:

n A redefinition of the ecosystem to include indigenous people which in turn, has demanded capacity for dialogue and participatory inclusion, apart from field observation and site-specific prescriptions.

n Collaboration with rights-based institutions for participatory governance.

n Engagement with policy, and tracking how it influences and unfolds at the community level.

This rights-based approach assumes that livelihoods will be part of the basket of benefits that should accrue once the community has legal opportunities to claim rights and participate in decision-making. It also assumes that conservation of the ecosystem will benefit by building stakes for resource management within the community.

Changing program course has not been a straightforward process. The C&LP team had gained traction on issues at the 5 sites, which now had to be revised or reconfigured to fit into the new strategic framework. This has required a period of internalization and unlearning some fundamentals. Existing issues had to be steered into pertinent frameworks of the larger effort. Inter-disciplinary capacities were re-assessed to estimate how they could be leveraged. Existing capacities were audited to manage and implement new processes. Existing thought that leaned towards weaning local populace from forest dependency was replaced with a philosophy that encouraged community involvement, while also recognizing that not only are ecological processes stochastic, but that human use might be benign or destructive depending on scale, actors, policies, and institutions. The interplay of variables demanded a more dynamic and adaptive response, while on the ground, at field level, there was a constant struggle to overcome the inertia of our earlier, more set, premises.

As explained in an earlier section, the conservation and livelihoods program has been formed in response to a series of external stimuli that have created a chronology of opportunities and challenges (Madhu Sarin consultancy, RFRA, WPA ban on NTFP collection).

14 7. Central Questions and Objectives The central question that informs the C&LP work is: 'Under what conditions is it possible to conserve biodiversity along with sustainable use of forest resources?' So the primary task of the C&LP has been engagement with stakeholders to derive an understanding of how they relate to each other and to the ecosystem. The key tasks have been: 1. Understanding forest and non-forest resource use profile and socio-economic status of households dependent on the forest and non-forest landscape. 2. Determining the ecological condition of the resource landscape and ecosystem response to resource use. 3. Exploring and using institutional spaces to enable equitable and sustainable livelihood and resource use approaches.

The objectives that have guided the C&LP program have been formed in concordance with the above perspective:

n To promote participative and collaborative governance in resource use and management, and accountability for the same within the existing policy framework.

n To strengthen community institutions. Empower the local community to exercise more rights to the forest produce that they are dependent on.

n To monitor ecological status using available scientific and traditional methods.

n To influence policies through civic and community-based organizations.

The methods adopted are:

N Engagement with community to assess NTFP dependency

n Engagement with community to build a case for tenure and secure access

n Engagement with institutions – state and community– based

n Working with policy frameworks that provide opportunities for democratic self governance

n Recording ecological and conservation status of the landscape

15 Intervention and Results

1. Socio-economic Analysis and Livelihood Intervention The programme started with natural resource based livelihood intervention, which was envisaged as contributing to the household income and also diversifying livelihood options available to the community. Farm-based livelihood intervention, including agro-forestry and multiple home garden systems, were introduced. Lantana Craft Centre has gone a long way since its inception.

Some of the highlights of the livelihood intervention have been:

n Interactions on dry land management and sustainable agriculture practices facilitated.

n Use of common lands for purposes like growing fuelwood species planned.

n Multipurpose Home Garden Program launched to supplement household income and to improve nutritional component of diet.

n Agro biodiversity mapping carried out in different landscapes for mono-crop patches, mixed crop, agro-silvicultural, sacred forest, reserve forest and slash-and-burn cultivated patches.

n Harvester forum established to address issues related to NTFP collection, value addition and sale.

n Lantana Craft Centre formed to improve income by replacing bamboo with alternative material, and to address lantana invasion.

During field implementation of such activities it was found that communities were adopting some practices, whereas some could not be replicated. Marketing and enterprise related activities, clearly not the domain of our work, were a challenge.

The field learning that emerged was that broader issues within livelihoods needed to be understood. The PRA and the socio-economic analysis that was simultaneously being implemented helped us understand the existing livelihood scenario in a much more nuanced manner. It was clear that a much more participatory and right-based approach needed to be adopted in order to address resource use and advocate for sustained livelihoods in the long run.

The C&LP aim has been to enable these communities to claim and assert their livelihood rights through the working of local institutions that best suit the particular communities, are relatively independent of line departments but are supported by the state, and are viable in the long-term.

The first step towards a more inclusive, participatory approach has been to understand the communities and their socio-cultural and livelihood engagement with the landscape that they

16 have inhabited for generations. Therefore the programme made efforts to:

n Build an understanding of the community, its needs and aspirations.

n Understand community's use of forest and non-forest products.

n Understand the contribution of NTFP to the socio-economic status, or the extent of dependency on the forest.

n Identify institutional spaces that can address community rights and representation.

Thus, to strengthen the participatory component, we started with Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA). “Participatory Rural Appraisal is a family of approaches and methods to enable local people to share, enhance, and analyze their knowledge of life and conditions, to plan, and to act” (Chambers 1999). It makes use of a wide range of visualization methods for group-based analysis to deal with spatial and temporal aspects of social and environmental problems. It mainly deals with a community-level scale of analysis, but is increasingly being used to negotiate higher level, systemic problems. PRA provides a structure and many practical ideas to help stimulate local participation in the creation and sharing of new insights. (http://portals.wi.wur.nl/ppme/content.php?Participatory_Rural_Appraisal_ (PRA)) Conducting PRAs was initially envisaged primarily as a point of entry into the villages. Over time, the practice of PRAs has, however, enhanced our ability to perceive the landscape of intervention from the point of view of the community and the team has come away with a better appreciation of the importance of variables seemingly unrelated to conservation issues at the field level, e.g. food production, water availability etc. Equity dimensions have also taken more real form in the course of the PRAs: as concepts, such as the participation of women and children. Monopolisation of narratives has been paid greater heed.

The various methods used in PRA were: Diagram Priority Seasonal Time trends Venn matrix calendar diagram Map Transe c t Entire Helps to Provides local Helps to community identify lean perspective identify Provides Builds involved in periods for on time marginalized alternative rapport with prioritizing resources and changes in individuals database locals needs and timing of natural and groups development supply of key resources, within the Depicts Supports initiatives farm inputs ecology etc. village differing local maps of local perception of resources/ local needs problems/needs

17 Through time lines and transects, community history of transitions that has shaped their socio- economic and cultural systems was established, specially in the context of Soligas in BRT and MM Hills. This was also placed in the ecological context to relate its impact on their livelihood and socio-economic process. A detailed understanding of this has been captured in the site- specific sections.

Apart from PRA, socio-economic household surveys were also carried out. Towards this, the selection of villages was based on certain criteria:

n Villages have been selected under one, or maximum two Panchayats, to consolidate action under a common institution.

n Three to six villages have been selected, based on local gradients of tenurial arrangements, vegetation types, livelihood systems, socio-economic status, cultural characteristics, length of settlement/ residence in the area, distance from forest/ markets, access to forests/ markets etc.

n So identification of podus/ settlements has been based on location (forest/ sanctuary), primary occupation (agriculture, NTFP, wage labour, migration etc.), access to alternative income sources, availability of land pattas etc.

The main purpose of this has been to:

n Provide baseline for assessing future scenario

n Assess socio-economic status of communities at different locations

n Compare socio-economic situation under differential access to forests, and rights over forests

n Provide a pre-FRA situation for comparison with FRA implemented

Data has been collected on:

n Household income-cash and subsistence; forest-based, agricultural and others (wages from labour etc.); profits from value addition; distribution of income by gender and age; landholdings and other capital assets.

n Livelihood systems-including agriculture, NTFP, forestry based livestock, non-forest resource based, and their interactions and overlaps. A detailed assessment of on-farm diversity and farming techniques also made.

18 1.1 Findings on Socio-economic Analysis The major findings that have emerged from this are:

1. Livelihood outcomes are largely dependent on optimizing on existing access to resources and opportunities. Livelihood strategies across the 5 sites reflect a diversified portfolio. The diversification of livelihood strategies is dependent on access to resources and opportunities. To cite an example from BRT; the village of Yarakanagadde with average landholding of 1.23 acres, gets 15% of its total income from agriculture, 68% from wage based incomes and 10% from NTFP; while Keredembha with average landholding of 1.22 acres has 33% contribution from agriculture, 21% from wage based income and 39% from NTFPs. These two examples delineate patterns of available asset optimization. Yarakanagadde, located in the deciduous forests, close to the road, with a higher literacy rate, engages more in wage-based incomes, such sources being accessible and available. While Keredembha, located in the evergreen forests, with no access to proper roads, optimises from a diversity of sources, depending on seasonality, availability and accessibility to assets. Similar patterns of optimising on available and accessible resources are seen across the other sites as well.

2. NTFP incomes are variable, based on access to other sources of income and to products for collection and sale. NTFP incomes reflect wide variation across the five sites. Dependence on NTFPs is dependent on several factors including access, marketing options and variety of NTFP available. As is evident, Natham has some of the highest averages in NTFP income, largely because of sound marketing through federating bodies crafted by CCD. While in Kanakapura and MM Hills, returns from NTFP are comparatively low because of the absence of any marketing bodies for selling the NTFP and thereby reaping profits. Thus, due to availability of other sources of incomes and also uncertainty in NTFP incomes, communities in both these sites depend on other sources of income. KMTR, with its strict 'protection' regime, disallows any NTFP collection. But poor, landless families in the landscape do access the forest for fuelwood collection.

3. Income from wage labour has become a critical source of income in most sites. Results indicate the growing trend in wage-based incomes, either available locally or by migrating to estates, towns, mines nearby. In almost all the sites, income from wage labour contributes significantly to overall income-ranging anywhere between 20%-70% of the total income.

4. Cropping patterns tend to gravitate towards high value products. Results from BRT and KMTR indicate a growing trend towards cultivating cash crops. In BRT, Keredembha, and to a lesser extent Bhuthani and Yarakanagadde, show this trend –

19 shifting towards cultivating coffee and banana – high-return cash crops that favour the agro-climatic zones in these villages. Similarly in KMTR, access to irrigation facilities has led to growing commercially viable paddy and banana. Such practices have pushed up income from agriculture: but this has to be viewed cautiously. On one hand, such practices are not only altering the land-use of the region, but due to inorganic fertilisers and pesticides used, as in the case of KMTR, and mono-cropping as opposed to diverse multi-cropping systems as in BRT, also creating a long term impact on the ecosystem and the nutrition profile of the dependents on such a system. It is critical to also mention here that the cultivation of commercial crops also brings farmers face-to-face with market forces, and there have to be mechanisms put in place that could help farmers tide over market-based fluctuations and adversities.

1.2 Learnings

n What emerged from this analysis was that issues of rights and access go a long way in determining sustainable livelihood for the community in the long run. While on-farm diversification is important, denial of access to forest based livelihood places enormous strain on the safety and risk-bearing net of the community. With stakes in the ecosystem lowered, community becomes a demotivated and disengaged custodian.

n Our initial focus on the income generation model and enterprise-based livelihoods has been successful to a certain extent. However we realize that as an institution, we are not designed to take up the marketing aspects of such enterprises. Thus we are entering into partnership with other organizations that can take the process of marketing and trade forward.

n The other major learning is the need for appropriate community institutions that can address the issues of marginalised sections, and ensure the distribution of benefits from common resources to all sections of the community.

2. Institutions and Governance In India, state control of forestland has been dictated by political or commercial purpose. From the beginning, communities have been bystander and witness to redrawn boundaries, conversion of land for timber, plantation development and quarrying, alongside state and international conservation interests. In all this, the community has only had opportunity to observe and bear the brunt of degradation and spatial, livelihood and cultural displacement.

Ideally, the most appropriate state institutions would be those that are accountable to the community, representative of the community and decentralized, to allow participation of the community. For the purpose of the C&LP, it is necessary to map and identify

20 programs/policies/Acts that bring the state within talking distance with communities, along the lines of the ideal.

The C&LP strategy for engagement with community and state has been geared towards improving the decision-making capacity and opportunity of communities. If decision- making were on a continuum, this is what it would look like in the current scheme of things, where decision-making is so veered towards state authorities, that even collaborative management bodies are more representative of state than community:

Collaborative Management

Community Participation State Controlled

The C&LP’s broad strategy has aimed to, using the aegis of the RFRA, and the objective of decentralized management and responsibility, to convert the continuum balance towards:

Collaborative Management

Community Participation State Controlled

The guide to the way forward with institutions, as envisaged by the C&LP:

n Government organizations are not to be excluded from decentralization objectives. Instead, assert participatory and decision-making rights with relevant state institutions.

n Use existing arrangements to shift towards inclusive decision-making. The base

organization to start work with would be the PRIs – the Gram Sabhas, as mandated by the legislation. This was decided even before the RFRA came about and provided further reason to engage at Gram Sabha level.

n Work towards implementation of RFRA at the village level with respect to rights as well as responsibilities.

n Strengthen community-based organizations' work on rights issues. Facilitate the working of multi-disciplinary community-based network organizations like the SAS. Craft and strengthen spaces for informed deliberation on natural resource governance issues, rights issues and conflict mediation.

21 n To facilitate dialogue with state and legal authorities, engage with community institutions with a holistic framework of community involvement, rather than those with site- specific or single agendas.

n Facilitate reforms and assertion of rights in institutions like Large-scale Adivasi Multipurpose Primary Society (LAMPS).

n Continue work with community-based organizations that have strengths and capacities in specific single-purpose enterprise like micro-finance (SHGs), enterprise-based (Lantana Craft Centre, Multipurpose Home Garden).

n Work at inclusive decision-making in PRM.

n Corral efforts to conservation and livelihood goals while working with diverse organizations with different aims.

2.1 State Representation Present status of state representation in state and community institutions is captured below: State Representation Conservation – FD Livelihoods – Cooperatives Department, Karnataka FD, community representatives VFC (Village Forest EDC (Eco-development LAMPS Committee) Committee) Purpose: Joint management Purpose: Joint management Purpose: State cooperative of reserve forests of protected areas to ensure minimum returns to NTFP harvesters Representation: State (FD) Representation: State and Representation: State and and community community community Community Participation: Community Participation: Community Participation: In execution, not in planning Dictated by state In execution, not in planning Decision making: Mainly Decision making: Mainly Decision making: Mainly FD FD FD, through President and secretary Accountability: Upward, to Accountability: Upward, to Accountability: Ideally to FD FD conjoined effort of members Discretionary Powers: With Discretionary Powers: With Discretionary Powers: state state typically with FD Impacting Policies: WPA Impacting Policies: WPA, Impacting Policies: RFRA, Amendment, RFRA RFRA WPA

22 As the table shows, the VFCs, EDCs and LAMPS are non-autonomous bodies. They have no legal recognition, and can be disbanded at the Forest Department's will. The FD can veto even micro-plans at village management level, and change the benefit sharing equation as and when it sees fit. In short, the FD holds tight control over the management and planning regime, and community participation does not necessarily translate into community empowerment.

2.2 Community Representation Community representation in the regions ATREE has been working in takes two shapes. One, that of a representation with a wide, holistic and political stance on issues the community faces. The other, of a body that has evolved in response to specific livelihood requirements of the community at a site, serving a single purpose, rather than being representative of community needs.

The sites in Karnataka have Soliga Abhivruddhi Sangha (SAS) and Vivekananda Girijana Kalyana Kendra (VGKK) representing community concerns, apart from single-purpose organizations like Self Help Groups and Lantana Craft Centre. Tamil Nadu is represented by site-specific bodies – Covenant Centre for Development (CCD), which works with Medicinal Harvesters Group and SHGs and Multipurpose Home Garden (MPHG) in KMTR.

The C&LP criteria for partnership with community-based institutions cannot overlook single- purpose institutions with a limited agenda and limited members, because they serve a particular need. Also, the region may have its own reasons for not having evolved an organization with an all-encompassing agenda. However, in terms of desired institutional profile, C&LP has sought to team with institutions with:

n Inclusive membership

n Ensuring representation of caste, gender, socio-economic status

n Democratic decision-making and local-level planning

n Appropriate benefit-sharing and resource management mechanism

n Transparency and accountability

n Ability to manage conflicts

n Respect for traditional institutions and absorption of the positive elements of such a system

23 Building a case for local community rights in landscapes That indigenous communities have been around for centuries can be proven, if not by written account, then by the presence of community sacred sites and burial grounds, which also reflect how the community mapped spaces within forests for sustainable cohabitation with a living, breathing ecosystem. It is important to understand that to the community, the forest has been a from which they have been removed; they have not chosen to be evicted from it. There is a strong case for FD accountability towards these people, which today is cursory and open to loopholes in policy. Deprived of accustomed means of livelihood, unaccustomed to the practices of settled agriculture, their dependency on NTFP for subsistence or cash reduced to common pilferage, the community's stewardship of the forest is under severe strain. To top that, arbitrary access may be given to non-local entities and areas denotified, adding to insecurity and deprivation. Proving domicile and immediate benefits of resource use to the local community then also requires systematic codification and presentation of the area according to historical ethnographic evidence. This map, with a palimpsest of state codified regions, could be utilised for claiming rights to settle in the area.

The basic C&LP strategy has been to:

n Work with organizations that have a conservation as well as livelihood agenda.

n Work with organizations according to their capacities, but to focus on those that can effectively assert collective rights. In these, the program plays the role of facilitating, strengthening through capacity building, disseminating timely information, and forging partnerships that can collaborate and derive strengths from each others work.

n Collaborate with community-based institutions without losing focus on program objectives. Have collaborations converge on livelihoods and sustainability issues.

n Include decision-making in the definition of 'participation', rather than merely execution.

2.3 Findings on Institutions and Customs 2.3.1 Customs and Traditional Practice

n Traditional knowledge systems may offer a wealth of understanding on how tribals have lived in forest ecosystems without harming them. Enquiries show that some cultural and religious practices have shaped use of, and access to resources, and have conservation implications.

n Communities have abandoned sacred sites to which they are denied access, or from which they have been removed to farther areas. Elaborate rituals are replacing the more abstract symbolic representation of deities. This is being seen as a need to belong or to be accepted within non-forest social hierarchies.

24 n There is an erosion of traditional knowledge and practices in the present generation. The extent of alienation from the forest and customary practices is not known.

n There is an on-going movement from need-based diversified crop to cash-crop agriculture. This has increased the vulnerability of the farmer to fluctuations in the market.

n The Soligas are excited about the possibilities that arise from ATREE's mapping of their sacred sites. They have been quick to perceive its value as a political tool. They see it as a tool to assert their identity in a space in which they have lived and configured.

n Years of isolationist approach have resulted in the community's disengagement with the landscape. This might explain indifference to access by non-local entities/ vested interests/ fires etc. if access is denied. The learning is that ownership of resource, or access and management, and stewardship are closely related.

n Heterogeneous social structures place further strain on those most dependent on forest resources for subsistence and income.

2.3.2 Institutions and Representation

n The C&LP work with SHGs and the LCC has revealed the shortcomings of such an association and guided the intervention towards more inclusive and representative institutions.

n A local institution should have downward accountability to arrive at a common decision.

n The Kula traditional system of justice enjoys popular support, but it is not an appropriate institution for resource governance and management. It does not factor in caste and gender inequities and therefore may not be representative of the entire community.

n Real power, for marginal groups, translates into having a say in the decisions that affect them. The ideal institution should be designed to be representative of marginal groups so that negotiations and outcomes are more equitable.

n If we are to have a rights-based approach, we need to work with an institution that has a legal mandate. Only a body with legal and legislative mandate has the power to negotiate with state authorities under appropriate policy frameworks. The ideal representative of the people and the government then becomes the Gram Sabha. Under the RFRA, the hamlet Gram Sabha has been accorded the right to submit claims for individual and community rights. The C&LP therefore is aligned to a facilitating partnership, through SAS and other associations, for Gram Sabha representation and action.

n The Gram Sabha, as the acting institution, can be sustained beyond the tenure of intervention, which makes it the ideal institution over the long-term.

n The RFRA has catalysed the process of assertion of rights. The first step towards implementation of RFRA is the formation of committees at desired levels.

n The Forest Department's inclusion is as vital to livelihoods and responsible management as it has been to conservation.

25 3. Ecological and Conservation Status Ecological processes are affected by factors that operate at local, regional and global scales. The range of variables and the associated impacts are immense, and not easily understood or studied. Attempts at determining forest condition have relied on the resources harvested by users, and have drawn larger lessons from these. The basis for such attempts lies in the assumption that ecological systems are stable and that any perturbation will lead to degradation. The newer understanding in ecology has shown that this is not demonstrable and that the impacts of perturbations depend on scale, history, and local and regional conditions. Despite this, ecological studies have continued to rely on local stand level studies to determine forest condition and to estimate impacts of local livelihoods. Our studies focused on species-specific conditions of marketable species, while realising that impact might be occurring at larger scales due to factors such as forest and agriculture policy, development agendas and land use change outside the forest area being studied.

Ecological work has focused on determining the ecological condition of the resource and its response to resource use (Ticktin 2004). Ecological monitoring involves gathering data on population structure of Non Timber Forest Produce (NTFP) species that are being harvested by the communities. In keeping with this approach, we established sampling areas in the five C&LP sites. Although communities harvest different NTFP resources, sustainability of the harvest can be gauged by collecting population structure data of the resource being gathered. Sufficient regeneration of the species in the population structure data indicates low impact of harvesting by communities (Hall & Bawa 1993). In a graphical representation of the data; a plot of density (individuals/ ha) for each size class will determine if an inverse J-curve may indicate over-harvest of the species. However, lack of regeneration could also be due to environmental stress, impact of herbivores, presence of invasive species, lack of seed dispersers and other such factors (Shahabuddin & Prasad 2004).

To monitor the biological diversity in community livelihood program sites, efforts were made to understand the drivers of biodiversity change to address issues on conservation of forest and resource being harvested by the local community. Biological monitoring work was undertaken and strengthened in all the sites. We conducted various monitoring efforts that continue to be strengthened in the sites where we have undertaken livelihood and conservation programme.

Conservation that integrates active resource management requires site-specific information. The incorporation of local knowledge is key to the success of ecological monitoring programmes. The work in BRT has shown that local knowledge and participation ensures success of monitoring efforts (Setty, et al 2008). The thrust of the programme has been to understand problems that are altering the natural ecosystem, through interaction with the community and institutions operative in that area.

26 1. Involve the community in assessment of ecological status through Participatory Rural Appraisal and Participatory Resource Monitoring in light of the Wildlife Protection Act and Recognition of Forest Rights Act; and their roles, responsibilities and rights.

