Statements from the Dock Mary
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Malibongwe Let Us Praise the Women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn
Malibongwe Let us praise the women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn In 1990, inspired by major political changes in our country, I decided to embark on a long-term photographic project – black and white portraits of some of the South African women who had contributed to this process. In a country previously dominated by men in power, it seemed to me that the tireless dedication and hard work of our mothers, grandmothers, sisters and daughters needed to be highlighted. I did not only want to include more visible women, but also those who silently worked so hard to make it possible for change to happen. Due to lack of funding and time constraints, including raising my twin boys and more recently being diagnosed with cancer, the portraits have been taken intermittently. Many of the women photographed in exile have now returned to South Africa and a few have passed on. While the project is not yet complete, this selection of mainly high profile women represents a history and inspiration to us all. These were not only tireless activists, but daughters, mothers, wives and friends. Gisele Wulfsohn 2006 ADELAIDE TAMBO 1929 – 2007 Adelaide Frances Tsukudu was born in 1929. She was 10 years old when she had her first brush with apartheid and politics. A police officer in Top Location in Vereenigng had been killed. Adelaide’s 82-year-old grandfather was amongst those arrested. As the men were led to the town square, the old man collapsed. Adelaide sat with him until he came round and witnessed the young policeman calling her beloved grandfather “boy”. -
Download This Report
Military bases and camps of the liberation movement, 1961- 1990 Report Gregory F. Houston Democracy, Governance, and Service Delivery (DGSD) Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) 1 August 2013 Military bases and camps of the liberation movements, 1961-1990 PREPARED FOR AMATHOLE DISTRICT MUNICIPALITY: FUNDED BY: NATIONAL HERITAGE COUNCI Table of Contents Acronyms and Abbreviations ..................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................... iii Chapter 1: Introduction ...............................................................................................................1 Chapter 2: Literature review ........................................................................................................4 Chapter 3: ANC and PAC internal camps/bases, 1960-1963 ........................................................7 Chapter 4: Freedom routes during the 1960s.............................................................................. 12 Chapter 5: ANC and PAC camps and training abroad in the 1960s ............................................ 21 Chapter 6: Freedom routes during the 1970s and 1980s ............................................................. 45 Chapter 7: ANC and PAC camps and training abroad in the 1970s and 1980s ........................... 57 Chapter 8: The ANC’s prison camps ........................................................................................ -
Bram Fischer and the Meaning of Integrity Stephen Ellman
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of North Carolina School of Law NORTH CAROLINA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW AND COMMERCIAL REGULATION Volume 26 | Number 3 Article 5 Summer 2001 To Live Outside the Law You Must Be Honest: Bram Fischer and the Meaning of Integrity Stephen Ellman Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/ncilj Recommended Citation Stephen Ellman, To Live Outside the Law You Must Be Honest: Bram Fischer and the Meaning of Integrity, 26 N.C. J. Int'l L. & Com. Reg. 767 (2000). Available at: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/ncilj/vol26/iss3/5 This Comments is brought to you for free and open access by Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in North Carolina Journal of International Law and Commercial Regulation by an authorized editor of Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To Live Outside the Law You Must Be Honest: Bram Fischer and the Meaning of Integrity Cover Page Footnote International Law; Commercial Law; Law This comments is available in North Carolina Journal of International Law and Commercial Regulation: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/ncilj/vol26/iss3/5 To Live Outside the Law You Must Be Honest: Bram Fischer and the Meaning of Integrity* Stephen Ellmann** Brain Fischer could "charm the birds out of the trees."' He was beloved by many, respected by his colleagues at the bar and even by political enemies.2 He was an expert on gold law and water rights, represented Sir Ernest Oppenheimer, the most prominent capitalist in the land, and was appointed a King's Counsel by the National Party government, which was simultaneously shaping the system of apartheid.' He was also a Communist, who died under sentence of life imprisonment. -
From Mission School to Bantu Education: a History of Adams College
FROM MISSION SCHOOL TO BANTU EDUCATION: A HISTORY OF ADAMS COLLEGE BY SUSAN MICHELLE DU RAND Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in the Department of History, University of Natal, Durban, 1990. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Page i ABSTRACT Page ii ABBREVIATIONS Page iii INTRODUCTION Page 1 PART I Page 12 "ARISE AND SHINE" The Founders of Adams College The Goals, Beliefs and Strategies of the Missionaries Official Educational Policy Adams College in the 19th Century PART II Pase 49 o^ EDUCATION FOR ASSIMILATION Teaching and Curriculum The Student Body PART III Page 118 TENSIONS. TRANSmON AND CLOSURE The Failure of Mission Education Restructuring African Education The Closure of Adams College CONCLUSION Page 165 APPENDICES Page 170 BIBLIOGRAPHY Page 187 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Paul Maylam for his guidance, advice and dedicated supervision. I would also like to thank Michael Spencer, my co-supervisor, who assisted me with the development of certain ideas and in supplying constructive encouragement. I am also grateful to Iain Edwards and Robert Morrell for their comments and critical reading of this thesis. Special thanks must be given to Chantelle Wyley for her hard work and assistance with my Bibliography. Appreciation is also due to the staff of the University of Natal Library, the Killie Campbell Africana Library, the Natal Archives Depot, the William Cullen Library at the University of the Witwatersrand, the Central Archives Depot in Pretoria, the Borthwick Institute at the University of York and the School of Oriental and African Studies Library at the University of London. -