2. Explore spaces for scientific and local assessment methods, knowledge and practices.

3. Identify species that are harvested at each region, for a study of sustainable use. While this may not provide a picture of biomass degradation or regeneration, it enables local communities to add this to their bag of tools for monitoring resource condition and evolving management guidelines.

4. The RFRA explicitly provides for local management and conservation. This provides unprecedented opportunity to use the information that has been generated over the years on ecological functioning of forests to guide decentralised management of ecosystems.

Before the start of ecological monitoring work, efforts were made to understand the drivers for ecosystem change. This was done with involvement of local people and institutions. We listed the drivers of biodiversity change and indicators, which are common to all our sites. We then listed site-specific drivers and indicators of biodiversity change.

27 General Observations

Drivers of Biodiversity Change Indicators (Measures) Fire Frequency Intensity Damage Lantana regeneration Regeneration of native species Grass cover and density Change in vegetation types Logging/ shifting cultivation/ Density of logged species plantations Demography of logged species Species composition Changes in population structure NTFP: nelli, soap nut, soapberry Population structure of NTFP species and arale), lichen (BRT), broom Density of dependent species grass (MM Hills) Population structure production Structure density Grazing Density of livestock Regeneration of plants Vegetation structure Mining (intensive in MM Hills) Loss of forest cover Change in species diversity Level of disturbance Fuelwood (Bejalu, Therani and Density of fuelwood collection Kanmara) Fuelwood tree species composition Changes in population structure Fuelwood tree species demography and biomass Use of alternative fuel Lantana Cover of Lantana Rate of spread Impact on regeneration of native species Impact on density of mammals

28 Site-specific Observations

Sites Drivers of Biodiversity Indicators (Measures) change All sites Lantana Cover of Lantana except Rate of spread KMTR Impact on regeneration of native species Density of mammals BRT, Tree hemi-parasite Adult mortality MM Hills, Fruit production Kanakapura Density of parasite spread Dispersal mode Kanakapura Encroachment Population, livestock, agricultural land extension BRT Coffee estate Quality of stream water Impact on diversity around the estate Bird diversity Loss of natural vegetation Quality of soil change MM Hills, Timber collection for Loss of forest cover Natham maintenance/ illegal Population structure collection Structure density MM Hills Bamboo (Basketry and muram) Forest disturbance MM Hills Population reduction Natham Medicinal plants/ dry fruit Population structure of medicinal plant collection species Density of dependent species Population structure Structure density Natham Honey collection Pollination Natham Commercial plantations Impact on plant biodiversity (cashew) Quality of soil change KMTR Tea estate Leachates from tea fields, pollutants from domestic sources and stream water quality Faunal diversity Loss of natural vegetation

29 3.1 Findings on Conservation and Sustainability

n In many communities we see that conservation ideas and practices are embedded, as is evident from practices in the harvest of forest produce in several sites. There are, however, differences in harvest practices depending on whether resource users are local, settlers, or offsite. The effect of responsible practice is to be seen most often when communities have been assured some form of local control, as we have seen in the past in BRT, before the imposition of the ban.

n State conservation initiatives suffer from lack of credibility with villagers because of the arbitrary nature of access and denial.

n ATREE's research over the last ten years does not indicate negative impact of harvest of NTFPs on forest biodiversity. The impacts of state efforts such as fire suppression and logging seem to have greater system-wide impacts than the harvest of forest products. The impacts of harvest are felt on the species harvested and on species that are dependent on that resource. Scale is therefore an important element in understanding of ecological studies, but one that does not get adequate attention.

n The results of the monitoring of nelli trees indicate that population growth rates vary over time and space, but on average, are close to rates that allow full replacement of individuals. Mortality of nelli trees is increasing, not due to harvests, but due to the spread of Loranthus, a hemi-parasite, which infests mature trees. Management efforts should focus more on control of hemi-parasite than on harvest of by the Soligas. The Soligas' customary parasite management is by litter fire. The C&LP's studies on the effect of fire shows fewer incidences of hemi-parasite infestation in patches that have been treated to litter fire, in comparison to control patches with no fire treatment.

n Similarly, monitoring of soapnut, another major NTFP extracted by the Soligas, shows that there is ample regeneration of this species. However, large individuals in the are dying due, perhaps, to the drying of the sholas. This example illustrates that there are many factors that affect the population of NTFPs, and in several cases, factors other than harvest are more important in determining the fate of populations.

n Findings show that fire seems to favour species that have the ability to re-sprout, over species that can only regenerate from seed, which may affect biodiversity in the long term. Moreover, this effect of fire is much more pronounced in dry deciduous forests, as compared to the scrub forest.

n Of all the invasive species in most study sites, Lantana camara is the most pervasive. C&LP examined native species regeneration in areas with different degrees of Lantana cover. Preliminary results are mixed. Lantana seems to have no effect on the density of seedlings of NTFP species, but larger individuals such as saplings and juveniles appear to be adversely affected by high levels of Lantana cover.

n Population levels of the large Asian honeybee (Apis dorsata) have remained more or less the same over the last 10 years. There is no evidence that collection of honey from these bees has had a negative impact on wild populations.

30 Working Within Consonant Policy Frameworks for a Rights-based Approach

Historically, state conservation efforts have been exclusionary in nature, or have taken the form of expedient action without taking into account the community inhabiting the ecosystem space. This has resulted in state policies and Acts, which operate on the premise of creating 'inviolate' spaces for conservation, or, on the other hand, of permitting unprogrammed access where commercially expedient. Meanwhile community-based and civic organizations had been converging on the need, yet unrealized, for decentralized, democratic local governance that could address community rights.

1. JFM Policy Joint Forest Management is a misnomer because it does not reflect the spirit of co-management, for which purpose it was founded. It has not been representative of the community, has given no executive or planning rights to the committee/ community, instead has been used as a body to divert, or have local manpower 'participate' in labour intensive programs of the FD. Once these programs have been realized or run out of funds, the VFCs or EDCs (the implementation bodies of JFM), too have become defunct

2. WPA Amendment The WPA and WPA Amendment have created conflicts with community, because they present an 'either/ or' ultimatum with respect to wildlife protection and community rights. The effects of this ban were felt across all PAs, since 60% of forest dwellers and 30% of those living on the fringes of forests depended on NTFP to meet just their subsistence needs. However, there are some definitions in the Act and the Amendment, that are open to interpretation, and which get in the way of implementing the Act in the spirit that it was supposed to be implemented in. The aim of the C&LP has become to encounter these on a case-by-case, or blanket basis where possible, with the help of the RFRA, which arms institutions and communities with legal backing for recognition and rights claims.

n Area of Conflict 1: According to the WPA, all community rights and claims have to be settled before the area is notified a sanctuary. But in a later amendment, it made it possible for the state to declare an area a sanctuary without settlement or recognition of community rights. With the enactment of the RFRA, the process of claiming rights has re-started.

n The WPA Amendment has at no place suggested that the collection of NTFPs is absolutely banned. It declares that NTFP collection is permitted for 'bona fide livelihood needs' provided it is not for commercial purposes. The term 'bona fide' is

31 loosely defined, and sale for even basic sustenance is clubbed under 'commercial'.

3. Recognition of Forest Rights Act, 2006 (RFRA) The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 is the first Act to identify tribal and non-tribal forest dwellers by inclusion rather than by exclusion or isolation. The aim, at the Conservation and Livelihoods Program, is to leverage whatever possibilities of dialogue, collaboration, participation and co-management the Act can offer, to the forest-fringe communities ATREE works with.

There are 3 aspects of RFRA that evoke enthusiastic response. One, the package of rights that acknowledge the claim of the community over tenure and management of forest resource. Second, the decentralized self-governance model that it mandates. RFRA mandates the lowest tier of local self-governance the Gram Sabha for implementation. And third, the parallels in the Act to C&LP's own orientation.

The RFRA addresses the right to live in forestland for habitation or cultivation, right of access, use and sale of minor forest produce, and right to protect, regenerate, conserve or manage any community forest resource, amongst other rights. It provides tribal and other forest dwelling communities the first legislative handle to assertion of tenure rights and participative and responsible use of ecosystem space. It addresses important livelihood security issues, while also stressing the rights and responsibilities of forest dwellers in maintaining sustainable forest use patterns and the conservation of forest biodiversity. This space, guaranteed under RFRA, has immense scope for collaborative forest management with tenure security granted to communities.

The provision for positing powers with the Gram Sabha, for individuals and community to stake claims within the RFRA, is in consonance with existing legislations that have championed local self-governance and decentralization. These rights are coupled with duties and spelled-out rules that would go a long way towards achieving co-management. Our engagement with existing institutions and strengthening them towards natural resource governance goals places itself well vis-à-vis this Act, and the program is keen to strengthen processes that RFRA provides validity for.

So far, the major engagements with the Act have been to:

n Disseminate information about the Act to institutions representing community rights: the positives, negatives and practically applicable aspects of the Act.

n Facilitate implementation of the Act. The C&LP had already identified the Panchayat as the institution on which to hinge efforts in community participation and involvement

32 because it is a constitutionally recognized body of governance.

n Facilitate implementation, which would require: - Presence of Forest Rights Committees (FRCs), representative of gender and forest dwelling tribal communities, at Gram Sabha level. - Verification of areas for which claims can be made. - Submission of claims–individual and community–through Forest Rights Committees (FRC). - Training of FRCs on claim process, Act and rules pertaining to the Act; and of Panchayat secretaries, on implementation of the Act. - Unblock loopholes. Where Gram Sabhas are not formed, undertake training of Panchayat secretaries. Where FRCs are not formed, facilitate formation of FRCs. Where procedures, like allocation of funds for Gram Sabha meetings are not formalised, facilitate the same. In short, prepare the ground, at least in terms of ensuring existence of bodies to which claims may be submitted.

n Partner with institutions that are on the field already: like SAS and VGKK in Karnataka, and the recently identified ACT India Foundation in Tamil Nadu.

n Undertake mapping of sites significant to tribal culture and tradition, using the information shared by the community, and using GIS tools and observations. Objective of doing this not being merely academic, but also as a political tool to empower communities assert rights over region and to put on record tribal historicity and manner of traditionally self-imposed boundaries for resource use.

4. Biodiversity Conservation and Rural Livelihoods Improvement Project The Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) commissioned ATREE to carry out a socio- economic and ecological assessment of 6 landscapes for the BCRLIP. The C&LP team was involved in this assessment and based it on a strong rights-based approach, with emphasis on institutions and decentralized governance.

The assessment required identification of key site-related social and environmental issues in each landscape, and an assessment of legal and policy issues in concordance with World Bank Operational Policies on Indigenous Peoples, Involuntary Resettlement, Forests. ATREE's recommendation consciously sought to influence development and conservation in areas surrounding protected areas by promoting recognition of rights, access, and benefit-sharing, addressing conflicts in the landscapes, encouraging participation, and promoting decentralised governance of landscapes through constitutionally mandated institutions like those of the Panchayati Raj. This recommended a departure from the tightly controlled state approach. Learning from this project fed directly into the C&LP search for participatory models of governance.

33 Conclusion and Way Forward

ATREE has been in the business of generating knowledge, largely ecological, and using that knowledge to inform and guide policy direction and intervention. Clearly, the Conservation and Livelihoods Programme is part of that continuum, that is to say, it is in the core interests of the programme to be able to generate useful knowledge and contribute to the discourse over conservation and livelihoods, and to policy directions while reconciling conservation and livelihood interests in practice in the sites. We aimed to inform this process with a thorough anthropological and historical understanding; and properly integrate local/ traditional knowledge systems to the extent possible.

The programme has evolved in its understanding of the context through constant interaction and engagement with the community in different landscapes. Major learning has emerged on how the socio-economic and cultural engagements of the community have shaped the landscape they have inhabited from generations. The initial effort was to get them to participate in our prescriptive solutions on conservation issues. However, once we started to explore and understand how communities have traditionally used and accessed the landscape, our enquiries gave much more emphasis to traditional knowledge systems and indigenous methods and practices of conservation.

The ecological studies point to the fact that communities have used resources in a sustainable manner. This is primarily rooted into their cultural and religious practices, which shaped their use and access of resources, and therefore, have had conservation implications.

The major learning that has emerged is that the ecological status/ degradation of a landscape is not limited to use and harvest, but to a multitude of political and social factors that define a landscape. Communities' access and security of tenure goes a long way in determining the health of the forest or natural resource. Similarly, livelihood interventions, which aim at non-forest usage, have met with limited success. While it is important to diversify on-farm livelihood options, it is also important that benefits from the forest resource are equitably shared across sections of the community, especially with the most poor and marginalized people.

To an extent, the programme has been able to break away from the myth of 'scientific knowledge', as created by the 'expert group', to a more nuanced understanding of the ecosystem as has emerged through the traditional knowledge and practices of the community. The programme, to a certain degree, has been able to bring to focus the fact that biodiversity-rich landscapes have been shaped by the use and practices of indigenous communities, and that the

34 concept of inviolate zones or pristine forests is almost non-existent. d r a w Interaction with communities and understanding their perspective has strengthened our basic r o F premise of a more participatory governance system where communities have greater decision- y making power. a W

d

The need for an appropriate institutional framework has found resonance in the enactment of n a

the Forest Rights Act, and this has pretty much defined our course of action. Engagement with n o i

the Act has become the major focus of work. Especially, work with the community network has s u given the programme the right frame of operation. l c n o

All the ecological work and mapping activities have also provided a tool to communities to C establish their claim over the landscape they have been part of. Further, the informed knowledge base that has evolved through participatory mechanisms has also become a political tool to assert their identity, and territorial rights. It has strengthened their negotiating power in the decision making process of forest governance.

This however, is at different stages in different sites. We can clearly say that in BRT, the process has moved far beyond that in any other site, primarily by the strong presence of SAS, which has really been the driving force behind the implementation of the RFRA. The way forward in the Karnataka sites will surely be to understand how the Act unfolds in each of the landscapes. Thus, if rights are guaranteed and community has decision-making power, we need to follow how this will affect:

n The livelihood security of the community

n The ownership and conservation/ health of the forest and

n Gram Sabha emerging as a strong decentralized institution

The baseline socio-economic and ecological data, when compared over a period of time, will surely throw up more challenges and outcomes, which can go a long way in influencing policy decisions and in contributing and enriching the discourse of reconciling conservation with livelihoods.

35 SITES

The intervention covers five sites, three in Karnataka, and two in Tamil Nadu. Each site has its own geographic, socio-cultural and socio-economic characteristics, besides a varying relationship with state and representative bodies. Combined, these create five discrete scenarios of human-ecosystem relationship and nurture. The C&LP challenge has been to contain the differences within a common framework, and still respond to the particular needs of each site in the most pertinent way.

Of the five sites, Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple Wildlife Sanctuary in Karnataka, and Kalakkad Mundanthurai Tiger Reserve in Tamil Nadu are Protected Areas. Natham (Tamil Nadu), Kanakapura and Male Mahadeshwara Hills are notified Reserve Forests. The codification of the land describes its own story of restrictions, conflict and deprivation. Intervention in BRT WLS and KMTR has had a distinctly different flavour from intervention in the reserve forest sites, where access is not denied. Natham and Kanakapura, on the other hand, experience an open access regime, and the consequences to ecosystem and local economy resulting from this.

Apart from intervention parameters and ground action, each site has been in varying stages of developing community representation or common-purpose groups representing a section of the community. This has influenced the way and the degree to which the intervention has been effective in an area, and the extent to which the reconciliation of conservation with livelihoods has been taken forward. Where the intervention found capacities that could be harnessed, it has capitalized on it and created partnerships with community organizations.

While the central premise has been that ecosystems are inclusive of communities and a harmony between use and management is possible, the actual status of forest degradation and use has been a deciding factor in resolving the conflict between continued use and creating alternative sources of resource use, as in Natham.

36 1. Site Summary s

Before advancing to the individual site reports, a condensed look at the main features of each e t i site is offered in the table below. S

Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple Wildlife Sanctuary PA

Salient Features Present Problems/ C&LP Focus Areas Limitations · Soliga homogeneous · First time conflict and · Indigenous rights-based community coping mechanisms on approach · Considerable NTFP display. Community · Mapping of traditional dependence accustomed to more sites · Recently enacted ban on empathetic FD attitude · Strengthen SAS collection, stringent WLS · Lack of recognition of · Facilitate formation of administration traditional practices, FRCs and Gram Sabha · Strong support and erosion of traditional · PRM collaboration with VGKK, knowledge SAS and LAMPS · Most progressive in terms of action on RFRA awareness and implementation: formation of committees and claiming of rights moved forward

37 Male Mahadeshwara Hills RF

Salient Features Present Problems/ C&LP Focus Areas Limitations · Heterogeneous · Interventions lantana · Lantana enterprise and community and focused Conservation by Substitution resulting inequities · Missing conservation · Strengthen partnership with · Inequitable developments in the larger SAS on forest rights issues distribution of landscape · Ecological monitoring – build tenure rights · Lack of CBOs to work a conservation corps who can · Bamboo harvest with stake claim to managing this banned corridor · High fuelwood · Address migration issues, demand, high community health and dependence on nutrition NTFP, and weak LAMPS. Outside interests prevail

Kanakapura RF

Salient Features Present Problems/ C&LP Focus Areas Limitations · Peri-urban context, · Work too small to be of · Work with PRIs as mixed community significance appropriate institution for · Open access regime · Human-wildlife conflict collaborative management · Agri-dependent · NTFP collection · Conservation education as livelihoods contracted to outsider an initiating step · Iruligas most groups · One-acre model of agro- impoverished · VFCs unsuccessful due to forestry community lack of community · Existing institutions not support very effective or representative

38 Natham RF s

Salient Features Present Problems/ C&LP Focus Areas e t i

Limitations S · Significant NTFP · Stakes too small for · Clear role for PRI in natural dependence but impetus conservation dividend to resource governance of collection mainly communities · Efforts towards collaborative external · Insignificant returns to management · Single-focus most dependent villages organizations like SHGs · Lack of interest by Forest and MPHGs Department, so little · Afforestation effort for collaboration, programme through and distant interests VFCs has brought to continue to over-exploit focus conflicts regarding boundaries · Support and collaboration with CCD CBO

Kalakkad Mundanthurai Tiger Reserve PA

Salient Features Present Problems/ C&LP Focus Areas Limitations · Heterogeneous · Negligible intervention · Alternative livelihoods on community work with Kani tribes non-forest land · Tiger reserve and hence · High fuelwood · Alternative non-forest high protection and dependence by biomass options for greater exclusion of local surrounding villages fuelwood communities · Lack of strong local · Conservation education for · Denial of access institutions to work with awareness · Dramatic land use change from dry land to wetland · High fuelwood dependence · High dependence on agriculture, low NTFP dependence

39 2. Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple WLS

MAP-2: CLP villages in BRT

Profile The BRT Wildlife sanctuary is situated in a north-south direction (11-13°N latitude to 77-78°E longitude), in the SE corner of the Chamrajanagara district of Karnataka. The area covered by the sanctuary is 540 sq km. The terrain is undulating on the west, with a network of valleys and slow, west-flowing streams. The western range has an average elevation of 1350m. The eastern range forms a ridge of about 1650m average elevation.

The annual rainfall is 1362±159mm (based on average annual totals from 3 stations, for 10 years, from 1989 to '98). Main rock formation is pre-Cambrian charnockite, about 2600 million years old. Soil is shallow to moderately shallow, well-drained gravely clay, with moderate erosion on hills and ridges. Ramesh et al. (1989) broadly classify vegetation into 5 forest types: 61% dry deciduous, 28.2% scrub 6.5% evergreen, 3.8% high altitude savannah and0.8% .

The forests form an important wildlife corridor between the Western and , linking the largest populations of elephant and tiger in . The WLS has 38 mammal, 278 bird, 22 reptile and 116 butterfly species. A preliminary survey of ant populations indicates 48 species, which is roughly 8% of ant species in India. There are 7 endemic bird species, and several endangered-yellow throated bulbul, Nilgiri wood pigeon and the rufous-bellied eagle.

40 2.1 Background

The BRT hills are home to the Soligas, an indigenous people, whose co-existence with the forest s e t goes back centuries. They are hunter-gatherers who have traditionally practiced shifting i S agriculture.

In 1974, BRT was declared a wildlife sanctuary and the Soligas were banned from hunting and shifting agriculture. At the same time, the government expanded the area of the sanctuary, redefining the territory that the Soligas could occupy, farm in and collect NTFP from. In 2003, despite the WPA Amendment, BRT was the only WLS in the country where NTFP collection was still legally allowed, under the clause of 'bona fide livelihood use'. When this status changed in 2006, the relationship between the community and the FD took a sharp downturn and BRT became an example of how lowering of stakes results in erosion of conservation values within the community; or by an extension of the same logic, how higher stakes could result in greater stewardship of resources.

As a community, the Soligas are one of the poorest in India. After BRT was declared a wildlife sanctuary, the Soligas were settled into villages called podus, where they were given land to cultivate and where they were now expected to lead a sedentary way of life. The land holdings are small, there are landless peasants, and the community is still, post the ban, heavily dependent on NTFP for subsistence, domestic consumption and cash income. There is uncertainty of crop because of absolute rain-dependency, wildlife depredation, and gradual soil erosion from the sloping lands. There is seasonal unemployment. The traditional income source of bamboo basket weaving is lost to the Soligas because of the government ban on extraction of bamboo after indiscriminate felling by pulp industries in the last six decades.

On the biodiversity conservation scenario, there is a lot that can be learnt from the Soligas. They are a valuable repository of traditional ecological knowledge, given their dependence on the forest and the involvement of the entire family in gathering NTFP. The land, if properly managed, has shown the capacity to retain soil and water. It sustains populations of wild pollinators and natural predators of plant pests that are beneficial to surrounding areas carrying out intensive agriculture. Given these positives, ATREE has based its intervention objectives on - Building natural capital - Building social capital - Promoting organic techniques in agro-forestry

41 - Enhancing economic development by improving/ preserving crop diversity and value addition to NTFP harvests

2.2 Key Issues 1. Threat of relocation 2. Insecurity of tenure for settlement and agricultural lands 3. Continuous strain on freedom to access NTFP 4. Human-wildlife conflict 5. Lack of voice in forest management 6. Inadequate access to state services

2.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention 1. To evolve a collaborative management plan using the legal space provided by the Recognition of Forest Rights Act, 2006. 2. To promote the use of sustainable agro-forestry systems to conserve soil, to increase on- farm diversity and to improve income. 3. To develop participatory extension and research methodology for promoting conservation-friendly agriculture. 4. To establish long-term participatory resource monitoring for sustainable NTFP harvest.

2.4 Selection of Villages The composition of the villages is homogenous. The variables that have been selected to study livelihoods, economics and ecosystem interaction have been:

n Ecological conditions: There are 2 villages each, in scrub, dry deciduous and evergreen forests.

n Advantage of land for cultivation versus landless majority In the scrub and dry deciduous ecology each, one village has been selected because it has access to revenue land. No households in the evergreen region have secure access to farmland.

42 Village Ecosystem Land Number % Income

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Yarakanagadde Dry deciduous 30% of the 73 10 S h/h have

pattas K. Devarahalli Scrub No security 31 1 Bhuthani Dry deciduous No security 38 28

Munnakai Moist evergreen No security 13 65

Keredembha Moist evergreen No security 24 39 Purani Scrub All h/h have 115 23 pattas

2.5 Socio-economic Status BRT has 54 settlements (podus) made up of 2304 households and a population of 12,500. Major sources of income are NTFPs, agriculture, coffee estate labour, collection of firewood, live stock, and other labour. Socio-economic status is dependent on available opportunities, and the optimization of these opportunities.

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43 Yarakanagadde, for instance, which has a higher literacy rate and is located near the road, depends on wage labour as a major source of income- upto 68%. Labour opportunities are available and accessible. Dependence on NTFPs is low- only 10%, and the 15% households that depend on farming are moving towards cash crop cultivation. In contrast, for Keredembha, located in the evergreen forest area, optimization from a diversity of sources, plus seasonality, availability and accessibility is necessary. Here, dependence on income from NTFPs is 39%, and from farming, 33%. Wage labour forms 21% of the income-source basket.

Similarly, in agriculture, which is an important income source besides NTFP and wage labour, the status depends not just on possessing land pattas, but also on soil productivity, size of holding and the kind of crop cultivated. Dependence on agriculture ranges between 42% to 72% in Bhuthani, Purani, Keredembha and Munnakai.

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Purani and Munnakai practise subsistence-level agriculture, growing food crops. On the other hand, Keredembha and Bhuthani derive a cash income from coffee cultivation. The returns are higher, and the market for coffee is assured. The long-term impact of such mono-crop practices on agro-biodiversity and community health and nutrition, and the risk to local economy because of possible trade fluctuations, will be evident over the years.

Land productivity is critical to income from land-based sources. Despite having land pattas, income from agriculture in Purani and Yarakanagadde, accounts for only 25% and 15% of the total income, and average income is below Rs. 5000/-. Purani and Yarakanagadde are located in scrub and dry deciduous forest, with the lowest per acre productivity among the surveyed podus.

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The staple crop of the Soligas is finger millet (Eleusine coracana) and maize (Zea mays). Part of their subsistence needs is met by collection of NTFPs from the forest.

2.5.1 Dependency on NTFP As part of Participatory Resource Appraisal (PRA), socio-economic data was collected from 6 podus in order to map dependency on forest and other livelihood sources. This exercise helped relate NTFP-dependency to other factors like landholding size, access to market, migration and availability of wage-labour.

By and large, NTFP incomes vary depending on access to other alternatives, and the value of products collected. NTFP income varies from 1% to 65%. Lower incomes are associated with longer distances to NTFP sources and decreased returns from low-value NTFPs.

People from K. Devarahalli have substituted labour-intensive NTFP collection for other accessible source such as farm labour. Similarly, Yarakanagadde, which has access to other sources of income, does not depend much on NTFP income. Munnakai and Keredembha, in the evergreen forest area, earn a major portion of their income from NTFP collection. This is because of their location near rich forest resource (more honey and lichen density) and organized efforts of LAMPS to sell their products. Similarly, Purani and Bhuthani also earn well from NTFP sale via LAMPS.

2.5.2 Livelihood Initiatives 1. On-site value addition to NTFPs has greater returns in the market. ATREE and VGKK have set up Soliga-run enterprises for the processing of NTFPs, especially of wild honey and fruits gathered from the forest. In addition, the enterprise unit maintains records of production, extraction, and regeneration of NTFPs from year to year.

45 2. 'Make water walk not run' is the slogan in BRT. It is well known that erosion of soil and nutrients caused by running water reduces productivity of cultivable land. Water `runs' in BRT because most of the cultivated land is sloping.

A few farmers are trying simple, time-tested techniques of planting in rows along contours, with bunds at regular intervals, as part of an on-farm research effort. Instead of customary broadcast sowing, farmers are being introduced to row planting with legume inter-crops. The C&LP is encouraging the use of commonly grown agricultural crops like finger millet, corn, red gram, mustard, Amaranthus, castor, lab-lab, and other useful plants. Bunds are being stabilized with castor, red gram and fodder grass. Seedlings of mango, papaya, jackfruit, custard apple, nelli, and soapberry are also being grown on the borders and along bunds. Horse gram, a very drought-tolerant nitrogen-fixing legume, is being encouraged as a post-monsoon crop. The goal is to increase productivity per unit of land, simultaneously protecting soil cover by planting useful native species that grow in the hills.

The program is working with Soliga farmers to set up farmer-owned seed banks for native seeds for the next sow ing season. In addition, the C&LP is facilitating farmer-to-farmer exchange of information on improved agro-forestry practices. We have initiated training in composting, and plan to provide training in improved home gardens, better coffee growing techniques and other needs that farmers may have, in order to enhance their livelihoods, protect the soil, and restore on-farm biodiversity. It is possible that increased work and income from cultivable lands will provide people an alternative means of livelihood, and reduce their dependence on forest products.

2.6 Community Aspirations 1. Documentation of community sacred, burial and sites of ritualistic importance, with the aim of establishing domicile and history of co-existence with the forest. 2. Validation of their traditional systems (kula, nyaya) by recognition of its office within the larger state-constituted systems and institutions. 3. Voice in forest management, and revival of traditional conservation management practices that are deemed to be of ecological importance according to traditional knowledge. 4. Means of ensuring that the following generation also imbibes this traditional knowledge.

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47 Sites 2.7.2 Information Template of Cultural Maps Name of the site - Whether devaru/ maramma/ veeru / kallugudi - Podu to which it belongs - Kula that worships or uses the site - Festivals/ rituals associated with the site, when they are celebrated, why etc. - Any rules/ norms pertaining to maintaining the site - GPS location and record in notes - Record of stories associated with the site - Time since site has been in use (if in disuse, why and for how long) - Record through observation, tree species around site and any specific biophysical observation - In case of Samadhi, take at least 4 GPS points at 4 corners if possible. Or record the shape and size of the burial site in a rough sketch

Devaru, maramma, kallugudi, samadhi, habbi, veeru or muni and other information have been mapped for about 600 sites.

Traditional Practice: taragu benki (Litter Fire) The Soligas pose a question:

“Aren't we, the native dwellers of the forests who have been practicing litter-fires, managed to conserve biodiversity? What have the so-called civilized urban contributed towards it? You have prevented fires, promoted growth of weeds, increased the rate of disease and destroyed the health of the forests, which has been responsible for lack of growth of forests. The Soligas who are the native dwellers and true children of the forest are not responsible for today's degraded forest cover. It is only civilized folks with their law and policy who have attributed to the destruction of forests.”

“Assuming Soligas were responsible for destruction of forests, where would you, who sing glories of the forest, find it??? How do you think it has been protected till now? If we had destroyed the forests, where would you have been able to find the biodiversity, which is present in the forest today? Modernisation, urbanization, scientific orientation and most important of all, restriction on litter fires is the main cause for destruction of forests. Setting litter fire once a year is our tradition. It is through this that forest protection takes place.”

48 That fires are of ecological importance is

something that the Soligas have been reiterating s e t through all time, and especially after the 1980 ban i S on forest fires. The Soligas claim that Lantana growth has increased since the ban, tick infestation on mammals has increased, and so has hemi-parasite incidence and rate of infestation of Phyllanthus species.

The Soligas distinguish between canopy fires and litter fires, deeming litter fires in the beginning of summer (January and February) to be of beneficial nature preventing large fires that might damage trees. According to the Soligas, litter fires are a controlled device to kill plant and animal parasites and clear weeds like Lantana camara that cover about 75% of forest ground. In fact, accumulated litter is considered unsafe as it can fuel destructive canopy fires, annihilating plant and animal life, something that litter fires do not do. Soligas believe that forest fires either benefit or harm the forest depending on where they occur and the intensity and timing of the fire.

2.7.3 Community and Government Institutions LAMPS: Joint Representation Large-scale Adivasi Multipurpose Primary Society is a government-appointed intermediary, which collects NTFP and sells to contractors. NTFPs harvested from the forest can be sold to LAMPS only. For the harvesters' continued involvement in managing and conserving natural resource, it is essential that benefits accruing to the harvester be maximized. A large part of the C&LP effort at strengthening existing institutions has therefore been directed toward LAMPS reform at community level, and at the level of LAMPS directors.

LAMPS reform at the community level: The C&LP regularly conducts information-sharing meetings in individual Soliga settlements. The objective of this exercise has been to create awareness of the role of LAMPS, and the potential for improvement in benefits accruing to the community from LAMPS.

LAMPS reform at the directors' level: The C&LP conducted directors' training sessions prior to the annual governing body meetings in LAMPS societies in the BRT area. The objective of this training was to create awareness of the powers and responsibilities of the directorial position, and the role that directors could play in bringing about reforms in LAMPS' functioning. As a direct result of this, harvester benefits at the BRT LAMPS have recently been increased to 75%.

49 Soliga Abhivruddhi Sangha (SAS): Community Representation The C&LP has worked closely with SAS and Vivekananda Girijana Kalyana Kendra (VGKK). SAS is an organization initiated by the VGKK. VGKK strongly believes that tribal communities are an inseparable part of forest life, and that their future depends entirely on preventing their alienation from nature. At the same time, the organization is committed to the challenges that the community faces in the modern context.

SAS is organized at the hamlet and taluk level, and registered as a society under the Society Registration Act. It resolves conflicts within the community, works on tribal rights and livelihoods, lobbies with the government on tribal issues, and ensures that government welfare schemes for tribal communities reach the Soligas. While the SAS maintains cordial relationships, especially with the District Social Welfare Officer (DSWO) and District Commissioner's (DC) office, it has a more activist voice. In contrast, ATREE, while sharing the same concerns and objectives, adopts a less challenging tone with government bodies. ATREE has been working with SAS on sustainable harvesting practices, forest conservation, agriculture restoration and LAMPS reforms in the last 14 years.

The RFRA has been welcomed by the SAS as an Act equal to a declaration of independence, if implemented properly. The SAS has been taking the implementation forward strategically in the districts where it has a prominent presence.

The SAS has adopted a multi-pronged strategy to address implementation:

n Lobbying at all levels of government/ bureaucratic set-up.

n Strengthening Gram Sabhas through dissemination campaigns, trainings and workshops.

n Maintaining cordial relations with district administrations.

n Besides strengthening Gram Sabhas, SAS also proposed and initiated training for Panchayat Secretaries at the district level, with ATREE. Within a week after this training, letters from the district office were issued to secretaries to convene Gram Sabhas (GS) at the hamlet level (unlike Gram Sabhas at the Gram Panchayat (GP) level) to initiate the formation of Forest Rights Committees (FRCs).

n The SAS, as part of its strategy, has decided to lobby for one right at a time. To begin with, claims for community forest rights, in particular NTFP rights, have been filed, given that the season for NTFP collection is soon to begin. After this, the 145 podus/ hamlets in Chamarajanagara district would file claims for individual rights.

SAS is sensitized to the need for sustainable harvest, community issues, inequities in benefit sharing and has taken on responsibilities related to these with the community, Gram Sabha and state authorities. It has built credibility as a democratic institution, which is why the program has elected to work closely with SAS and VGKK.

50 After the enactment of the RFRA in December 2006, several workshops and meetings were s

organized in BR hills to disseminate information on the Act among community leaders and e t i

members. The significant initial workshops include a workshop organized in collaboration with S Soliga Abhivruddhi Sangha (SAS), Vivekananda Girijan Kalyan Kendra (VGKK) and Kalpavriksh, towards disseminating the key features of the Act among members of the Soliga community. Subsequently SAS, as well as ATREE, in collaboration with SAS, organized several workshops to develop capacities of Soligas towards claiming rights under the Act. A multi- pronged strategy was adopted to reach as many hamlets/settlements and people as possible. At the district level, the District Commissioner (DC) issued a letter to the Panchayat secretaries to convene Gram Sabha for the formation of the Forest Rights Committee (FRC). This was preceded by a day-long workshop on orienting the panchayat secretaries and other concerned functionaries about the Act and the provisions thereof. In this meeting the chief executive officer of the Zilla Panchayat clearly mentioned that traditional/hamlet level Gram Sabha are to be considered for the formation of FRC unlike the Gram Sabha of the Panchayats. The Chamarajanagara district was among the first districts in the state to initiate the formation of the District Level Committee (DLC) and Sub Division Map 3: Traditional clan boundaries mapped Level Committee (SDLC). The DC in with Soliga elders this case made a special invitation to SAS to nominate representatives from the community to represent both at the District Level Committee as well as the Sub Division Level Committee including one woman member nominated to the committee. This was done in the view of no representation of any forest dwelling tribal on the Zilla panchayat. This was a big gain for the Soligas, and their members now are part of the respective committees.

As part of evidence and rights to access places of cultural importance, the mapping of sacred sites initiated with ATREE was also seen as an important activity that would provide evidence about their presence in the landscape, access, and protection of sites of cultural importance to Soligas. Mapping of sacred sites (Devaru, maramma, kallugudi, samadhi, habbi, veeru) was undertaken to record and draw up a cultural map of the Soligas. This process saw resurgence in the cultural history of Soligas amongst the community members. Drawing up the map is seen by the Soligas as a political process by which for the first time their voices are being captured and recorded in form of this map.

51 The claim process is currently ongoing and SAS volunteers are helping community members submit their claims for individual and community forest rights.

2.7.4 Way Forward with Institutions 1. Work from the Gram Sabha level upward for decentralized self-governance. Nudge single-purpose, member-centric community bodies towards self-governance through participation with Gram Sabhas. 2. Arm SAS with information regarding the RFRA, build capacity, organise trainings and meetings at SAS and Panchayat level. Contribute to the internal build-up towards meeting the Act midways. 3. Strengthen/ reform existing institutional structures like LAMPS. Input to Soliga representatives' capacity building and better-informed decisions through PRM. 4. Continue working with single-purpose institutions like SHGs and LCC till the time they are absorbed into the local-governance structure. 5. Develop ecological protocols that can be taken up by partner institutions stronger in the socio-economic and equity fields. 6. Strengthen PRM in order to better inform and sensitize local populations to responsibilities and accountability related to resource use.

2.8 Ecological Status In order to determine whether an NTFP is being harvested in a manner that is sustainable, measurements of its extraction, regeneration and productivity need to be made over a period of years, along with a plotting of anthropogenic factors, and occurrence of hemi-parasites and competing species.

In BRT, the C&LP has carried out this study for Phyllanthus spp. (amla/ gooseberry) across two distinct vegetation types; and a study of bee colonies: the effect of extraction on bee populations.

2.8.1 Phyllanthus spp. The objectives of the study have been:

n To understand the annual and inter-annual variation in fruit productivity, extraction and regeneration of P. emblica and P. indofischeri in different vegetation types.

n To study the impact of factors such as harvest intensity, infestation of mistletoes and forest fire on fruit productivity.

n To understand the flowering and fruiting phenology of gooseberry.

52 Main Findings s

1. Estimation of fruit productivity e t i

a. Number of fruiting trees of P. emblica has increased during 5 years (1999 to 2003, S after which the ban on collection stalled monitoring) of monitoring. This indicates that species population is not being affected due to harvest. b. The average number of fruits per tree has increased. This, along with the fact that there has been an increase in fruit-producing adults also points to sustainable harvest practice. c. Fruit productivity for P. emblica has shown a biannual increase across the year. d. P. indofischeri has shown an increase in proportion of fruiting adults. e. Fruit production per tree, for P. indofischeri fluctuated in the first 3 years and then settled into decline in the last 2 years of study. The reason for this might be the species' restriction to scrub land where rainfall is low. 2. Extraction Transects established to study fruit productivity were used to carry out fruit extraction studies also. These occupied both dry deciduous and scrub environments, for both P. emblica and P. indofischeri. Annual data was collected from the year 1999 to 2003. a. P. emblica harvest intensity was relatively low at 29%, across years, and across all sites. b. There seems to be a threshold limit for collectors to harvest fruits from a given tree. The results suggest that the number of fruits should be more than 1197 (7.2 kg), in case of P. emblica, for the Soligas to harvest the tree and leaving the others that are less than these threshold preferences. c. Harvest intensity of P. Indofischeri is relatively high, at 60%, over all years, and across all sites. Possible reasons are that the trees are shorter, making them easier to climb and faster to harvest; and the fruits are bigger, with higher market value. d. Correspondingly, the threshold number for P. indofischeri is lower than that of P.emblica. 3. Regeneration 10 transects, of 100m x 10m each, were established in dry deciduous (P. emblica) and scrub forests (P. indofischeri). Total area sampled was 2 hectares for both species. Population classes were defined as seedlings (stems less than 1cm DBH diameter at breast height), juveniles (1-10 cm DBH) and adults (greater than 10 cm DBH). All individuals in the plot or transects were permanently tagged. Data was collected over three-year periods-from 1999 to 2001, and from 2005 to 2007. a. Sapling and adult size classes were stable for all years of observation. b. Seedling population class showed considerable variation, especially for P. indofischeri. This could be a reflection of the variation in fruit production, which

53 varied between 87 and 117 tons over the observation period. c. Harvest was at 39% to 52% of total production. d. High number of individuals in smaller size classes resulted in an inverse J-shaped size-class distribution curve in P. indofischeri. e. An abundance of seedlings is an expression of successful seed germination and establishment, and is affected by a combination of biotic and abiotic factors like number of fruits produced and harvested. F. Similarly, an abundance of saplings is indicative of successful recruitment of seedlings into the sapling size class. g. Though seedling densities were similar, P. emblica populations had significantly fewer saplings. This implies lower recruitment into the sapling size class, or greater mortality of the sapling size class (or some combination of the two) in the case of P. emblica. Greater mortality of P. emblica was observed, which might correspond to Lantana density. h. Seedling recruitment rate for P. emblica was 40%, and 89% for P. indofischeri. i. The models clearly illustrate that fruit harvest is not the cause of decline in P. emblica j. Plots with high lantana have significantly higher rates of juvenile mortality. k. In addition, different environments- scrub and dry deciduous, might account for differences in species regeneration. This has to be studied, along with a study of accompanying anthropogenic factors.

Fig.4: Size-class distribution curve for Phyllanthus spp.-BRT

54 4. Effect of hemi-parasite (uppilu/ Taxillus tomentosus)

This hemi-parasite infects nelli trees and is particularly found in dry deciduous forests of s e t

P. emblica. For the study, 3 categories were tagged and observed: trees without uppilu i infestation, trees with infestation, and trees from which the hemi-parasite had been S physically removed. This was done over a 4-year period, at 2 sites. a. Fruit productivity was highest in trees from which the hemi-parasite was removed, followed by trees not infected. This was consistent across all years of observations at both sites. b. Recent observations show increased incidence of T. tomentosus, attributed to ban of controlled fire. c. Mortality rates for trees from which the hemi-parasite was removed–3.1%, without infestation–1.4%, and trees from which the infestation was not removed–54%. This clearly relates infestation to mortality and population growth rate. Presence of hemi-parasite significantly increases mortality. 5. Branch Cut Experiments To study effect of branch cutting on fruit productivity. Primary, secondary and tertiary branches of the same tree were pruned, with one uncut branch of each level serving as control. Fruits were counted before the experiment, and then for the years 2000-2007. A. Primary branches showed fewer fruits compared to the control, and did not recover for 4 years of observation. b. Secondary branches that were pruned did not produce fruit in the first year, and showed lower productivity till about 4 years after pruning. c. Tertiary branches recovered after 2 years and showed maximum productivity compared to primary and secondary. d. Fruit production in control and primary branch was statistically significant for all the four years. e. The inference is that fruits need to be harvested without cutting the branches.

55 2.8.2 Monitoring of bee colonies Transects were mapped basis vegetation type and proportion of vegetation type. Fourteen transects of 1km lengths were laid randomly along the stream in the dry deciduous forest, three were laid in evergreen forest, and thirteen rock cliffs were marked permanently. Bee colonies found along these transects and rock cliffs were monitored from 1995 to 2008 to observe the yearly variability in bee colonies. To estimate the stock of bee colonies, the colonies were counted along transects, before harvest to ascertain stock, and after harvest for extraction levels. 1. Maximum densities of bee colonies were found in evergreen forests, followed by dry deciduous. 2. Maximum harvest in dry deciduous zones, followed by evergreen and cliffs. This behaviour was related to accessibility. 3. Decline in bee colonies over 2000- 2004, followed by a steady number and density. 4. Despite increasing harvest, the number of colonies has not decreased, which suggests that the harvest does not affect sustainability. Other factors (for the 2000-2004 decline) like flowering of nectar-producing tree species might be determining to colony density. Or increase in lantana density, which has insecticidal properties, may have contributed to the decline. Besides, farmers in plains have started cultivating oil plants like sunflower, attracting some bee population.

56 3. Male Mahadeshwara Hills s e t i S

MAP-4: CLP villages in MM Hills

Profile: The Male Mahadeshwara Reserve Forest is located in southeast Karnataka, where it borders Tamil Nadu. It forms a connecting corridor between the BRT Wildlife Sanctuary to its west, and the Cauvery Wildlife Sanctuary to the northeast. MM Hills was notified as a reserve forest in 1913, with an area of 703 sq km, but with the formation of CWLS in 1992, an area of 310 sq km was transferred from MM hills, reducing the RF jurisdiction.

The area is predominantly marked by three major forest types, viz., dry deciduous, tropical moist deciduous and bamboo forests. There are conspicuous sandalwood patches in some areas. NTFP varieties found in the forest include tamarind, amla, antoowala, magali beru, seegekai, arale, avaram , broom grass and honey.

Lantana invasion in the forest is high, covering nearly 80% of the land. The mass felling of native vegetation, especially bamboo, in the years between 1933 and 1980, left the ground open for the rapid spread of lantana. The lantana canopy subdues the recruitment of seedlings and saplings. It sequesters native pollinator populations with its profusion of nectar-producing flowers, which the native trees un-pollinated and with a poor fruit and seed set. The weed competes with wild and domestic flora for soil nutrients.

57 3.1 Background The MM Hills community is made up of Soligas and Lingayats. The Soligas are the indigenous community who shifted here from the adjacent BR Hills and Sathyamangalam. They are a hunter-gatherer tribe who stopped practicing shifting cultivation before 1901 and settled in hamlets, which were notified as revenue land in 1910-13. The Lingayats are temple priests who came here originally from . Lingayat families take turns to work in the temple once a year. Temple festivities draw pilgrims and are a market opportunity in themselves. About one million pilgrims come to the temple every year, creating a wake of income for the Lingayat and Soliga families.

Resource rights and access are unevenly distributed, with Soligas bearing the brunt of an inequitable distribution of benefits. Three forest ranges were transferred to the Cauvery Wildlife Sanctuary without intimation to the villagers. NTFP collection from these 3 ranges has been banned. Further, all collection in the Chamarajanagara circle (within which BRT also falls) was arbitrarily stopped, and was resumed only after sustained protests by the SAS. The area transferred to the Cauvery Wildlife Sanctuary remains excluded from all NTFP collection.

Apart from religious tourism, till as late as 1996, the area was mined for its good quality black granite. Mining was even more extensive before this, till the Forest Conservation Act came into force in 1980. Fresh leases were stopped, but quarrying continued till as late as 1995-96 on existing leases. There has been pressure to restart quarrying work in the region.

The main bodies representing communities are the PRIs, in which Lingayats have a dominant representation. Government social welfare programs and development schemes are implemented by or through the PRIs. Presence of civic institutions is thin. Even the SAS is less active here than in BRT.

ATREE's association with MM Hills started with an enterprise-based system for enhancing livelihoods. The basic premise was 'conservation by substitution'. Bamboo-basket weaving was no longer a viable income source since bamboo extraction had been declared illegal. Lantana was an all-pervasive weed. The solution seemed to be to substitute bamboo with lantana, thereby protecting the wild bamboo crop, ridding the ecosystem of some population of lantana, and

58 augmenting the income of the local population. Within the broader program thrust, the lantana s

craft program has become a subset of a larger reconciliation effort. e t i S 3.2 Key Issues

n Interventions have been piecemeal, livelihoods focused

n Indirect conservation definitions at present

n Significant dependency on NTFPs as an income source, and few alternative sources of income

n At present, migration is high and accounts for major portion of household income

3.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention

n To build a rights-based and responsibility-based community

n To build a conservation corps who can stake claim to managing this corridor

n To strengthen community-based institutions like SAS and SHGs, and Panchayats

n To find potential points for collaborative management with VFCs

n To manage pollution caused by tourists

n To enhance livelihood options through new enterprise

3.4 Selection of Villages Four villages were selected basis the factors that affected their socio-economic status:

n Proximity to/ distance from the forest and market. Gurasane and Hannehola are close to the market, while Kokkubare and Kommudikki are close to the forest.

N Caste composition. Hannehola and Kommudikki villages are a heterogeneous composition of Lingayats and Soligas, Gurasane and Kokkubare are exclusively Soliga and Lingayat, respectively. All selected villages fall under one Panchayat, and are revenue villages that were surveyed by the Madras Revenue Survey department in 1901.

59 Villages Caste Total Sample Location Occupation Access to composition h/h size other income sources Hannehola Soligas and 45 20 Dry Rainfed Migration to Lingayats and and deciduous agriculture stone 30 13 forest, near and fuelwood quarries and MM Hills coffee estates market Gurasane Soligas 24 24 Dry Rainfed Migration to deciduous agriculture stone and scrub and bamboo quarries jungle, near basket MM Hills weaving market

Kommudikki Lingayats 90 28 Semi-moist Rainfed Migration to and Soligas and and deciduous agriculture stone 20 11 and dry and NTFP quarries deciduous collection forest

Kokkubare Lingayats 30 30 Moist Rainfed Migration to deciduous agriculture, stone and Shola NTFP and quarries forests fuelwood collection

3.5 Socio-economic Status All four villages fall under the MM Hills Panchayat, which covers 22 villages, with a total population of 10,000. 20% population is Soliga. The average household size of Lingayats is 5, of Soligas, 4. Major occupation is agriculture, bamboo basket weaving and local wage labour. Most farmers also rely on income from quarries and estates in distant locations. 50% households in Gurasane fall below the poverty line, the average income being Rs 18,000/- per annum. The trend in the other three villages is not very different.

60 %Total net agri income %Total livestock s

%Total income from other Forest resource e

120 t %Total NTFP income i

%Total income from Migration and Local Labor S

100

80

60 % I e n

m 40 c o c o n I

m % e 20

0 Gura(S) H.Hola(S) H.Hola(L) K.bare(L) Kom(L) Kom(S) Village Name Fig.5: Percentage of total income/household/annum MM Hills

Gurasane(Soliga)Gura(S), Hannehola(Soliga)-H.Hola(S), Hannehola(Lingayat)-H.Hola(L), Kokkubare(Lingayat)-K.bare(L), Kommudikki(Lingayat)-Kom(L), Kommudikki(Soliga)-Kom(S)

3.5.1 Dependency on NTFP

Month NTFP Activity Sep Bamboo basket Oct Temple festivities, weaving, and Nov fuelwood collection and lantana furniture Dec bamboo basketry Magali beru, Jan broom grass, amla Feb Mar Apr Shikakai, May tamarind, antoowala Jun Jul Aug

61 NTFPs are an important source of cash income for both Lingayats and Soligas. The chart above shows the seasonal dependence on forest produce. The average cash income of Lingayats, from NTFPs, is Rs. 5800/-, while of Soligas' is Rs. 4120/-. Kokkubare earns the most from among the C&LP villages because of its proximity to the forest, as well as to the road. However, the major benefits of extraction go to the contractors. The community serves merely as wage labour for the harvest. So extraction follows the demands of the market place and the rates dictated by contractors, some produce being so de-valued that the community has given up harvest of that particular species altogether. Value-addition, which could help raise the price of harvest, is not a solution, as it requires cost-intensive infrastructural inputs.

20000

15000

10000

5000 N e t . s I n

R 0

c e o m m o c e n I

t R e s N -5000 . Gura(S) H.Hola(S) H.Hola(L) K.bare(L) Kom(L) Kom(S) Village Name Fig.6: Net income from NTFPs/household/annum-MM Hills

Bamboo groves are no longer the source of income they used to be. These forests are depleted because of large-scale extractions to the tune of 25,000 tons per annum by Mysore Paper Mills, from 1933 till 1980. Soligas have restricted access to bamboo resource. Under the RFRA, traditional bamboo basket weavers can claim rights for bamboo collection.

Though lantana is a menace, collection of lantana as NTFP requires permission that only the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF) can grant. There is some resistance even for lantana harvesting.

62 Fuel wood collection is generally for household consumption, except in villages closer to the s market, where it contributes to the cash component of household income. e t i S

% C a s h F W a n d B B 1 2 0 % N o n c a s h F W

1 0 0

B

B

d

n 8 0

a

W

F

m 6 0

o

r

f

e

m

o 4 0

c

n

I

%

% 2 0 I n 0 c

o G u r a ( S ) H . H o l a ( S )H . H o l a ( L )K . b a r e ( L ) K o m ( L ) K o m ( S ) m V i l l a g e n a m e e

f Fig. 7: Percentage income from fuelwood and bamboo-basketry - MM Hills r o m F The C&LPW continues its Conservation by Substitution module that trains local artisans in the a

methodsn of making lantana products, in designs that would be marketable. Four lantana craft centres d are now functional, with predominantly women SHG members as craftsmen. B OrganizationsB government and non-government-in Periyar Tiger Reserve, Nagarhole NP, Palni Hills and Bandipur have expressed interest in initiating similar enterprise.

For the C&LP, this seems to be the end of the road as far as LCCs are concerned, because it is unsuited to deliver on, or take up marketing of lantana products. However, the line of action now is to federate SHGs, have them fund the LCCs and eventually tie up SHG/LCC needs with PRIs.

3.5.2 Dependency on agriculture Lingayats are the temple priests. They have larger and legal land holdings. Their income per annum is higher, and they are able to employ Soligas on farms and for NTFP collection. In Kommudikki, 2 out of 80 Lingayat families are landless, in comparison with 10 landless of 16 Soliga households. Lingayats have the best cultivable lands: even those within Soliga hamlets, though they themselves do not allow Soligas to even collect drinking water from the water supply in the Lingayat hamlet.

In heterogeneous villages, Soligas are the disadvantaged minority. Soligas stopped practising shifting agriculture before 1901 and settled on hamlets, which were later notified as revenue land. Few Soligas have pattas in their names. On an average, the land holding size is 1.8 acres.

63 Land patta is usually in the name of the male head of the family. Majority of Soligas cultivate unproductive hilly forestland and cultivate dry crops.

Main crops are ragi, jowar and maize. Farmers in all C&LP villages practice dry farming and rainfed agriculture. They are open to using inorganic fertilizers and hybrid seeds if they can afford it. However, due to lack of access and financial support they rely more on organic fertilizers and traditional crops.

Agricultural yield falls short of even subsistence needs. It supports a family for 6 months and for the rest, they have to purchase rice and ragi, or depend on the public distribution system for rice. There is no cash income from agriculture in the C&LP villages. Non-cash valuation of agriculture yield is Rs. 2900/- for Soligas, and Rs. 4315/- for Lingayats, while agri- income per hectare is Rs. 1500/- and Rs. 2500/- respectively. The difference in earnings is due to land size, labour and purchasing power for agriculture inputs. Women are employed in farms at a daily wage of Rs. 25/-.

Common problems are soil erosion, poor rainfall, loss of traditional land management and cultivation knowledge, lack of means to source modern methods of increasing productivity.

3.5.3 Livestock dependency The Lingayats have the capital to purchase livestock, which Soligas do not. Livestock is considered a liquid asset, and signifies security. Maali Maadu is a native cattle breed seen in Lingayat villages. Grazing is allowed inside the reserve at various herders' camps.

3.5.4 Other income sources Young men routinely turn to migration to earn additional income. The quarries of TN, and Orissa offer a bulk advance and indenture these men as bonded labour. The men who worked at bamboo weaving also prefer quarries to lantana craft, since quarry labour provides better income.

64 3.6 Institutions s

3.6.1 Traditional Institutions e t i

Kula Sangha is the traditional local governance body and the Yejamana is its leader. There are five S kulas. Siddeswara Kula (migrants from Tamil Nadu), Thenyairu Kula, Selikeru Kula, Aldharu Kula, Belliaru Kula and Suryaru Kula. Cheluvadhi, Kolukara, Pattegaru and Maniagaru are the representatives of the each kula. Marriage within the same kula is prohibited. Kula, as an institution, holds little sway in present times. The Kallukudi (stone piles at grave sites) and Devarukudi (places held sacred) locations for the different kulas, and identification of their main deities, have been recorded.

3.6.2 Community Institutions and their Role Panchayat Though the Panchayat is a government-mandated body, its role is not clear to the common man. Meetings of the Panchayat are not organized or regular. Post RFRA, the scenario is slowly changing and villagers are realizing the role of Panchayats in claiming community rights over the resource and land.

The MM Hills Panchayat is located in Thamdikare, and consists of 9 wards, each with 3 elected members. Of the 27 members, 2 are Soligas.

ATREE is interfacing with the Panchayat on two aspects: 1. One, on creating hamlet-level Gram Sabhas and Forest Rights Committees to further implementation of the RFRA 2006. th st n From August 15 to 31 December 2007, ATREE conducted a series of awareness meetings on RFRA at the village and Panchayat level. Workshops for disseminating information on RFRA and its rules have been conducted with all Panchayat members, with local institutions like Sthree Shakthi, Divyajoythi SHG, SAS directors and village leaders. Village meetings have been conducted with SAS, VFC and active youth members, too.

n Once the RFRA was notified in 2008, ATREE started a second round dissemination process targeting Panchayat and Gram Sabha members in hamlets.

n FRC formation: Gram Sabha meetings and formation of FRCs are happening parallelly with the formation of District Level Committee (DLC) and Taluk Level Committee (TLC).

n Conflicts arising in the formation of FRCs have been resolved. For instance, the Lingayat and Soliga heterogeneous villages of Kommudikki, Hannehola and Gurasane refused to have a common FRC. A solution for having one FRC for each village was worked out, and the list of FRC members for all three villages was sent to

65 the District Level Committee.

n There is a need to include the Forest Department and Large-scale Adivasi Multipurpose Primary Society (LAMPS). Currently ATREE is dialoguing with both institutions on the RFRA, and trying to find possible ways to bring them under this process.

2. Two, on developing a conservation perspective and evolving a participatory planning process for governance of forest resources.

LAMPS NTFP collection and grazing are allowed, excluding areas that are now under the Cauvery Wildlife Sanctuary. Collection requires the issuance of a pass from LAMPS. LAMPS have rights over collection and disposal of minor forest produce. Although LAMPS were constituted to improve returns to tribal NTFP collectors, their rules make it illegal for collectors to sell to any other party, thereby limiting their opportunities for seeking better rates. In MM Hills, the price paid by LAMPS for NTFPs is much below market price, thereby depriving collectors of higher incomes. In addition, LAMPS has recently routed 5% of the income, as bonus, to Village Forest Committees (VFCs), which are almost all in non-ST, or Lingayat, villages. Further, VFC area for collection is excluded from the collection areas allowed to traditional harvesters from the same vicinity, increasing the difference in benefit sharing between Lingayats and STs.

LAMPS sets the minimum rates and calls for an open bid for the harvest of NTFPs in Hannur, Ramapura and MM Hills Reserve. Major stakeholders of LAMPS are the Soligas and the Forest Department. Income from NTFP is shared:

VFCs, 5%

LAMPs Agents, 5%

LAMPs, 20%

Harvesters, 70%

Fig. 8: Income distribution from NTFP in MM Hills

66 - 70% to the harvester

- 20% to LAMPS s e t - 5% to LAMPS agent i S - 5% to VFCs (Village Forest Committees). So, if a person pays Rs. 5/kg for amla, Rs. 3.50 goes to the harvester, Re. 1/- to LAMPS, 25p to the LAMPS agent and 25p to VFCs. Earlier LAMPS used to get 25% income from NTFP sale, but after the formation of VFCs, LAMPS was urged to share 5% of its income with VFCs of the respective NTFP harvest villages.

LAMPS are responsible for:

n Collection of minor forest produce.

n Ensuring that the collection is carried out in a systematic, scientific and controlled manner. This involves supervision to oversee any harm to the trees and ensuring that harvesters engaged for harvest during summers do not set fire to the forest to facilitate collection.

n Reporting monthly returns, collection quantity and quantity transported, to the Deputy Conservator of Forest (DCF) of the division.

n Preserving at least 10% of produce-yielding trees for wildlife use and regeneration.

In principle, this makes the LAMPS the ideal institution for the conservation and livelihoods program because it straddles both interests in its agenda. However the situation on the field is far from ideal. ATREE's past interventions with the Soligas have been to educate them on their rights over profits, right to have their say in pricing decisions, and their responsibility towards ensuring sustainability, and preservation and appreciation of their traditional ecosystem knowledge.

MM Hills Temple Authority The temple authority in MM Hills is the second biggest landholder after the Forest Department. They are the catalyst for infrastructure development in the area, and for much of local trade. The temple draws several thousand pilgrims, mainly in the 7 months between October and April. This crowd is largely indifferent to ecosystem concerns, and the temple has the potential to play a vital role in sensitizing local and visiting populations to the environment, simply by the way it chooses to conduct its affairs.

ATREE is in dialogue with temple authorities on two fronts:

n Reinstituting the local prasad that the Soliga women make from Amaranthus seeds. This would provide the women an opportunity to add to their current income.

N Using their authority with tourists to make this zone free of plastic pollution. To this purpose, ATREE is urging the temple to use biodegradable cloth and paper bags,

67 and collection points for reusable products.

The temple is to revert on both these issues. Meanwhile, they have responded in kind this year, by providing free space for the Lantana mela 2007, and also a shop to the Divyajyoti foundation.

SAS The Soliga Abhivruddhi Sangha is the voice of Soligas in this region. It has membership across 80 villages. It is well networked, and has been instrumental in channelling most of the government grants and aid to the Soligas. For better outreach and administration, SAS has divided Kollegal taluk into 5 circles-Gundal, Authoor (P.G.Palya), Alladakuli, Ponnachi and MM Hills.

ATREE's aim is to strengthen SAS' role in the region. This involves empowerment and capacity building of Sangha leadership. ATREE is interacting closely with SAS on policy and legislation opportunities that the community can leverage in context of the Recognition of Forest Rights Act 2006. ATREE and SAS are actively involved in dissemination of information regarding this Act.

VFC In spirit, the Village Forest Committee's purpose is to enlist community participation in protection of forests. However, the VFC's implementation guidelines for doing this seem to be lacking. Between 1997 and '98, 15 VFCs were created, of which 4 are active and received funding from the Forest Department for village development and forest restoration activities.

Lantana Craft Centre Soliga artisans in MM Hills have received exposure to the new raw material, lantana, which was once considered a useless weed. Around 180 artisans trained from 2005-2007. Their lantana craft skills have been upgraded, and the product linked to the mainstream market. Lantana craft is also being propagated by them to other parts of the country. The impact of this enterprise has been three-fold. One, it has enabled tribal artisans, especially women, to earn a livelihood from a widely available weed. Two, income levels have increased, on an average, from Rs.17,000/- per annum (from agriculture, NTFP and migration) to Rs.30,100/- per annum (from

68 agriculture, NTFP and lantana craft). Further, the number of workdays has increased by 50% to s

60% (days in which they earn an income). Three, use of a problematic invasive has had positive e t i impact on restoration of biodiversity. S

Village No. of people trained from Total 2005-2007 Male Female

Ramagalli 7 45 52 Konnankare 12 57 69 Husthur 10 35 45 Hannehola 11 12 23 Total 40 149 189

There are four LCCs, which market products in MM Hills, and Chamarajanagara. Handicrafts Marketing and Service Extension Centre, Mysore, which comes under the Ministry of Textiles, GoI, has recognized their artisan status and provided all artisans insurance coverage and opportunity to attend melas and exhibitions free of cost. Since the LCC artisans are Divyajyoti members, the federation supports the LCC financially.

Divyajyoti Federation ATREE adopted a self-help group model from the Covenant Centre for Development (Madurai). This model is made up of cluster SHG groups that are bound to an apex body that is governed by the cluster members. CCD provided training to ATREE in account keeping and in initiating groups.

The number of SHGs has grown from 16 to 50, across 30 villages, with a total saving of Rs. 700,000/-. Members' dependency on moneylenders has gone down because of the microfinance facility provided by this SHG. The group fosters leadership and self-management skills, and gives women a platform to articulate their problems. Each SHG, or Jyoti, meets once a month, and group leaders also attend monthly cluster meetings.

69 All SHGs together form the Divyajyoti Federation.

Divyajyoti Federation (DF) is an apex body, registered under the Societies Registration Act 1860, with 10 members elected from the 50 SHGs representing all three Panchayats. It consists of a president, a secretary, a treasurer and seven village representatives. All the SHGs have been linked with local banks. Registering the federation as a Society has helped it gain formal recognition and it is now a government-recognised, independent, self-sustained institution. The SHGs are focused on savings and credit, enterprise development and marketing. While these tie in with C&LP's livelihoods agenda, conservation and community participation schemes do not fit in this member-centric institution.

3.6.3 Managing Institutions In working with these institutions, the challenge has been to create a cohesive set of objectives that work towards conservation, community involvement and share of voice, and stable, secure livelihoods. In light of these, the strengths and weaknesses of the FD and local institutions are mapped in the following SWOT analysis:

SWOT Analysis of Local Institutions Strengths Weaknesses - Afforestation activities - Lack of accountability - Participation in LAMPS and SHGs - Poor monitoring and evaluation - Soil conservation management - Lack of processing and value - Local infrastructure development addition - Poor resource management - Lack of leadership - Lack of participation Opportunities Threats - Develop leadership - Disputes in sharing of resources - Value addition to NTFPs - Gender issues - Sustainable harvesting practices - Caste issues - Training and capacity building - More participation - Networking - Efficient monitoring and evaluating practices

70 SWOT Analysis of FD with respect to C&LP

Strengths Weakness s e t

- Federal perspective and say - Lack of accountability to community i S - Afforestation activities - RFRA - Recognition of LAMPS, SHGs and - Government orders only platform Panchayats for articulation of expectations - International recognition of - VFCs underused biodiversity areas - Funds

Opportunities Threats - Government mandated Panchayats - Arbitrary regional approach - LAMPS - Open access

Though the FD has held all votes in decision-making till now, the implementation of RFRA is expected to create stand-offs, and also, importantly, areas of collaboration on common objectives. Effective natural resource governance requires decentralization at the local level, and without rights vested with communities, governance cannot be achieved.

Dialogue with Forest Department 1. Lantana Craft Centre: ATREE has been trying to create awareness on lantana craft through melas. The changing objectives of the melas every year reflect the gradual progress of the enterprise. - The 2005 mela objective was to provide interactive ground for an orienting discussion on eradication and use of lantana. FD officials provided perspective on weed removal and urged a scientific approach towards Conservation by Substitution. - 2006: Discussion on experiences with lantana by craftspeople from TN, and Andhra. - 2007: Interactive sessions aimed at dialogue of artisans with experts, regarding maintenance and improvement of quality standards of the marketable product. In this year, the attempt was to open up the enterprise to locals of MM Hills in order to advance possibilities of use, and initiatives with lantana.

The active Deputy Conservator of Forests of Kollegal division has been supportive of the LCC initiative in MM Hills. ATREE has regularly shared reports and findings with the DCF,

71 and is currently putting in place written permission protocol for lantana harvest, at the department's request.

2. Security of tenure in non-revenue villages. Palar and Alambadi are the only two villages that are not notified revenue villages. So the problem of tenure and settlement is on uncertain grounds here. In 1995, 25 families from Hannehola were resettled in Palar by the Forest Department. The reason: fuelwood collection and sale in Hannehola was too high. The families resettled were employed at the department-run nursery in Palar. But this employment stopped when nursery funds ran out. Now the FD asked the community to shift again, without providing any alternatives. Since the Soligas refused to move out, the FD filed a case of encroachment against them. While the community is preparing to meet this conflict, armed with the STOTDA, the Forest Department is moving to derail initiatives in that direction.

ATREE's role has been to equip SAS with information that would strengthen the Soligas' case - like evidence of resettlement orders.

In Alambadi, the case is a reversal of an order regarding the Soligas' rights to stay and cultivate 220 acres land in the area. Harassment by the FD and the STF during 's time caused many families to abandon the place, which is now occupied by non-Soligas from adjoining villages.

SAS is fighting for the tenure rights of the Soligas in Alambadi, and ATREE is providing inputs and logistical support towards this effort.

3.7 Ecological status Three routinely harvested NTFP species are being monitored in MM Hills: Phyllanthus emblica, P. indofischeri and Terminalia chebula. The size class distribution curves for all three species resemble an inverse J, indicating that the species are regenerating sufficiently (Fig.9). However, grazing by livestock is inhibiting regeneration of all three species (Fig.10).

72 s e t i S

Fig. 9: Size class distribution curves for Phyllanthus emblica, P. Indofischeri & Terminalia chebula MM Hills

73 Fig. 10: Effects of grazing on Phyllanthus emblica, P.indofischeri and Terminalia chebula densities - MM Hills

74 4. Kanakapura s e t i S

MAP-5: CLP villages in Kanakapura

Profile Kanakanahalli, which is now called Kanakapura, is about 50 kms from Bangalore. It is part of the vast areas of forest that once covered Bangalore. The forest range is located in the Bilikal Reserve Forest and has Bannerghatta National Park towards its north. Bilikal Reserve Forest is one of the largest state forests in the area. The eastern portion of the range spreads into Tamil Nadu. Kanakapura taluka stretches 1590 sq km, from the outskirts of Bangalore to the Cauvery. Elevation varies between 800m-900m, with an annual rainfall of 805.2mm. There are 258 villages spread over six hobilies (group of villages). The land is characterized by vast stretches of undulating plains. Uplands are often bare or covered with low scrub forest, and lowlands are dotted with series of irrigation tanks. The predominant forest types include tropical, tropical dry deciduous, southern tropical dry deciduous, tropical thorn and southern tropical thorn. (Champion and Seth, 1962 to '63). Major species are Abrus precatorius, Acacia catechu, Acacia ruguta, Aegle marmelos, Anogeisus latifolia, Asperagous recemosa, Chloroxylon swetenia, Decalepis hamiltonni, Feronia elephantum, Hemidesmus indicus, Phyllanthus emblica, Phyllanthus indofischeri, Pongamia glabra , album, Semicarpus anacardium, Strychnos potatorum, Tamarindus indica, Terminalia spp, and Wrightia tinctoria.

75 4.1 Background Socially and geographically, Kanakapura is a patchy landscape. Forestland is interspersed with agricultural lands, with new development increasingly burdening the landscape due to proximity to Bangalore. Human-wildlife conflicts are common, as the elephant corridor, sometimes only 2- 3km wide, continues getting squeezed. Exploitation of grass and bamboo in the forest reduces fodder for elephants, while their intrusion into cultivated lands and ensuing crop damage exacerbates the human-wildlife conflict.

Farmers cultivate marginal lands, which are mostly owned by the Forest Department. Unclear property rights mainly affect the poor, as they cannot afford costs of resolving ownership. Land is not used to its full potential, or used as collateral for loans. These small farms often sustain large families, resulting in high pressure on the land. Chemical fertilizers subsidized by the government are welcomed. Drought is considered the main problem, as it forces farmers to grow grain, mostly finger millet; these crops result in little income, making further investments in their farm (irrigation, cash-trees) difficult, and keeps them dependent on the forest for fuelwood, cattle grazing, NTFP and timber. Alternative sources of income are easily available.

The social structure is heterogeneous, composed of Irulas/Kadu Pujari, Lambani, Adi Karnatakas/ Dalits, Vokkaligas and Lingayats. The last two have a predominant presence.

4.2 Key Issues

n Landlessness and poverty. Inability to settle claims

n Poor quality soil and low rainfall

n Wildlife depredation

n Expanding city limits

n Existing institutions not oriented towards issues of secure tenure, access, NTFP tenders and fuelwood dependency

4.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention

n To strengthen local institutions towards better natural resource governance

n To facilitate systems and processes for biodiversity sustainability

n To work towards models of alternative, diversified livelihood sources for enhanced

76 household incomes. s

n To enhance knowledge and information on biodiversity of the region through e t i

conservation education. S

4.4 Selection of Villages Five villages were selected as representative of socio-economic diversity in the region, livelihood options and privileges related to caste, and the community's proximity to the forest. The approach strategy in these villages was through school conservation education programs that later also connected to community concerns through SHGs. All five villages are in Elachavadi Panchayat, which is made up of 33 villages. Of the selected villages, those for which PRA has been completed are:

Village Number of Caste Income source Land Security Distance from Households Composition forest Bandedoddi 15 SC Agriculture, Nil Next to labour, Bannerghatta livestock NP Budagayyanadoddi 18 Irula Agriculture, 5/18 families Next to NTFP have land Bannerghatta pattas NP Kumbaradoddi 46 Gouda, Agriculture, Part of Lambani, NTFP Theerubeedi Ediga, revenue village Acharya, Lingayat Theerubeedi 74 Lingayat, Agriculture, Next to Bilikal Gouda, Beda, NTFP Reserve Forest Acharya

4.5 Socio-economic Status Agriculture is the primary occupation, whether on secure land pattas, through sharecropping, or by cultivation of forestland. However, income from alternative sources – enterprise, tailoring, driving, sale of fuelwood etc. is higher. Livestock and NTFP collection are other livelihood options that the forest supports.

77 % Agriculture % Livestock % Fuelwood % NTFP % Labour 120 % Migration

100

80

60 e % m o I c n n I c

40 o % m e

20

0 Bandedoddi Budagayanadoddi Kumbaradoddi Therubeedi Fig.1: Percentage income from different livelihood sources - Kanakapura

4.5.1 Agriculture Dependency Cultivable agricultural landholding can go up to 18 acres, but few farmers possess land more than 8 acres in any of the four villages. The per capita range is 1.5 acres, with net agricultural income of Rs. 2000/- to Rs. 4000/-. As the landholding size goes up, the net income also rises, as shown in the figure below.

Bandedoddi 20000 Budagayanadoddi Kumbaradoddi Therubeedi

15000

10000

5000 ) N . s e R t (

a 0 H g H

r / i

e i n m c o c o n i m

i r

e -5000 g a /

t H

e 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 N H

( Landholding(Ac) R s ) Fig.12: Landholding vs. net agri-income per household - Kanakapura

78 The main problems associated with agriculture are unpredictable rainfall, poor soil quality, poor s yields, wildlife depredation, and with the majority possessing no land titles, no compensation for e t i loss of crop due to depredation. Land use patterns are decided by incidences of human-wildlife S conflict; conversely, human-wildlife conflicts are also caused by change in land use patterns. Land that would traditionally be left fallow or circumvented in the repeated presence of wildlife is not abandoned for fear of it being reclaimed by the FD. This situation is a direct result of lack of tenure and the insecurities it causes. On the other hand, some land is not cultivated, for fear of depredation and loss of crop. So there is no one absolute in the outcomes, but the exigent factors that create the outcomes seem common.

Farmers with irrigation facilities grow commercial crops such as mulberry, tomato, banana and other cereals, while those that practice rain-dependent farming grow ragi, jowar, peanut and some cereals and pulses.

The C&LP intervention acts towards security of land rights and sustainable agriculture. On a tactical basis, the program will help develop technologies and practices that not only increase productivity, but also arrest degradation; reclaim, rehabilitate, restore and enhance biological diversity; and monitor adverse effects on sustainable agricultural diversity. These could include organic farming, multi-cropping, inter-cropping, crop rotation and agro-forestry.

4.5.2 Dependency on NTFP The cash and non-cash income from NTFPs exceeds income from agriculture, as the figure below shows. Fuelwood collection is more for household consumption, than for sale. Lantana sticks, considered fuelwood, are sold to quarries.

% Net agri income 120 % Total forest income

100

80

60

40 % ) . s I R n (

c H o

H 20

m /

e e m o / c H n I

H 0 %

( Bandedoddi Budagayanadoddi Kumbaradoddi Therubeedi R s ) Fig.13: Percentage of net aAgri-income and forest income - Kanakapura

79 In contrast to the stringent control in BRT and MM Hills, the FD's attitude towards NTFP collection and grazing rights is lax in Kanakapura. This laxity exacerbates the situation of biodiversity change caused by fuelwood and NTFP collection.

ATREE needs to initiate dialogue on evolving a coherent state NTFP policy with the FD, while pursuing the Soligas', Irulas' and other fringe forest communities' rights in all 3 of its Karnataka sites for sustainable NTFP harvesting from both PAs and Rfs.

4.5.3 Livestock Dependency Livestock management is part of the villagers' livelihood options. Goats are the preferred livestock since they fetch a better price in a relatively lesser span of time. All cattle, barring goats, are allowed in the forest for grazing. For goats, an annual fee of Rs. 30/- is charged, which is reduced if the villager accepts not getting a receipt. Villagers are compensated for loss of livestock to wildlife only if the cattle are killed within village boundaries, not if killed in the forest.

Bandedoddi residents graze their animals in Bannerghatta National Park, the other three in Bilikal forest. The grazing notification and information on areas for grazing are published every year, but farmers are often unaware of the location of these areas.

4.5.4 Household Expense Pattern

A case in point: The FD had promised the Irulas tamarind tree pattas, which legally, it cannot do. At the same time, since there are no LAMPS operating in this region, the FD invites bids for tamarind collection. The local villagers, including the Irulas, have no information about when the bids are invited and are, in any case, not organized for raising the bid amounts. The bids are won by outside contractors for about Rs 100000/- to Rs 200000/- each. These contractors bring in labour from Tamil Nadu for collection and pay only wages to the local collectors. Men are paid Rs 90/- per day (for climbing and shaking the trees to make the fruit fall); the women are paid only Rs 50/- to Rs 60/- per day (for picking the fruit from the ground). Not only do the benefits of collection not reach the main community, the effect of such low-stakes extraction on the ecosystem is also not considered.

80 % Cash expenses on Food % Medical expenses

% Education expenses s

% Fuel wood expenses e t

120 % Livestock expenses i

% Agri expenses S

100

80

60 % e s e n x e 40 p p x e e n

s % e 20

0 Bandedoddi Budagayanadoddi Kumbaradoddi Therubeedi

Village name Fig.14: Percentage household expenses - Kanakapura

Maximum expenditure is on food, followed by medical and education needs. Investment in agriculture and livestock is comparatively low. A comparison of income and expenditure patterns shows greater expenditure than income. The shortfall is met through loans from banks and SHGs, or from local landlords. This situation may call for subsidies on loans pertaining to education, animal-human health and agriculture-livestock rearing. There is also need for insurance or compensation against wildlife depredation by the FD.

4.5.5 Livelihood Initiatives Self Help Groups SHGs have been a reasonably effective short-term model for sparking off livelihood initiatives. However they do not have the capacity to tackle larger issues that affect livelihoods and livelihood security.

16 SHGs were formed, based on training by the Covenant Centre for Development, Madurai, on account keeping, and maintaining dialogue through regular meetings. SHG activity has converged around community needs and enterprises that feed into existing ATREE ventures like the Butterfly Park in Bannerghatta and the school education program, Nandanavana. The members have started nurseries of native and butterfly-attracting plants as a micro-enterprise. These plants are purchased by schools for planting on school grounds, by farmers, and by ATREE for its butterfly project. Some women manage vermicompost pits and beehives. Some have opened a petty shop. The SHGs have been adequately educated about maintaining accounts in a bank and applying for loans.

81 An open-house meeting with other SHGs was conducted to coordinate C&LP efforts with those of other NGOs in the region, and to increase reach. As a direct result of such networking, ATREE has had trainings on lantana craft, vermicomposting and maintaining model kitchen gardens. Training on grafting techniques with the BAIF Institute for Rural Development Karnataka (BIRD-K), was facilitated.

Agro-forestry The C&LP addressed two aspects of agro-forestry that would impact livelihoods. One, was promoting diversified agriculture, using community inputs to arrive at species to be planted. Second was dry land development, including planting on bunds, since 80% of farmers are dependent on rainfed agriculture. Through focus group discussions with community members, the team arrived at a consensus on fast-growing species in nurseries, like Melia dubia, Pongamia pinnata, Artocarpus heterophyllus etc., and for slow growing forestry species like Dalbergia latifolia, Albizzia lebbeck, Dalbergia sissoo and Azadirachta indica. These were matched with existing strains of beneficial microorganisms to fasten and promote growth. Information on biofertilizers such as VAM fungi, phosphobacteria, rhizobium and vermicompost was disseminated. A diversity-rich one-acre model was established, with field-level training programmes and exposure visits to stimulate interest on this model.

4.6 Institutions 4.6.1 Traditional Institutions Different communities share space and at least three languages- , Tamil and Telugu. Each community has its own system of resolving community concerns and conflicts, with the Lambanis being most rooted in the traditional order of nyaya and kula. Hierarchies are maintained, and the head, or Orugouda, has established authority within the Lambani community.

4.6.2 Community and Government Institutions Self Help Groups SHGs provided a footing at the entry stage of the C&LP. Livelihood related issues provided the community motivation to assemble for a common purpose. The program formed SHGs, and discussed issues related to fuelwood and NTFP collection that were of immediate concern to the community. Micro-enterprises were initiated, and linked to capacities of other NGO, SHG efforts. With other NGOs also working on the same issues, the program felt that efforts were being duplicated, and proceeded to exit out of such a model. The shortcomings of SHGs, in light of community issues that emerged through PRA, played an important part in this decision. It was felt that SHGs did not have the holistic perspective to address the deeper issues of land tenure, access to forest for grazing, fuelwood collection and NTFP tenders.

82 The need that emerged was that of institution/s that had recognition from the community or s administration, and which had the capacity to include all individuals in the village in decision- e t i making. S

JFM Information was gathered on Joint Forest Management bodies, or VFCs, operational in the area. What was discovered was that 7 out of 18 recorded VFCs were actually operational, but they did not enjoy much support or respect by communities. The VFCs were non-autonomous and heavily dependent on FD funds and direction.

Panchayati Raj Institutions The Panchayat offered scope for the coming together of such diverse activities as initiated by SHGs and VFCs. It was felt that PRIs could be the legally mandated representative body through which communities could take some measure of control regarding issues that concerned the community, as well as state bodies like the FD. The RFRA enactment and empowerment of the Gram Sabha lent weight to this decision.

The C&LP conducted an awareness workshop for Panchayat members on how the Panchayat and Gram Sabha could play an effective role in forest governance and monitoring through the STOTFDA. During the course of the workshop, the participants listed documents that could serve as evidence of claims. They identified areas that had potential for critical wildlife habitat and also those that were traditional resource harvesting areas. This was the first meeting with Panchayat leaders, and it generated considerable interest. Action plans were formulated.

Villagers have focused on a recurring and unresolved complaint with the FD human-wildlife conflict. Wildlife depredation affects crops and livelihoods; there is little insurance against intrusions, and FD compensation is inadequate or non-existent. Exploitation of grass and bamboo in the forest reduces elephant fodder and exacerbates this human-wildlife conflict. The C&LP is examining how the STOTFDA could be used to address this issue.

In the wake of the RFRA, the C&LP program put together constructive measures for the implementation of the Act. The main objectives were: 1. To create awareness among forest dependent community regarding their tenurial issues and legal rights. 2. To assist the communities in preparing evidence to get community forest resources for their long-term welfare. 3. To develop an outline or plan for the better conservation, protection and management of community forest resources.

83 4. To assist the local forest dependent community within the traditional and rational norms for establishing village forest boundaries for the better co-management (19(3) of the rules). 5. To strengthen the biodiversity conservation related policy and governance issues through the various stakeholders.

Given that the 44 villages in and around Bilikal forest have amicably shared forest resources, clusters were formed to streamline efforts towards meeting the above objectives and to establish a resource management plan that involved the entire community. Cluster meetings were initiated. These meetings were used to drum the importance of RFRA and the benefits that could result to the community as a result of its implementation. Next step action revolves around formation of Gram Sabha at each village with the help of Panchayat secretaries.

The results are evident in the following spheres of activity:

n Awareness and training programs: 16 formal meetings, and 44 informal sessions have been conducted with farmers, on the rights of forest-dependent communities that the RFRA could advance.

n Tenurial issues: A survey of forest-dependent households in and around Bilikal RF shows that 989 out of 4606 families are eligible for land pattas, as per the RFRA. These families depend on grazing, NTFP and fuelwood collection as a source of sustenance and income, and their break-up by caste has been recorded. 39% of Vokkaligas, 21% of Adi Karnataka, 9% of Lambani, 8% of Iruligas and 6% of Lingayats are eligible.

84 Number of households eligible for Name of the Caste

p atta s e t

Vokkaliga 397 i S Lingayat 57 Lambani 88 Acharya 8 Madival 4 Iruliga 79 Meda 2 Marathi 4 Adi Karnataka 203 Beda 6 Shetru 35 Muslim 1 Bestha 28 Kuruba 77 989

Table: Number of households eligible for patta with their corresponding caste

n NTFP Collection: Under the RFRA, the Gram Sabha holds the right take a decision on the harvest of NTFP. In Kanakapura, where collection rights have been historically granted to outsider interests, the community can now apply for tenders themselves, through this Act, and have started expressing an interest in doing so.

n Forest boundaries: Two to three villages get together to form an informal territory for grazing, NTFP collection etc. The resources are shared and the boundaries adhered to, to avoid conflicts. These clusters could be the structure to eventually claim community rights together. Management plans for the RF are centred around these clusters.

n Involvement of different stakeholders: While it has been easier to garner interest in the villages, and the response towards formation of village Gram Sabhas has been positive, at the district level the process has been impeded by the constant change of guard at the DC and CEO level.

ATREE has made presentations to the 13-15 odd NGOs operational in Kanakapura, regarding the RFRA and its implications. Meanwhile, ATREE and Sambruddhi are the only

85 civic organizations that are aware and initiating ground movement towards further action.

4.7 Education Schools have been the chosen point of entry for the C&LP. Conservation education, or the Village Green Book – that aims to revive traditional knowledge of indigenous plants, and Nandanavana –- to introduce eco-friendly technologies in schools and to strengthen conservation of local biodiversity, have been the means employed.

The C&LP has established school biodiversity gardens, which serve as back-yard laboratories in natural resource conservation. As part of environmental awareness activity, 15 teachers from Kanakapura and four from BRT were taken on a two-day exposure trip to observe the dry land watershed development programme of BIRD-K. This programme integrates water and soil conservation with agro-forestry and micro-enterprise related activities through women SHGs. The C&LP is networked with 72 schools on conservation education.

The Village Green Book works with 20 schoolchildren and 6 university students. This book contains detailed maps and tables describing village land, past and present flora and its uses, plans for greening projects, including a school garden using native plants. The focus of this programme is to conserve and restore knowledge of indigenous plants among village youth.

Nandanavana is a hands-on model of learning about vermicomposting, rainwater harvesting and indigenous species of fruit bearing trees, vegetables, medicinal and butterfly attracting plants. Nandanavana runs in 59 schools of Kanakapura. 4,177 seedlings belonging to 40 indigenous and eight exotic species have been planted. The students have started taking height and girth measurements of seedlings planted. The program now has plans to make a tree diversity map of schools in Maralwadi.

4.8 Ecological Status The PRA process indicates that NTFPs like Tamarindus indica, Phyllanthus spp and Decalepis hamiltoni are extensively harvested to meet the livelihood requirements of villagers. Based on open discussions, it was decided that harvesting of tamarind (Tamarindus) and amla (Phyllanthus) would be monitored in the Bilikal forest for fruit productivity, extraction and regeneration.

86 The amla plot size for adult trees was 50m x 10m, and 50m x 2m for seedlings. 14 such plots were s laid. 15 plots were laid for tamarind, with plot size for adult trees being 40m x 20m, and 40m x 5m e t i for seedlings. The data collected from these plots was to be compared spatially within and S between sites, and temporally, for changes over years. Spatial comparisons within a site indicate changes among plots within a site. Temporal monitoring shows inter-annual variations in plant production.

4.8.1 Main Findings 1. Phyllanthus emblica and P. indofischeri are regenerating considerably. 2. Tamarindus indica appears to be over-harvested, as few individuals are represented in the size class 1cm DBH. This observation needs to be juxtaposed over observations of resource management by the FD, which allows non-local contracts, with not much permanent stake, to extract tamarind.

Fig.15 Size-class distribution curve for Phyllanthus and Tamarindus indica

87 5. Natham

MAP-6: CLP villages in Natham

Profile Natham is a taluka located in the Karandhaimalai hills of in Tamil Nadu. The area covers 3 villages on the hills, and about 40 others dispersed over the hillside and the foothills. The forests of Dindigul are spread over 1,38,167 ha., which is about 22% of the land area. Of this, Natham forest area at 27,380 ha, is the highest of all taluks in Dindigul district.

Mean rainfall is 859.8mm in the year. The soil is red, fine loamy, very deep, with medium water- holding capacity. Soil productivity is average. The prominent forest type is tropical dry deciduous. Principal plant species, cultivated and wild, in the forests of the Karandaimalai hills are Vembu (neem) Azadirachta indica, etti (Strychnos nux- vomica), sirukurinjan (Gymnema), neikottan (Sapindus emarginata), maravatta, nelli (Phyllanthus emblica), pala (jack fruit) Atrocarpus heterophyllus, munthiri (cashew) Anacardium occidendale, puli (tamarind) Tamarindus indica, ma (mango) Mangifera indica, Sterculia spp., Bombax spp. Wild animals in the forest include spotted dear, wild pig, bison, cats, slender loris, fox, and birds like cuckoo and eagle.

88 5.1 Background s

The Valaiyar community forms the main citizenry of the forests and foothills. They have been e t i

residents in this region since about 5 centuries and live mainly by hunting and agriculture. S Traditional systems have prevailed in the hill top villages, mainly because of remoteness – lack of roads and access, and therefore, poor intermingling with outside influences.

There has been an unofficial open access regime, not discouraged by the state, so the benefits related to forest produce favour non-local entities. Extraction of NTFPs is driven more by these outside interests. In addition, the state has done away with the contractor system, which has reconfigured market dynamics in favour of outside commercial interests. As a whole, community stakes are unorganized and not oriented towards managing harvest or ensuring better returns to the community. Village-level organizations are unformed or weak. This, combined with state unwillingness to provide basic facilities in this reserve area, has resulted in conflicts, disenchantment, apathy and lack of ownership towards the ecosystem.

The Valaiyar community has been notified most backward of tribes. There are no outward signs of poverty, but occupation is mainly for fulfilling a subsistence level need, especially in the hilltop villages. There is a clear demarcation of agricultural systems and practices, and livelihood systems, in the hilltop and foothill villages. The foothills are more commercialized and evolving at a different pace and manner from the hill villages because of proximity to the road and trade.

Agriculture forms the basis of the economy. Prevailing agriculture practices point to conservation of traditional systems and knowledge in the hill villages, but not in the foothills. Acceding to outside influences and market demand, the foothills have moved away from their traditional crop mix to commercial crop cultivation. Changes in customary practices are evident. Organic farming, as practiced in the hill villages, has been replaced with chemical fertilizers. Hybrid seeds replace native varieties, and diverse cropping has been replaced with mono-crop cultivations that have a market. Changes in livelihood patterns are more marked, with villagers opting for migratory work, apart from other options of livestock rearing and NTFP collection. Collection of medicinal plants for commercial purposes is a new development in the foothills, initiated by women NTFP collectors.

Land entitlements are obscure. Though there are 500 households in the 3 hill top villages, the

89 census acknowledges only 32. The Panchayat too, has no data for these households. This impacts security and livelihoods.

Overall, there is a diverse set of issues that requires programmed co-management and strengthening of local involvement. The presence of long-term community-based organizations is an advantage. The Covenant Centre for Development, in particular, has adopted an approach that embraces both conservation and livelihood objectives. This has strengthened the C&LP team capacity for integrating local knowledge with its program objectives.

5.2 Key Issues 1. Security of tenure for agricultural land 2. Open access regime that assumes control over extraction and benefits, rather than this control lying with the community. Continuous strain on freedom to access NTFP 3. Lack of voice in forest management 4. Lack of institutions that work towards conservation 5. Lack of consolidated efforts towards livelihoods enhancement 6. Inadequate access to state services road, potable water in hilltop villages

5.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention 1. To promote development of strong village institutions like VFC, Gram Sabha and Panchayat. 2. To instil sense of ownership of the ecosystem in face of open access regime, and establish long-term participatory resource monitoring for sustainable livelihood and conservation of resources. 3. To develop sustainable agro-biodiversity farming practices in hill regions to enhance conservation, livelihoods and market access through community groups like Medicinal Plant Gatherers, FG and SHGs. 4. To establish an organic farmers' association for getting recognition and negotiating collectively for better market access and price, and for building capacities. 5. To establish Business Development Service (BDS) centres at Natham through trained staff for ethnic food processing, packaging and marketing.

5.4 Selection of Villages The Natham taluk is composed of 24 Panchayats, covering 185 hamlets and a population of 116,965, according to the 1991 census. The gradient of the slopes also forms a sort of gradient for factors that impact the way the community lives and relates to its surroundings like access to forests and road, and dependency on forests, besides topographical and geographic differences that redefine the way land can be used. The C&LP study has used this gradient literally, and selected 2 villages on the hills (Chinna Malaiyur and Valasu, falling under the Settur Panchayat), and 2 in the foothills (Mandhaikulathu patti and Merkhi patti, under the Kudahi patti Panchayat).

90 The community is homogenous, and the criteria for selection have been: s

n Proximity to the road e t i

n Differences in agricultural practices S

n Influence of commercial crops on local agro-biodiversity

n Influence of NGOs

The villages are:

Village Terrain Land Number Institutions Security of HH Chinna Malaiyur Hilltop, within >80% do 280 Youth reserve forest of not have associations, dry, deciduous and pattas Kalasam scrub type Valasu Hilltop, reserve >80% do Youth forest of dry, not have associations, deciduous and scrub pattas Kalasam type Mandhaikulathu patti Foothill, scrub 80% have 135 Kalasam, forest pattas MPGG, MPCG, VFC, other SHGs Merkupatti Foothill, scrub 80% have Kalasam, forest pattas MPGG, MPCG, VFC, other SHGs

5.5 Socio-economic Status The key findings of the socio-economic study are:

n Livelihood systems vary across villages depending on remoteness and access.

n Hilltop villages earn more from agriculture and livestock rearing, whereas foothill villages are more dependent on NTFP income.

n Agriculture is mainly for subsistence, though the hilltops earn cash income from horticultural produce like cashew, tamarind and mango.

n Agricultural income is not higher than NTFP income.

N NTFP contributes directly to cash income, is not for self-consumption.

91 n NTFP is collected from forest as well as non-forest areas.

N The foothills are better connected to road, transport, MPG and market.

Break-up of income percentage per household from various sources is as per the graph below:

Agriculture 120 NTFP Fuelwood Livestock 100 Other

80

60 I n t P n e e

c 40 r r c e e P

n n I t 20

0 u r las iyu atti atti Va ala rkup n’p Va am Me Ma las inn M Ma u Ch er n'p C ku at hin pa ti na VillageVillage Names Namestt i ma lai yur Fig.16: Percentage income/household/annum in Natham

The main occupation is agriculture, followed by NTFP collection in the hill villages. In the foothills, where landholdings are small, NTFP collection is the main source of income. Fuelwood and production of millets, pulses and other grains forms part of the non-cash income, or subsistence level income. The hill community also has access to NTFP tubers and roots, which contribute to a more nutritious diet.

Village % Cash income % Non-cash Total Income income Chinna Malaiyur 54% 46% Rs 27043/- Valasu 60% 40% Rs 21488/- Mandhaikulathu patti 74% 26% Rs 19936/- Merku patti 71% 29% Rs 27940/-

So the hill villages have a lower cash component, derive more subsistence income from agriculture and NTFP collection, while for the foothills, the cash component of income is higher. Fuelwood consumption is nearly the same across all villages and constitutes the cash component.

92 5.5.1 Agriculture Dependency s

Crop diversity depends on terrain, and the practice of employing different cropping patterns e t i

inter-cropping, mixed cropping, multiple cropping and crop rotation. The Valaiyars have S classified land types, and grow crops suited to the land type. 60% of agricultural land is classified Manaviru kadu. That is, lowlands, alluvial soil, with medium to low water-holding capacity. Crops grown here are millets, pulses and fruits. Uplands, with sandy loam and with medium to low water-holding capacity are used for the cultivation of cashew, tamarind and jackfruit. Kothu kadu, or a rocky terrain with gravel, skeletal soil cover and poor water holding capacity is used for thinai, preunchamai, tamarind and jack fruit cultivation.

Thus the demands placed on the land are commensurate with what the land can support. Since the Karandhai villages lack transport and roads, modern methods of agriculture have not reached them. Organic farming is practiced. Important food crops are Cholam (sorghum) Sorghum bicolor, Kelvaragu (finger millet), Thinai (Italian millet); Varagu (minor millet), Kambu (minor millet); Pennisetum americanum, samai and kuthiravalli. The main pulses are pasi payaru (green gram); Vigna radiata, motchai; Lablab purpureus, thuvarai; Cajanus cajan, avarai, kollu, ulunthu and thattapayiru. Pala (jack fruit), Artocarpus heterophyllus; munthiri (cashew), Anacardium occidentale; puli (tamarind), Tamarindus indica; ma (mango), Mangifera indica and seetha (Annona), Annona squamosa are common horticultural crops. In Kudahi patti Panchayat paddy and vegetables are cultivated using open well water as source of irrigation. Cash crops like cashew and tamarind are cultivated in the rocky soil and provide additional income.

120 Cash income Noncash income 100

80

60 I n t n P e c e r

r 40 e c P

e n n I t 20

0 u r las iyu atti atti VVaa ala rkup an’p las am MMe MaM u inn er n'p C Ch ku at hin pa ti na Village Names tti ma Village Names lai yur Fig.17: Percentage agricultural cash and non-cash/household in Natham

93 Village % Agriculture cash % Agriculture Total agriculture income non-cash income income Chinna Malaiyur 20% 80% Rs. 11373/- Valasu 24% 76% Rs. 7414/- Mandhaikulathu patti 38% 62% Rs. 3515/- Merkhi patti 22% 78% Rs. 6013/-

The Kudahi patti Panchayat villages in the foothills are supplied by well irrigation, while the hilltops are rainfed. Traditional crop varieties are suited for rainfed agriculture.

5.5.2 Dependency on NTFP Karandhaimalai is rich in medicinal plant resources. The Valaiyars are a traditional medicinal plant gathering community. Collection is carried out in the plains, in wastelands and farmland, and also in the hills, in the forests. The foothills have the advantage of being closer to the medicinal plant collectors' federation and trade centres in Natham and Dindigul. The hill villages concentrate on higher value NTFPs like Gymnema sylvestris and Hemidesmus indicus. They also collect honey. This activity provides considerable income and hence is an important alternative livelihood option. Major medicinal plant species collected include Gymnema sylvestris, Azadirachta indica, Cassia auriculata, Eucalyptus, Cissus quadrangularis, Phyllanthus amarus, Phyllanthus maderaspatensis, Albizia amara, Hemidesmus indicus and Terminalia chebula. These have a market demand. The gatherers have little direct link with traders, but are strongly linked to the federation.

Apart from medicinal plants, a number of plant parts, such as fruits and leaves, are collected as dry decorative items. They include Kurinjan (Wattakaka volubilis), Kongatti (Sterculia spp.) Karukkuvachi elai and Maravatta.

120 Cash income Noncash income

100

80

60 I n P t n e e r c c r e

e 40 P n

n t I

20

0 su ur tti tti V Vala laiy upa ’pa al ma erk MMan asu na MMe an hin rk 'pa ChC up tti inn att am VVillagillagee Names Names i ala iyu Fig.18 Percentage NTFP cashr and non-cash/household in Natham

94 120 NTFP cash income NTFP noncash income

Fuelwood income s e

100 t i S

80

60 t I n n e P c r e e

r 40 P c

n e I n t

20

0

su yur tti tti VaVala lai upa n’pa las ma MMerk MaMa u nna er n'p C hi ku at hCin Village Namespa ti na tti ma Village Names lai yur Fig.19 Percentage fuelwood and other NTFP cash and non-cash income per hh in Natham

Valasu 25000 Chinnamalaiyur Merkupatti Man'patti 20000

15000

10000

5000

0

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Landholding size (acre) Fig.20 Landholding vs. NTFP income in Rs. / annum in Natham

5.5.3 Livelihood strategies/ initiatives Enterprise and enterprise-supporting organizations have helped groups collectively address marketing and capacity building needs. The enterprise-supporting organizations are basically SHGs, and these have been formed in alignment with specific income-generation activities

95 Medicinal plant gatherers' and cultivators' group MSMSSK/ GMCL The formation of the Moologai Seharippu Matrum Sahupadi Sangangalin Kottamaippu (MSMSSK) by medicinal plant gatherers and cultivators is a major achievement. The MSMSSK provides micro-finance support, insurance and marketing support.

Gram Mooligai Company Ltd. follows standard operating procedures based on WHO norms for collection of traditional . The SOPs were given a trial run in 1999-2000 with a small number of participants. Today, this group is operational in 126 villages.

Capacity building support and training is provided, along with exposure visits to resources like the CCD's Medicinal Plants Conservation and Training Centre. A decentralized storage facility, with a shared capacity of 26 tons, is available to the group.

Traditional crop cultivators Traditional crop cultivators and KVG growers' association has been formed in 14 villages. As in the GMCL, once the KVG cultivators' associations were formed, their needs for skill training were identified. A major function of this group has been enhancement of livelihoods with value addition to the produce. For instance, marketing of 'organic' produce, which fetches a better price. The demand for capacities in this area has resulted in a production unit in bio-fertilizers, bio- pesticides and growth promoters.

Producers have been categorized in a region- wise manner by the crops they grow, in order to systematically examine the commercial viability of procurement and processing centres. Based on region-specific information, such centres have been planned, trainings conducted, and farmers linked to government schemes and programs that would benefit them. Small-scale procurement has begun through the Aharam Supply Chain Program. The Aharam Traditional Crop Producers Co. Ltd. has been registered under the Producer Company Act of the GoI.

Kalasams The CCD has promoted SHGs in 23 Panchayats. These are called Kalasam, and are federated to a Mahakalasam. Functions include micro-finance support, conflict resolution, and development of income generation programs. A measure of maturity of the Kalasams and the community

96 that uses it is that the purpose of borrowing has changed from loans to tide over a lean season, to s loans to begin economic enterprise. e t i S The Mahakalasams have been engaged in estimating energy needs of the communities, based on which, a Rural Energy Project is ready to take off. This project will combine the use of gas and agro-waste fuel pellets for cleaner energy use. The Kalasam leaders would be trained in account management, marketing and servicing of the stoves.

Commercial cultivation The Sarva Seva schools have introduced cashew as a cash crop that can be grown on kothu kadu/ rocky terrain. Besides cashew, the community also grows tamarind, mango, custard and jackfruit for commercial purposes. Azadirachta indica, Albizia amara, Strychnos nux-vomica, Ceiba pentandra and Holoptelea integrifolia are grown for use in household articles, medicine, as timber etc.

NTFP collection Gathering of medicinal herbs and collection of honey are the 2 major NTFP activities. Honey collection is a supplementary activity, and is carried out in the July-August months, which is also a lean season for agriculture. The FD leases out honey collection to contractors, and the contractors in turn, employ the community.

Medicinal plants find a ready market in trade centres in Madurai, Dindigul and Natham. The traditional gatherers are the Valaiyars of the southern district.

Karandhaimalai is a rich source of medicinal plants. Plants collected are Gymnema sylvestris, Sapindus emarginatus and Terminalia chebula. Middlemen link gatherers and traders, or the plants are directly traded in Natham. There is occasional barter of honey and other NTFP for groceries.

Some plants are harvested for their decorative value. These are Kurinjan (Wattakaka volubilis), Kongatti (Sterculia spp.) Karukkuvachi elai, Maravatta. There is increasing demand for these plants in the urban markets.

Other activities Animal husbandry and labour are the other sources of income. Livestock is an important asset. Nearly every household maintains poultry. Labour is farm-related, in sugarcane or paddy fields, or employed in coir and garment industries. Some migrate to Ooty or to collect decorative plants for the Natham market.

97 5.6 Institutions 5.6.1 Government Institutions Tamil Nadu Afforestation Programme (TAP) Government representation at the local level has been through the offices and schemes of the Forest Department. In 1997, the Tamil Nadu government took up a pilot afforestation program - Tamil Nadu Afforestation Program or TAP, which was funded by the Bank of Japan. The first phase of its implementation was carried out in 2 foothill villages, and based on the success of this; the program was extended to Chennai Malaiyur and Valasu in 2008.

The implementation of the TAP required the formation of Village Forest Committees to harness community participation. The process was envisaged not merely as an afforestation exercise, aimed at increasing green cover, but also as an exercise of alternative measures to halt or discourage use of forest resources. The following are the activities that shaped the program and its outcome. This is followed by expectations that need to be examined in light of the expected implementation of the second phase in the hilltop villages.

1. Nurseries and plantation: The species selected were at the discretion of the FD. Villagers were not consulted. The planting work became an extra source of income. Follow up care was inadequate, reflected in the survival rate of 50%. 2. Restriction of grazing: Grazing stopped during the period of the project, as the villagers were offered loan incentives for alternative livelihood generation. The villagers sold their goats; but post program tenure, grazing restarted and the FD and VFCs could not put a stop to it. 3. Construction of check dams to control soil erosion from the slopes and divert water to the village: The villagers were not consulted regarding locations and even today, are unaware of project sites. Second, the dams are in disrepair and the villagers expect the VFC or FD to maintain the structures. 4. Bore well installation: The bore well is functional and used for drinking water. Financial details regarding installation are unavailable. 5. Revenue from tamarind trees, for use in village development activities by the VFC: 500 tamarind trees were marked for the purpose, and though other activities associated with the TAP have been stopped, the revenues from these trees still go to the VFC account. There is disagreement among villagers and the VFC regarding the income generated from these trees. 6. School registration: This was deemed important by the villagers, and Rs. 30,000/- from tamarind tree revenues were handed over to the teacher of the primary school. The school is still unregistered. 7. Construction of community hall and VFC building: In disrepair. VFC building remains unused for major part of the year.

98 8. Loans in lieu of grazing prohibition: Around Rs. 200,000/- of loan money was s

disbursed. However, these loans have not been repaid and the FD is struggling to retrieve e t i

the amount. Explanation by villagers is that this was assumed to be grant money, not S requiring repayment.

The conclusions drawn are: 1. Lack of awareness, lack of ownership of objectives by community. 2. Regarded by the community as a complete FD and VFC initiative. 3. FD disappointed about co-operation from villagers. On the other hand, community perceives a lack of transparency that has resulted in reservation in support. 4. Sustainability of the program doubtful. 5. Green cover improved. 6. Grazing stopped during the duration of the program.

Expectations in the Second Phase of TAP Implementation The issue in the hilltop villages is that the boundaries between the forest and revenue land are not clearly defined, and this is a source of conflict, even without the TAP reconfiguring forest boundaries. In the absence of clear documentation, there is apprehension that afforestation would include revenue lands. The villagers also fear that they would lose rights to areas on which they depend heavily for a livelihood.

The Panchayat has clearly communicated that the community would cooperate only if the conflict regarding revenue and non-revenue lands is resolved first.

5.6.2 Community Institutions Panchayati Raj Institution The program has arrived upon the Panchayat as the ideal vehicle for decentralized self- governance. In this, it has received support from the enactment of the RFRA, which overrides the Tamil Nadu Panchayati Act that states that fuelwood and fodder may be managed by the Panchayat only if it falls within village commons, not in reserve area.

One of the primary mandates of the community is to form a village level Gram Sabha, through which land rights may be claimed, and revenue and forestlands clearly demarcated. In preparation for the above, the community will carry out resource mapping, and decide species and area boundaries. Evidence required for individual claims has been drawn out and shared: payment of land tax for the last 100 years, records with revenue department (VAO, Revenue Office, Tehsildar), oral evidence, organizational records- Reedu, Assefa (NGOs) and Murugappa Chettiar Research Centre, Chennai; Collectorate's office, newspaper cuttings, record

99 of petitions made to state heads. The community is to take responsibility for collating some of the evidence.

5.6.3 Civic Institutions CCD The Covenant Centre for Development has been engaged with the community. CCD has been instrumental in initiating and organizing the SHG cluster model of Kalasam and MahaKalasam, which has been used by ATREE in its other sites too. In Natham, the CCD and ATREE are jointly implementing the C&LP, where the objectives are conservation of biodiversity and ensuring a sustainable livelihood for forest dwellers. The CCD has facilitated the PRA exercise of the C&LP. Even the FD, in recognition of CCD's close involvement with the community, requested them for PRA data in order to plan the afforestation project better in the area. The FD requested CCD and ATREE representation during the orientation of the community for the TAP. In the absence of community-based institutions like the SAS, the presence of an NGO like CCD is important to converge focus on issues that most affect the community. At present, CCD, along with ATREE, is involved in the implementation of RFRA at local level. The CCD is helping gather evidence on community domicile and rights to land and access. 5.7 Ecological Status An assessment of ecological status required an understanding of the agents that were altering the ecosystem, and base the study of resource management on those. Interaction with community and institutions point to the following drivers of biodiversity change:

Drivers of biodiversity change Measures Lantana Cover, rate of spread, impact on regeneration of native species, density of mammals Timber felling for household use Loss of forest cover, population structure, density Medicinal plant/ dry fruit collection Population structure and density, density and population structure of dependent species Honey collection Pollination Fodder Population structure and density, density and population structure of dependent species Commercial plantations Impact on plant biodiversity, loss of natural vegetation, quality of soil change Shifting agriculture Density of cleared species, species composition, changes in population structure Formation of settlements Loss of natural vegetation

100 A study of sustainability has to be set within:

n The broad picture defined by the above s e t n Over a period of time sufficient to define a change i S

n And taking into account factors that may skew observations like rainfall, temperature, disease, and market demand.

In order to create a broader timeline, data pertaining to relevant species, recorded in 1999-2000 by the American College, was revisited. The last 3 years of demand was taken into account. This was through a record of trade information maintained by the Gram Mooligai Co. Ltd. The total market demand serviced by the GMCL was divided by the number of Sanghas gathering that species often 30% of the Sanghas, due to limited distribution of the species. Specific species were monitored. The site selection for the study took into account a stable organization whose methods, time and quantity of harvest could be traced. This was the GMCL. One village acted as control, in which gathering was carried out only by GMCL, no outsiders. This village was Valasu. Other villages were selected because of their accessibility, so as to work out a practicable replicable model.

Data was collected for Gymnema sylvestre (extraction of leaves), Tamarindus indica (fruit) and Albizia amara (leaves). For each species, 2 plots of 20m x 100m were laid, within which 2m x 100m plots were nested for seedling and sapling counts. The size class density for Gymnema sylvestre is shown below:

Fig. 21: Size-class density curve for Gymnemasylvestre - Natham

Monitoring of regeneration data has been recently initiated. Robust baseline data has to be established over the next 5 years. In absence of this, learning from other sites that demonstrate status of regeneration by elements like class size, may be used. For instance, Phyllanthus indofischeri has good regeneration, evidence for which lies in the fact that each smaller size class has 10-fold numbers of the larger size class. This study could serve as a guide for regeneration studies in Natham.

101 6. Kalakkad Mundanthurai Tiger Reserve

MAP-7: CLP villages in KMTR

Profile Kalakkad Mundanthurai Tiger Reserve (KMTR) is located in the eastern face of the Agasthyamalai range. It has the largest contiguous stretch of forests remaining in the and connects Kalakkad Reserve forests and Mundanthurai Wildlife Sanctuary by a narrow belt called Singampatti forests. The total area of the reserve is 887 km2.

These forests are the habitat of the tiger and the lion tailed macaque. Dry forests of scrub, teak, dry deciduous, dry evergreen and woodland savannah start at 160m near Manimuthar river, and extend up to approximately 700m altitude. The dry forests between 160m to app. 400m are of short stature scrub, dominated by plants with thorns and prickles. Plantations of teak stand are located in the middle of the scrub forests.

102 6.1 Background s

The site's agricultural and social configurations and resource use patterns have been changed e t i

markedly by two events the construction of the dam over the Manimuthar in 1958, which S converted dry lands into wetlands; and the declaration of the area as a protected tiger reserve, which created boundaries, where previously no boundaries had existed.

Before the construction of the dam, a large portion of land was under dry land cultivation. Crop diversity was higher and yielded considerable crop residue, which served as both fodder and fuel supply. Residue from cotton, chilly, gingelly, jowar, pearl millet, red gram etc. was used as fuelwood; the foliage of black gram, green gram, cowpea, groundnut etc. was used as green manure and fodder. During fallow periods, the fields became grazing grounds for cattle. After the land got submerged, paddy and banana plantations replaced the dry land crops. Fallow periods disappeared, as availability of water throughout the year made it possible to practice more intensive cultivation. There is no crop rotation to make dry mass available as a substitute to fuelwood. Mechanization of farming operations has increased livelihood woes, as labour demand has gone down.

In 1987, the Kalakkad Reserve forest and Mundanthurai WLS were merged under the Project Tiger scheme, to provide a safe, contiguous habitat for the tiger population. Conflicts between the community and the FD increased as regulations tightened and the community started feeling the effects of this. To ease the situation, the GoI implemented an eco-development program with financial aid from the World Bank. Income-generation activities were given monetary support. However, the benefits of this exercise did not percolate to the landless poor, as power remained with those with social and political influence.

Today, a situation of high demand for fuelwood remains, as 145 villages that fringe the reserve continue to depend upon it for fuel. Traditional sources of fuelwood have dried up, secondary forests have replaced the scrubs that are now off-limits to the community, but illegal gathering of fuelwood continues. In such a scenario, removing one fuelwood collector from the scene simply produces another one to take his/ her place.

Meanwhile, the community has been witness to heavy exploitation of forest resources by the zamindari and British government. There have been concerted protests by the community against the intense logging before the construction of the dam. Under the stringency of current rules

103 And regulations that is visited upon the community, there is resentment against restrictions on access and use, and also against fauna that seem more privileged than the communities that share the ecosystem.

In view of the above scenario, it has seemed necessary to reframe the question that has driven the C&LP: 'Is it possible to sustain biodiversity along with sustainable use of forest resources, and under what conditions is it possible?' to one that is more specific to the site: 'Is it possible to improve the biodiversity condition of the dry forests and also meet fuelwood demand of the dependent community?’

6.2 Key Issues 1. High fuelwood demand plus demand for preferred wood-type that sometimes compels collection from distant areas of the forest 2. Limited land resources due to every space being cultivated for paddy/ banana 3. Illegal and unmonitored access and collection in forested areas 4. Constant face-offs between community and FD regarding restrictions 5. Finding alternative sources to meet fodder and fuelwood demand 6. Unemployment and migration 7. Finding suitable income generation options for fuelwood collectors.

6.3 Key Objectives of the Intervention Villagers at KMTR are habituated to collecting fuelwood illegally as well as letting their cattle graze in the forests without any inhibitions. This leads to constant conflicts between the forest staff and villagers. It was decided that generation of biomass within the village could be one possible means to reduce dependency on forests.

So unlike at other sites, where harmony between community and ecosystem was envisaged and actively encouraged, at KMTR, the strain of demand of the 145 surrounding villages was considered a threat to ecosystem management. As a first step, it was considered prudent to alleviate some of the pressure on forests by providing alternative fuelwood sources to meet demand by developing biomass on common lands, and to help replace occupation of fuelwood collection with something that could generate comparable or better income.

Following this, the immediate action points were: 1. To estimate capacity of the ecosystem to cope with current biomass requirements. 2. To identify village common lands for raising fuelwood plantations for meeting the fuelwood demand. 3. To identify or facilitate appropriate institutional arrangements for equitable benefit sharing of woodlots outside the forest.

104 6.4 Selection of Villages s

Villages with maximum negative impact on the ecosystem have been selected. These are Ayam e t i

Singampatti, Indira Colony, Zamin Singampatti and South Pappan Kulam (SPK). All these S villages fall in the Ambasamudram range, fringing the KMTR forest.

Villages No. Caste Primary Landholding and of occupation alternative income h/h Zamin 437 Upper class Thevars Agriculture, Majority landholding; Singampatti agriculture year round access to labour water

Ayan 644 Mixed Agriculture, Some landholding; beedi Singampatti agriculture rolling a popular labour alternative income source

Indira 486 Mainly Nadar, SC Agriculture Very little landholding; Colony labour largely SC community; migration for labour is common South 568 Agriculture, More balanced Pappan agriculture landholding between Kulam (SPK) labour different communities; migration for labour is common

6.5 Socio-economic Status The villages around KMTR are dominated by Thevars, followed by Nadars and Dalits. Socio- economic status follows the same hierarchy. The Thevars are privileged with respect to two things the fact that Singampatti is fed by the Perungal irrigation channel and can grow two paddy crops; and second, that their landholdings are bigger and they have clear land titles. The PRA exercise points to caste, landholding size and irrigation facility as drivers of economic status. There is a direct relation between economic status and resource use and management. PA management policies also have shaped people's attitudes towards entitlement of forest resource use.

105 Zamin Singampatti has large landholdings with an average of 1 acre and a maximum of 10 acres. Indira Colony's average landholding was found to be 0.2 acres with the maximum reaching 5 acres. The other two villages of Ayan Singampatti and SPK had an average landholding size of 0.5 acre going up to a maximum of 5-10 acres. All villages had a section of households with no cultivable land.

Summary data for caste and landholding distribution

Village Thevar Nadar SC/BC

Zamin Singampatti (Sample size – 35) Caste distribution % 100 0 0 Landholding % (acre) 100 0 0 Ayan Singampatti (Sample size – 37) Caste distribution % 95 0 5 Landholding % (acre) 97 0 3 Indira Colony (Sample size – 40) Caste distribution % 5 7.5 87.5 Landholding % (acre) 3 2 95 SPK (Sample size – 48) Caste distribution % 54 15 31 Landholding % (acre) 78 0 22

Thevar landholding 50 Nadar landholding 40 SC landholding 30 20 10

s A

e c

r r

c e

A s

0 Zamin Ayan Colony SPK

Fig. 22 : Land-distribution by caste in KMTR

106 1 2 1 0 s

8 e t i 6 S

A 4 s c

e

r r

c

e 2

A s 0

Z a m i n A y a n C o l o n y S P K

Fig. 23: Landholding-size in villages in KMTR

The variation in landholding size is also reflected in the gross agricultural income of the four villages. Zamin Singampatti records the highest income from agriculture, with minimum and maximum incomes varying from Rs. 1500/- to Rs. 1,68,000/- annually.

18 0x10 3

16 0x10 3

14 0x10 3

12 0x10 3

10 0x10 3

8 0x10 3

6 0x10 3

R m

s 3 u 4 0x10

p n

e n 3 a

r 2 0x10

r

a e n

P 0

n

.

u s

m R Za m in A yan C olon y S P K

Fig. 24: Gross income from agriculture in KMTR

Agricultural produce – paddy and banana – is grown for commercial purposes, not for subsistence. This might explain the overall higher income status of KMTR in comparison to other C&LP sites where agriculture for household consumption forms a larger part of produce use. Singampatti, with a predominantly Thevar population, and larger landholdings is more prosperous. However, because of the overheads of inorganic farming, the net income is much lesser than gross agricultural income.

In the lean months of agriculture, migration and labour serve as alternative income sources. Brick making, beedi rolling, and even salaried occupations like teaching or driving contribute to income during these months.

107 Agriculture Livestock Labour/service Other sources Forest 140

120

100

80

m u

n 60

n

a

r e

P 40

R

. s

s R

p 20 e r a

n 0 n u m

Zamin Ayan Colony SPK

Fig. 25: Percent net income from various sources - KMTR

The proportion of income from the forest is negligible, 2-3%, compared to other components of the total net income. The proportion of labour and service component was seen to be larger compared to agriculture (labour–65-95%, agriculture–10-22%). Income from other sources is highly significant (39%) only in Zamin Singampatti, compared to other villages.

6.5.1 Dependency on NTFP Dependence on NTFP for subsistence or income is low, since there are firm state limitations regarding collection. There is considerable dependence on fuelwood, but it is difficult to elicit information on fuelwood collection, since it is carried out as an illegal activity. An earlier study on fuelwood (Effect of seasonality, social structure and forest protection on fuelwood use in southern Tamil Nadu ) indicated that an average household required 70kgs of fuelwood per month, with Ayan Singampatti needing the maximum quantity. For 1691 households, that places fuelwood requirement at 57 tons per month.

The study also revealed that the upper caste dominated Zamin had more access to forest fuelwood resource while the less privileged Indira Colony had restricted access to the same forest fuelwood, thereby increasing its dependence on other sources such as kerosene or Prosopis (weedy tree) from the wastelands, fences, etc. Indira Colony registers the least fuelwood collection. This is the poorest of the C&LP villages,

108 composed of an SC population. The fines associated with collection, and harassment by officials s

is a deterrent. Also, most of the households are landless, and receive subsidized kerosene in the e t i

fair price market, which substitutes for fuelwood. Their occupation, brick making, does not allow S much time for collection. The elderly and children generally collect fuelwood from village commons.

Fuelwood dependency Village No of HH % Dependence on fuel wood Monthly per capita fuel wood requirements (kg) Forest Outside Total Forest Outside Total Ayan 644 68 32 47 3.91 1.84 5.76 Singampatti Zamin 561 61 39 44 6.31 4.03 10.34 Singampatti Indira colony 486 33 67 51 1.60 3.26 4.86

Total 1691 54 46 48 28,547 20,826 56,817

1 00 Z am in A yan C olony 80

60

40

%

s

d

l o H

h 20 e

o s

u

u o

s H

e

h

% 0 o

l K erosene LP G F orest V illage S hops d s F uelw ood sources

Fig. 26: Fuel options - KMTR

Despite the fact that information regarding collection is murky, there is no doubt that it has been damaging to the ecosystem. The eco-development project funded by the World Bank provided some succour to the forest, while it lasted. The 145 villages in the 5 km zone around the forest place a great strain on the reduced common resources. The illegal nature of collection makes it unmonitored and uncontrolled.

109 A Model Community Multipurpose Tree farm (CMTF) planted with diverse native and exotic species has been set up to address biomass issues for managed fuelwood supply.

6.5.2 Livelihood Initiatives Multi-purpose Home Garden: The idea for MPHGs grew out of the need to revive a traditional practice that would also contribute to the nutritional basket of the local community, be a practical means to enhancing livelihoods and which could be carried out within the unutilized, or underutilized spaces available in houses in the area.

This program was initially conceptualized to benefit women. Women are typically used as labour within paddy fields, even in their own fields. Home gardening has been a traditional practice that has lost out to paddy cultivation. Leafy vegetables and plants with medicinal properties were included to supplement the family's diet.

The women were organized into a collective and received training from various gardening resource centres. As space was a constraint, the program evolved a 3m2 gardening practice based on the salad gardens of Japan. As this is a rice-growing region, it has a good local market. Enfield Agro, which sells organically grown products, could be a prospective buyer. The income of the most successful MPHG was compared critically to income from a half acre of paddy cultivation.

110 Paddy vs. Home Garden

s

Income and Expenditure statement - Paddy (1/2 Acre 120 Days) e t i

S.N Particulars Expenses S 1 Seed purchase 150.00 2 Wages for preparing bund 100.00 3 Ploughing charges 750.00 4 Planting charges 320.00 5 Food to labours 53.00 6 Weedicide 95.00 7 Fertilizer 528.00 8 Pesticide 65.00 9 Wages to pesticide spraying 51.00 10 Wages to weeds remover 120.00 11 Harvest machine charges 525.00 12 Labour for paddy transportation 100.00 13 Paddy Transportation charges 120.00 Total expenses 2977.00 Total harvested (840Kg 4500.00 Net profit 1523.00

Income and expenditure statement - Home Garden (1 Cent 180 Days) S.No Particulars Expenses 1 Wages to preparing land 50.00 2 Seeds purchase 30.00 3 Cow dung 35.00 4 Natural pesticide 55.00 Total expenses 170.00 Harvested vegetables (121Kgms) 1008.00 Harvested greens (43 kgms) 325.00 Gross profit 1333.00 Net profit (1333.00 - 170.00) 1163.00

111 Statistics also indicate that the kind of agriculture practiced here is not profitable for small landholdings. Dry lands are not suitable for paddy cultivation and do not provide good returns. Due to water availability through the year, farmers are unwilling to change to more profitable crops. A possibility for future intervention might be to focus on cropping patterns and establish business links with those already involved in organic farming 6.6 Institutions Institutions have been evaluated basis their capacity to reconcile both conservation and livelihoods objectives at the local level. Decentralization, scope for participatory decision- making, equitable sharing of benefits and breadth of purpose mark the ideal institution. There has been a process of examining existing local institutions, identifying areas of co-management, and creating new institutions to meet the purpose of the program

6.6.1 Existing Institutions EDC and SHG Eco-development Committee and women's Self Help Groups are 2 institutions that already exist on the ground. Both are government based: the first promoted by the FD, and dependent for funds on the same; and SHGs formed by the TN state government.

Neither institution addresses the issue of biodiversity conservation. The EDC had been funded by the World Bank to address issues of local livelihoods, in the aftermath of the distress caused at conversion of large land resources into conserved areas. This has translated into a revolving fund from the seed money, Rs. 150,000 to Rs. 200,000, provided by the FD to each of the 129 EDCs formed. However, politics and caste intercede at village level and hijack benefits. SHGs too remain rooted in money-lending operations, with little capacity to extend efforts in natural resource management or income generation schemes.

So though the initial program intention was to work with existing village level organizations, the objectives of both, EDCs and SHGs, were found to be too self-limiting and undemocratic, besides being unrelated to biodiversity conservation.

Panchayat The Panchayat has been supportive of the C&LP's efforts in home gardening and greening of public spaces. In fact, the Panchayat is a keen participant because under the 'green and clean village' scheme of the central government, the village would then be qualified for further government funds. The Panchayat therefore views this as a means to an end: funds for improvement of sanitation facilities and other infrastructure needs.

112 For the program, the Panchayat serves as the ideal institution to dialogue with the Forest

Department in order to build a participatory approach towards conservation and livelihoods. s e t The C&LP met with the Presidents of 5 Panchayats that cover 14 villages. On the one hand was i S the need to apprise the community heads of the work of the C&LP- the importance of the ghats in biodiversity conservation, ATREE's work on capacity building for women's groups and conservation education (Green Brigade). Issues that immediately impacted the community elicited a response- an analysis of the multipurpose home garden and its income generating potential, and the importance of self-reliance in bio resource. This prompted the Panchayats to identify unused land and water sources that could be used for agro-forestry to raise biomass. The importance of enhancing agricultural biodiversity, and its beneficial byproducts, of fodder and manure, was also stressed.

6.6.2 Traditional Institutions The Kanis formed a Sangam in 1986 to address their rights to sell NTFPs. This Sangam is also a member of the Tamil Nadu network of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity, which spearheaded the demand for RFRA. The Sangam has been instrumental in getting the community certified ST. It has helped resist FD efforts at eviction and relocation. As of now, one Kani settlement has been relocated, while four others have held their own against the FD. However, of the 30 relocated households, only 5 have been given land – 1.5 acres, each. The rest remain landless. 6-8 households in the KMTR forest are under increasing pressure to move out.

6.6.3 Co-management Kani settlements do not form part of the C&LP selected villages group. However, there has been some interaction with the Kani community in Injikuli village, which has thrown to light efficiently maintained documents – old maps, letters issued by the state, studies conducted. The awareness that these may be used to stake claims shows that the community is sensitized to rights issues and its role in claiming rights. Besides, issues that affect community livelihoods and use of resources, conflicts with the state department, and isolation of the community because of 'development' were clearly outlined in this interaction with the Kanis.

The Kanis were settled in Injikuli by the FD, as labour in teak plantations, with rights to cultivate tapioca. However, in order to create inviolate spaces and in the name of conservation, the

113 department has tried to evict the community several times. One of the direct results of this is that the community denies presence of a sustainable tiger population. It claims that female population of in KMTR is depleted; therefore they need not be relocated.

The Kanis have no access to electricity, though their settlement is right next to the dam constructed for that purpose. They have no road or medical services, and are even prohibited from fishing or boating in the dam reservoir. Kanis have been employed by the FD as forest guards. This has not necessarily developed into a participative management of the forest, instead might have created a fissure in the community. Given the community's keen awareness of its rights, the RFRA presents itself as the ideal vehicle for a rights-claim and participatory mechanism that allows the community to combine conservation with better and more secure livelihoods management.

6.6.4 New Institutions/ Programmes Conservation Education The aim is to sensitize local youth to biodiversity conservation and its application at the ground level. An initial survey showed that there is little knowledge of the forest traditional or otherwise among the youth. The program and FD have initiated the process of getting a field guide who can communicate in the vernacular with the children. The youth will be trained in monitoring and surveillance of the park itself, along with inputs on natural resource management.

This program is outside the local school curriculum and is being carried out as a weekend activity. Besides this, volunteers are encouraged to participate in the field research carried out by ATREE. The children have, till now, contributed to observations on bat roosts and food sources, aquatic avifauna etc. Sensitization in management of biodegradable and non-biodegradable wastes is also being carried out among local youth.

Raising Multipurpose Tree Species The conversion of dry lands into wetlands and the resulting change in cultivation habits brought benefits to the few that owned the cultivable lands, and wiped out areas that sustained tree species that could support fuelwood demand of the community. This led to a greater dependence on

114 forests; this resource too was cleaved and pronounced off limits with the nomination of the s forests into a protected tiger reserve. e t i S Growing tree species in available common land has seemed the most direct response to this deprivation of fuelwood source from the previously employed dry land, and the now exhausted forests. In order to implement this project empty available land was identified at commons-level around temples, schools, along streets and the local mutt and other public places. These areas were identified by the villagers. Besides this, a micro-study of land around individual houses, or in fallow areas owned by willing residents was initiated. The C&LP also invested in a nursery at the field station, for which 56 tree species were identified for planting. This too was a participatory exercise with the community.

25

20

) 15

.

s

o

N

(

s e

i 10

c

e

p S 5

0

l r re er er al ed ue dde nu dd imb icin Fe F Fo Ma Fo T ed en el / M Gre Fu

Fig. 27: Species’ Use - KMTR

Based on willingness to participate and land availability, saplings were distributed in Ayan Singampatti, Zamin Singampatti, Indira Colony and Pappan Kulam and survival rates monitored.

115 Survival rates of species according to their usefulness is shown below:

)

.

s

o

N

(

s

e

i

c

e

p S

l r re er er al ed ue dde nu dd imb icin Fe F Fo Ma Fo T ed en el / M Gre Fu

Fig.28: Survival-rate of useful species - KMTR

Of the three villages, Ayan Singampatti received the highest number of saplings (59% of total) followed by Zamin Singampatti and South Pappan Kulam. Average survival rate was 28%. Ayan Singampatti (34%) and South Pappan Kulam (33%) had almost equal survival rate whereas Zamin Singampatti had lowest survival rate of saplings. Overall, the performance of South Pappan Kulam and Indira Colony (33%) was good, though these villages received only 16% of total saplings distributed. 6.7 Ecological Status Studies on ecological status were carried out at 2 levels. One, a broad area study of dry land villages as compared to wetland villages, and the dependency of each on the forest was noted. At a second and more minute level, the Singampatti cluster of villages was studied for fuel use and resourcing.

6.7.1 Broad Observations

n 75% households depend on fuelwood for cooking, followed by kerosene use–23%, and LPG– 2%. LPG is a non-viable source, except for a limited number of households, because of the lack of purchasing power for refills.

n 10% of the population depends on fuelwood collection as a livelihood.

n Average daily consumption of fuelwood per village was about 1500 kg.

n 65% of fuelwood was sourced from forests, the rest from outside the forests.

n Villages dominated by dry land vegetation were less dependent upon forests for fuelwood.

116 n Examination of headload composition showed a domination of teak branches. This is s

not representative of local vegetation type. Teak plantations are not close to the e t i

villages studied. Vegetation plot study also showed that present stand of trees is not S preferred fuelwood species. These observations together seem to point to the fact that scrub resources in the vicinity have been exhausted.

Village Land use Population Families Consumption From Dependence involved (kg/day) forest on forest in (kg) collection Pottal Wetland 2175 42 369 369 100% cultivation Chetymedu Wetland 920 175 1767.56 1767.56 100% cultivation Azhagappapuram Dry land 1024 112 1739.23 792.96 45.57% cultivation Karuthapillayur Dry land 561 66 1109.79 408.87 36.84% cultivation Pattankadu Dry land 716 66 934.34 648.01 69.35% cultivation Moongiladi Dry land 1563 242 3562.24 1781.12 50% cultivation

6.7.2 Focus on Singampatti cluster A broad assessment revealed that resource use follows the contour of socio-economic development. Therefore it seemed logical to follow the socio-economic background, and its relation to resource use.

There was also acknowledgement of the fact that a macro-level approach through the eco- development project had brought down demand to the extent possible, and the present situation was the bare essential critical demand that the human habitation was making on the ecosystem.

The C&LP stand was that a multi-pronged strategy that approached the problem from both sides supply and demand was required. The C&LP determined that in order to decelerate resource use from the forest several things had to happen simultaneously at the micro level, which, if effective, could be replicated along all the fringe villages. One, fuel use efficiency had to

117 be optimized. Second, dependency on forest resources had to be decreased by cultivating non- forest land under community stewardship. Third, institutional frameworks that were capable of ensuring equitable sharing of benefits, had to be identified.

The questions that needed answering were:

n Is the current level of fuelwood stock in the sanctuary enough to support demand and access rights?

n Are there non-forest lands, which could be a sustainable source of fuelwood?

So the approach was to verify that the forest resource status justified a rights-based approach for access. And to assess the impact on the ecosystem if such access were granted.

The method followed to evaluate demand and supply status: 1. Stratified random sampling, with collectors forming one stratum, and fuelwood dependents forming the second. Data was collected on family size, composition by age and gender, education, income, number of earning members, land and livestock assets, fuelwood requirements and source expenditure. 2. Headloads of fuelwood, and cattle let out for grazing in forests were counted twice a month from 2003 to 2005, through 3 key routes. 3. Current fuelwood status of the forest was assessed basis standing density, basal area and present situation. For this, 50 quadrants, 10m x 10m, were laid in the customary collection ground. Species composition, vegetation structure, basic attributes of DBH, height, abundance, cut and broken stems were recorded along with GPS readings.

Assessing fuelwood resource base An informal discussion with collectors revealed that preferred fuelwood stock in the immediate forest borders is depleted and that collectors penetrate to teak plantations to forage. A study was conducted, of the dry land forest belt closer to the target villages, to understand species preference and demography and basal area of tree species in the locations where fuelwood is collected.

Based on collectors' movement, 5 locations were selected, and ten 10 x 10m2 plots were established. Species name, diameter at ground level (provides an estimate of basal area of harvest if trees are not cut), diameter at 1.3m (provides estimate of actual available basal area) and height was recorded. Stems of all individuals greater than 1cm height at ground level were enumerated. All stems in multiple stemmed individuals were measured and observations regarded these were recorded. Geographical coordinates were determined for follow up readings.

118 Findings s

1. There are 33 tree species in the area of observation and fuelwood collection. e t i

2. Historically preferred species Anogeissus latifolia, Zizyphus mauritiana and Dalbergia spp. are S exhausted and collectors collect whatever is now available. Dominant tree species are Dalbergia latifolia (thottagathy), Commiphora mukul (kiluvai) and Pterocarpus marsupium (vengai) and 40-50 year teak trees. 3. Understory is thorny shrubs such as Pterolobium hexapetalum, Zizyphus oenoplia and Gymnosporia emarginata. 4. There were 384 stems >1cm DBH in the 0.58 ha. sampled. 5. Basal area of teak was highest, followed by Dalbergia spp. Commiphora mukul, Canthium parviflorum and Pterocarpus marsupium. 6. Nearly 37% trees had multiple stems. These trees had either a short bole because they were cut, or all stems were sprouted or coppiced from the cut-stems. 7. Teak had the highest percentage of multiple stems. s m e t S

f o

. o N

Fig. 29: Size-class distribution

Dalbergia spp and Commiphora mukul are heavy and succulent, therefore not preferred. Teak is the most heavily harvested species. 1. Collectors generally collect stout branches that are not thorny or succulent. In a throwback to the times when permits were granted for dried stem collection, collectors now cut live trees and leave them to dry in order to avoid being penalized.

Assessing Grazing pressure 1. Less than 30% households allow their livestock to graze in the forest, the rest preferring wastelands or stall-feeding. 2. With increasing construction and development, common land availability is getting progressively squeezed, forcing use of forests for grazing. 3. Dependency on forests increases during paddy cultivation and decreases when the crop fails. 4. High rainfall encourages forest grazing, while in the dry months there is little forage

119 available in the dry forest. At these times, there is little grazing in the forest.

6.9 Way Forward Future direction on livelihood improvement programme will be towards:

n Sourcing the household biomass requirements from the village surroundings

n Changing farming practices towards organic farming

n Building stakes among the community to reduce impact on the forest

n With respect to the forest dwelling community, the Kanis, CCC will facilitate practices on sustainable harvesting of NTFPs, sustainable farming and their responsibility towards protection of biodiversity under the RFRA.

120 s

COMMUNITY BASED CONSERVATION CENTRES e r t n Purpose e C

The Community Based Conservation Centre (CCC) was envisioned as a 'local space' to n o i strengthen community involvement and leadership in environmental sustainability. The idea was t a that a CCC would provide researchers, academicians, development professionals, government v r e

departments, NGOs, Panchayat functionaries, micro-finance institutions and local traditional s n

institutions a forum to engage in complementary planning and action towards the sustainable o C management of natural resources in the landscape. d

e s Community Conservation Centres have been set up at each of the five sites with the following a b - specific objectives: y t i

n To create conservation awareness among members of civil society. n u n To train and build conservation capacities of communities. m

n To promote community exchange of information and ideas. m o C Natham The first CCC was inaugurated in Natham in collaboration with CCD, Madurai. In other sites, land has been purchased. Construction has begun in Kanakapura and MM Hills. Soil and water conservation activities have been initiated with the involvement of local communities.

BRT The CCC land, which is just above an acre, was purchased two years ago. The administrative and infrastructural processes for the conversion of land from agricultural to non-agricultural, and the installation of a tube well have been initiated. Simultaneously, the land is being used as a nursery and as a demonstration model for contour bunds.

Live fencing has been done with locally available plants. 360 seedlings of 6 native species have been planted. 60 seedlings of each- Phyllanthus emblica (gooseberry), Citrus reticulata (acid lemon), Syzigium cumini (jamoon), Gmelina arborea (meena mara), Sapindus laurifolia (antoovala) and citrus spp (sakotha) have been planted along bunds to control soil and water erosion. 100 seedlings of 5 native species (20 each) have also been planted. These include Elaeocarpus tuberculatus (kende), Cinnamomum malabarica (chinna mavu), Phyllanthus emblica (nelli), Syzigium cumini (nerala) and Tectona grandis (teak wood).

121 Contour bunds were made at 10 feet intervals along the slope, to control soil and water erosion. Rainwater harvest pits have been constructed in the corner of each contour bund, with water percolation tanks, which have been interconnected to control water flow. A tubewell has also been constructed to meet water requirements.

Utilization of CCC land has been discussed with the community and the local community institution SAS. The agreement is that the land be used as a community resource centre and as a centre for Soliga cultural studies. ATREE will house its information from the past 14 years in this centre and share it with the community. The Gram Sabha and Gram Panchayat will also be able to use this resource centre. Management of the centre would be under a board comprising representatives from community, community institutions, Karnataka Forest Department and other local NGOs like VGKK.

Kanakapura Community stakes are being built through their participation in planning for the 'local space'. Simple techniques of soil and water conservation are being adopted, which would, on one hand, check soil erosion and enhance water conservation, and on the other, would encourage farmers to adopt similar techniques on their agricultural land. Vermicompost pits have been developed and forest species (Tectona grandis, Dalbargia sissoo, Albizia lebback, Bombax ceiba, Gravilia robusta, Gmelina arborea, Bixa orelana, Azadirachata indica, Pongamia glabra and Melia dubia), horticulture species (mango, sapota) have been planted. Medicinal plants and plants that attract butterflies have also been planted on the bunds. A nursery has been established to raise seedlings for the restoration work in farmlands and in other places. Banana, curry , turmeric and other herbs have been planted around water ponds. A borewell has been dug. Permission for electricity has been acquired. Contour mapping has helped in creating the building plan and landscape. The architect's plan is ready. Construction will begin post land conversion.

MM Hills ATREE has purchased 2 acres land in MM hills. The CCC is being seen as a local space for communities to gather, deliberate on issues of resource governance, a space for members of SHG groups to carry out some of their activities, besides being a facility for ATREE to continue its efforts in strengthening community stakes in natural resource governance.

122 A meeting was held with the community to deliberate on how to develop this space. The community has suggested space for medicinal and other plants, as in Nandanavana. They have expressed the need for a community hall, training space on agro-forestry and lantana craft, and drinking water facility for the local community. Live fencing has been suggested.

ATREE is planning to have a committee that will meet periodically and plan activities in the CCC land. A small meeting area has been built for the farmers' and SHGs members' interactions.

KMTR ATREE purchased 4.16 acres of land in 2006 to build the Community Conservation Centre at Ayan Singampatti village Panchayat. All the formalities pertaining to land registration as per the Tamil Nadu Land Registration Act land have been completed.

Site development activities are going on to accommodate nursery, source for water facility etc. There are plans to use this space not only for community meetings but also demonstration of nursery raising activities, and water harvesting techniques. Saplings of 15 species with varied utilitarian values have been planted to create a live fence demonstration. Live fencing is also a traditional technique employed by the community in the area.

Besides a bore well, a hand pump has been installed for water facility. A storage room has been built in order to accommodate watchman and keep the building materials. Toilet and bathroom of 100 sq ft building has been added to it. Two water storage tanks of 2000 litres have been placed over the bathroom/toilet block to store water for watering the saplings.

A building master plan has been finalized to accommodate Community Conservation Facilitation Centre, Academy, Ecology Laboratory cum Research Centre, Campus that interprets the elements of sustainable living including farming, Children Environmental Education Unit, boarding and lodging unit. With the limited budget, the CCC will be developed in phases. In the first phase, work has been initiated to build Community Conservation Facilitation Centre. It can accommodate three to four Program staff and about twenty five trainees.

Low cost technology and materials such as excavated red soil from the water harvesting pond, wooden materials, granite stone blocks, and pillars etc., recovered from demolished old buildings are being used to construct the building. Walls are raised with rammed earth block technique and roofing will have tiles.

123 SMALL GRANTS PROGRAMME

ATREE's commitment to conserving biological diversity spans both ecological and socio- ecological concerns. The ATREE Small Grants Programme seeks to increase the understanding of the current state of ecosystems, and evolve mechanisms to conserve these ecosystems. The Small Grants Programme recognizes that there is a wealth of information and expertise at small scales that can be drawn upon for more effective conservation. This programme began in August 2005 to provide assistance to individuals or organizations on a small scale, to undertake research and action on issues with a conservation outcome.

The objectives of the small grants programme are:

n To fill critical gaps in information or understanding that would help to achieve biodiversity conservation.

n To generate awareness, localised action or research on the conservation of ecosystems, sustenance of ecological processes and maintenance of livelihoods.

Approximately 12 grants are made every year, averaging Rs. 50,000 per grant. Proposals for work in the Western Ghats or Eastern Himalayas are given preference. Awards are made in two cycles every year.

An internal committee has been set up to shortlist the proposals, based on certain criteria. The committee also provides suggestions and inputs to the grantees on a regular basis. Since its inception, 34 proposals have been funded over a period of three yeas. A total grant amount of Rs. 16,00,000 has been released.

The grantee list begins on the facing page.

124 S.NO Name Affiliation to the Name of the Proposal Grants Institution Sanctioned (Rs) 1 KA CES, IISC,bangalore Aquatic insects of India-A field guide 50,000 Subramanian and Biomonitoring inland wetlands using aquatic Insects-A methodology Manual 2 Sunitha Rao Malnad Home Garden Malnad home garden and seed 50,000 and Seed Exchange exchange collective CollectiveSirsi,Uttar karnataka 3 Sushmita Sahu TERI “An ecosystem approach to a 50,000 renewable resource management: incorporating biological, socio- economic aspects and stakeholders perceptions into fishery management 4 Nandini R National Institute of Conservation priorities workshop: tree 50,000 Advance Studies and flying squirrels in the developing world.

5 Prabakar SPARSH Culture of suicides : farmers choice of 50,000 Pusdakar killing themselves in the context of the social , economic and farming practices.

6 Anirudda Rai Centre for Ecological Diversity and abundance patterns in 50,000 Sciences (CES) dry forest herpetofaunal communities around Bangalore 7 Anitha S Independent Documenting collective memory of 50,000 Researcher island community about marine biodiversity- U.T of Lakshadweep 8 Ankur Research and Action in Wild Edible Plants : documentation 50,000 Patwardan Natural Wealth and assessment of nutritional quality Administration (RANWA), 9 Basavaraju Soliga Pusumale Kala State level indigenous tribal cultural 25,000 Sangha meet 10 HL Prabakar Green Club, Mysore Conservation of insects through public 50,000 participation

125 11 Baskara Institute of Education on alagar koil hills 50,000 Sethupathy Environmental biodiversity and ecosystems Education conservation 12 KC Kruthik Independent An inventory of wild native orchids of 50,000 Researcher various forest types of area of central Western Ghats, India 13 Ravichandran EVERGREEN Workshop on fire ecology and 50,000 TRUST management in Indian forests” 14 Samir Agnihotri CES, IISC,bangalore and song structure: testing the 50,000 acoustic adaptation hypothesis 15 Srinath k College Of Forestry, Assessment of carbon sequestration in 33000 Ponnampet, Coorg sacred groves of

16 Suresh Jones Independent Rapid survey and assessment of 50,000 Researcher biodiversity in three forest ranges in the semi-arid uplands of western Chittoor district, Andhra Pradesh- towards the long-term conservation of rare, endemic, and threatened species of flora and fauna 17 Madhu Smita Jeevan Rekha Parishad A study and networking initiative of 50,000 Misra (JRP),bhubaneswar municipal solid waste recycling in Bhubaneswar, Orissa 18 Sameer Punde Applied Forests on privately owned lands of 32000 Environmental the northern Western Ghats () Research Foundation – A case study describing status, (AERF) conservation and livelihoods

19 Dionne Independent Research and documentation of 50,000 Bhunsha researcher traditional knowledge on climate change and adaptation

20 Vena kappor Nature Conservation A natural history and photographic 50,000 Foundation,Mysore guide to common understory spiders in the rainforests of the Western Ghats, India

126 21 Abinash lahkar Independent Traditional knowledge and ecological 50,000 Researcher conservation: A comprehensive study on the traditional water management system of the Bodo community, Dong, in Bodo Territorial Autonomous Districts (BTAD) of 22 K Thangavel Sri Paramakalyani Assessment on biodiversity and 50,000 awareness development on forest College, TamilNadu resources of Kadyam (KMTR) through village forest councils 23 Dr Malali Biodiversity Biodiversity conservation awareness 50,000 Gowda Conservation & programs in villages and schools Research Trust through afforestation approaches 24 Ashok Raja ACT India An integrated approach to 50,000 Foundation,Madurai conservation of biodiversity and sustainable economic development of the tribal community in Kodai hills

25 Chaitanya Independent Assessing community perceptions 50,000 Krishnan Researcher towards conservation of grassland habitats in and around Rollapadu Wildlife Sanctuary, Andhra Pradesh. 26 S. Sivabala Tilak Vidyalaya Higher WesternGhats protection force:-A 50,000 Secondary School boon for sustainable environment 27 K. Kalidassan OSAI Environmental Analyzing the violation against Hill 50,000 Organisation Area Conservation Authority (HACA) in the notified villages around the Coimbatore Forest Division, Tamilnadu 28 Narayan Sharma National institute of Evaluation of the conservation status 50,000 Advanced Studies of the primates of the Gibbon Wildlife (NIAS) Sanctuary, Assam, Northeastern India”

127 29 Debojyoti Das School of Oriental and Contested development: Problems and 50,000 African Studies dilemmas in sustainable Jhum (SOAS) redevelopment in

30 K. Conservation Research Understanding freshwater biodiversity 39000 Krishnakumar Group, Department of in Western Ghats: Documenting Aquaculture traditional knowledge on distribution and life history of critically endangered and endemic freshwater fishes of Kerala 31 Prajeesh P M.S.Swaminathan The Paddy Field Ecosystem – A 50,000 Research Foundation Scientific assessment and (MSSRF) communitymobilization towards an integrated approach in conservation. 32 Sanna Zilla Budakattu Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional 50,000 Madegowda and Girijana Abhivrudhi Forest Dwellers (Recognition Forest C Madappa Sangha Rights ) Act 2006, implementation in Chamarajanagr district of Soliga tribal podus and other developmental programmes 33 Khuraijam North East Centre for Community based biodiversity 50,000 Jibankumar Environmental conservation: Sacred groves of Singh Education and BishnupurDistrict, Research(NECEER), Manipur 34 Krishna Green Foundation Workshop on emerging National 10000 Prasad.G legislations impacting farmers and Agriculture: Critical signals for food insecurity

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129 Conservation Education ENDOWMENT FUND

The institutional endowment received from the Trust has been invested, overseen by the subcommittee of the Executive Board, in RBI Bonds, with an 8% rate of return. Two Conserv- ation and Livelihoods Fellows were to be supported with income from this endowment.

Dr. Nitin Rai was selected as the first Conservation and Livelihoods Fellow at ATREE, in 2005. He is the coordinator of the Conservation and Livelihoods Programme. Dr. Rai places his work against a backdrop where, despite evidence that tropical forests have been used and modified by humans for centuries, many conservationists maintain that human use of forests is detrimental to biodiversity conservation. This has led to a situation where ideological and sometimes physical conflict between the state and local communities over forest use has hindered both conservation efforts and livelihood enhancement initiatives.

The arguments for and against the use of forests by humans have been along disciplinary lines : ecologists maintain that people have to be moved, or forest use restricted for conservation to succeed; social scientists argue that justice and rights come before ecological concerns. However realities are intrinsically plural and require a multi-disciplinary perspective. Dr. Rai wishes to explore these issues through a series of action and research initiatives. Dr. Rai's work is based in the same five sites as the C&LP's. These sites span a wide ecological range from scrub forest to evergreen; and a broad socio-economic spectrum homogenous communities to multi-caste villages, strong local institutions to hegemonic state control. This spectrum will enable him and the programme answer questions such as:

n What determines forest dependence, and does it vary with household income, social

status, or forest structure?

n Does the existence of local institutions result in better resource management?

N Do forest conditions vary under differing socio-economic conditions and use regimes?

Dr. Gladwin Joseph, Director of ATREE and Senior Fellow, is specifically interested in studying traditional systems of agriculture and land-based livelihood strategies. His work operates on the principle that strengthening and diversifying farming systems using agro-ecological principles will increase the crop's resilience to vagaries of climate, markets, and wildlife damage. For small and marginal farmers, linking such farm diversity to value-adding technology and markets may improve livelihoods more than other top-down models of farming. Dr. Joseph is also interested in the interdisciplinary science and practice of biodiversity-rich farming that is socially and ecologically relevant to the farmer.

Along with Dr. Nitin Rai, Dr. Joseph co-leads a team at ATREE that addresses policy, institutional, social, economic and ecological issues related to reconciling conservation concerns

130 with livelihood needs of local communities. The work is trans-disciplinary in nature, and largely focused on addressing institutional, technical and policy gaps in the capacities of the Panchayat Raj Institutions to better manage and conserve their resource landscape. Dr. Joseph also leads a team conducting adaptive research to understand and promote biodiversity-rich agriculture in Biligiri Rangan Hills and Male Mahadeshwara Hills.

Many forest-margin communities in the hills of southern India subsist on marginal lands that have been cleared and converted to unsustainable uses over the past several decades. The steep slopes, severe erosion and weed invasion that characterise these lands, together with the livelihood needs of these marginalised communities, pose unique biophysical and socio- economic challenges for restoration. The goals are to restore diverse perennial vegetation cover, soil fertility and productivity of farmlands; to increase the flow of goods and services from the land; and to enhance livelihoods.

131 IDENTIFYING BIODIVERSITY HERITAGE SITES IN THE WESTERN GHATS

The Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF), Government of India, the State Party under the World Heritage Convention, assigned the responsibility of identification of potential Natural World Heritage Sites in the Western Ghats and Eastern Himalaya for inclusion in the Tentative List of future World Heritage Sites to Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and Environment (ATREE), Bangalore in 2002.

ATREE designed and executed the process of identification based on a range of criteria that included world heritage values, habitat integrity and contiguity, absence of large settlements and pressures, absence of conflicts with existing or proposed development projects, selection in other lists such as Important Bird Areas, Project Tiger and Project Elephant and socio-cultural and historical values. Several eminent conservationists and scientists were involved in the process of site selection.

The sites were identified through a two-pronged site selection process:

n A comparative ranking of sites based on independent feedback by conservationists

n A conservation prioritization based on a spatial analytical framework using species and habitat surrogates derived from secondary data and satellite images.

The results of the assessment were discussed in regional and national seminars organized by MoEF during 2004 and 2005. Seven sub-clusters formed by 39 site elements, to represent the Western Ghats and Wild Ass Sanctuary of , Kangchendzonga National Park in and Namdapha region in were identified as suitable sites to be included in the Tentative List.

The final nomination for the tentative list was prepared in collaboration with Nature Conservation Foundation (NCF), Mysore. The report was submitted to MoEF and final submission was made to UNESCO in March 2006.

As a follow up, ATREE extended support to Karnataka Forest Department in preparation of the Nomination Dossiers for the Western Ghats sub-clusters within Karnataka State. The Dossiers were prepared for Talakaveri and sub-clusters. The Dossier requires extensive information about the conservation importance and management practices of the proposed sites. The Dossier was submitted to Karnataka Forest Department in January 2008.

ATREE was subsequently invited to participate and provide inputs to the Expert Workshop on "Nomination and management of serial and trans-national natural World Heritage sites: Present

132 situation, challenges, opportunities and guidance for future practice", conducted on 26 - 30 November 2008, Isle of Vilm, Germany. The workshop was organised by the German Federal Agency for Nature Conservation (BfN) with its International Academy for Nature Conservation in collaboration with the UNESCO's World Heritage Centre and IUCN.

The workshop was intended to feed in experiences and first recommendations to the process of developing draft guidance for serial and trans-national natural World Heritage (based on document WHC-08/32.COM/10B on the preparation of serial trans-national nominations) following the World Heritage Committee Decision 32COM10B, taken in Québec in 2008.

The workshop aims were to:

n Develop draft guidance and recommendations for the nomination and management of serial natural World Heritage properties.

n Discuss the issues and questions specifically outlined in paragraph 6 of the Decision 32.COM 10B with regard to natural World Heritage, as well as other topics related to serial natural World Heritage properties.

n And based on these conclusions, propose amendments to the Operational Guidelines, and more detailed guidance for the nomination and management of serial national and trans-national natural properties.

The workshop was attended by representatives of serial natural WH properties from different parts of the world, natural heritage experts, experts involved in IUCN evaluations of natural properties, and representatives of the UNESCO WH Centre, UNESCO regional offices and IUCN.

The workshop provided inputs on the language and definitions of the guidelines, defining the outstanding universal value of serial sites, various aspects of identification of serial sites, management requirements, nomination formats and procedures, and best practices.

133 MAP-8 : Proposed Biodiversity Heritage Sites in India

134 REFERENCES

Chambers, R. 1994. “The Origins and Practices of Participatory Rural Appraisal”. World Development, Vol.22 (7):953-969

Champion, Harry G. and. Seth, S.K. 2005. A Revised Survey of the Forest Types of India. Dehra Dun, Natraj Publications., 2005.

Hall, P. and K. S. Bawa (1993). “Methods to assess the impact of NTFP on plant populations”. Economic Botany 46, 234-47.

Ramesh, B. R. 1989. “Evergreen forests of the Biligiri Rangan Hills, South India.” Dissertation, French Institute, Pondicherry, India.

Ribot, Jesse C. 2004. Waiting For Democracy. World Resources Institute. Washington D.C. 2004

Shahabuddin, G. and Prasad, S. (2004). “Assessing ecological sustainability of non-timber forest produce extraction: The Indian scenario.” Conservation & Society 2 (2), 235-250.

Setty, R. et al. 2008. “Evaluation of a participatory resource monitoring system for non-timber forest products: the case of amla (Phyllanthus spp.) fruit harvest by Soligas in South India”. Ecology and Society 13(2): 19. [online] URL: ttp://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol13/iss2/art19/

Ticktin, T. 2004. “The ecological consequences of harvesting nontimber forest products.” Journal of Applied Ecology 41(4):11-21