General Assembly Distr
UNITED NATIONS A General Assembly Distr. LIMITED A/43/L.30 23 November 1988 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH - Forty-third session Agenda item 36 POLICIES OF APARTHEID OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA Algeria, Angola, Benin. Botswana. Burkina Faso. Burundi. Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic. Congo. Cuba. Ethiopia. Gabon, German Democratic Republic, Ghana, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Malaysia, Mali, Mozambigue. Nepal, Niger. Nigeria, Sudan, Syrian Arab RepUblic, Tunisia. Uganda. Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Republic of Tanzania, Zamb;a and Zimbabwe: draft resolution International solidarity with the liberation struggle in South Africa The General Assembly, Recalling its resolution 42/23 of 20 November 1987, Having considered the report of the Special Committee against APartheid, particularly paragraphs 183 to 194, ~I Gravely concerned at the escalating repression of and State terror against opponents of a~artheid and the increasing intransigence of the racist regime of South Africa, exemplified by the continuous extension of the state of emergency, the imposition of severe restrictions on peaceful anti-apartheid organizations and individuals, the increasing numbers of arbitrary detentions, trials, torture and killings, including those of women and children, the increased use of vigilante groups and the stifling of the press, ~I Official Records of the General Assembly. Forty-third Session. Supplement No. 2: (A/43/22). 88-30978 0698Z (E) I. .• Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library A/43/L.30 English Page 2 Noting with serious concern the racist regime's continuing acts of aggression and destabi1ization against neighbouring independent African States, including assassinations and abductions of freedom fighters in those States, and elsewhere, and the continuing illegal occupation of Namibia, 1. -
International Dimensions, 1960-1967
INTERNATIONAL nternational support for what THE TURN TO ARMED STRUGGLE became Umkhonto we Sizwe I(MK) was forthcoming soon after the South African Communist Party © Shutterstock.com International Dimensions, (SACP) decided at its December 1960 conference to authorise the training of 1960-1967 a nucleus of fighters capable of leading a shift to violent methods, should the broader African National Congress (ANC) led liberation movement decide on a change of tactics. Arthur Goldreich was then a sub- manager in the Checkers store chain. The SACP’s Central Committee tasked him, using his job as cover, to explore the possibility of obtaining arms from Czechoslovakia. While the project was in its infancy, the Central Committee learned that the Chinese Communist Party was prepared to accept six people for military, Marxist and scholastic training. They selected Wilton Mkwayi, Nandha Naidoo, Raymond Mhlaba, Andrew Mlangeni, Abel Mthembu and Joe Gqabi to receive the training. The six gathered in Peking towards the end of 1961 before separating in January 1962, with Mlangeni and Naidoo heading north for radio training, and the remainder south to Nanking for military training in the use of guns, hand grenades, and explosives. Within South Africa, the ANC and its alliance partners met at a beach house near Stanger a couple of months after the failure of a three-day stay- at-home that Nelson Mandela had organised for the eve of the country’s proclamation as a republic on 31 May 1961. The purpose of the Congress Alliance meeting was to reconsider the movement’s tactics in the wake of the strike. -
Former President Thabo Mbeki's Letter to ANC President Jacob Zuma
Former President Thabo Mbeki’s letter to ANC President Jacob Comrade President, I imagine that these must be especially trying times for you as president of our movement, the ANC, as they are for many of us as ordinary members of our beloved movement, which we have strived to serve loyally for many decades. I say this to apologise that I impose an additional burden on you by sending you this long letter. I decided to write this letter after I was informed that two days ago, on October 7, the president of the ANC Youth League and you the following day, October 8, told the country, through the media, that you would require me to campaign for the ANC during the 2009 election campaign. As you know, neither of you had discussed this with me prior to your announcements. Nobody in the ANC leadership - including you, the presidents of the ANC and ANCYL - has raised this matter with me since then. To avoid controversy, I have declined all invitations publicly to indicate whether I intended to act as you indicated or otherwise. In truth your announcements took me by surprise. This is because earlier you had sent Comrades Kgalema Motlanthe and Gwede Mantashe to inform me that the ANC NEC and our movement in general had lost confidence in me as a cadre of our movement. They informed me that for this reason you suggested that I should resign my position as president of the Republic, which I did. I therefore could not understand how the same ANC which was so disenchanted with me could, within a fortnight, consider me such a dependable cadre as could be relied upon to promote the political fortunes of the very same movement, the ANC, which I had betrayed in such a grave and grevious manner as to require that I should be removed from the presidency of the Republic a mere six or seven months before the end of our term, as mandated by the masses of our people! Your public announcements I have mentioned came exactly at the moment when Comrade Mosiuoa "Terror" Lekota and other ANC comrades publicly raised various matters about our movement of concern to them. -
24. Wilton Mkwayi
Chapter 24 Wilton Mkwayi Wilton Mkwayi1 is an ANC veteran who was active in Port Elizabeth before he was charged with treason in 1956. He managed to escape during the course of the Treason Trial and was among the first six MK cadres sent for military training in China in 1961. After the Rivonia arrests in 1963 he took over as commander-in-chief of MK from Raymond Mhlaba. I was born on the 17th December 1923 in the Chwarhu area in Middledrift. My parents never went to school. That area is very bad; it's a very dry area. We had difficulties all the time, for instance with ploughing, because the type of corn we planted was what the European people call kaffir corn, the Zimbas. Even if the mielie is there, it dies. But the Zimbas are better. During those days we had no wire to fence our ploughing fields. Nevertheless, we could feed everybody that was hungry. On one occasion some Europeans came to the village – we didn't know them – and they said this field is not good and it must be killed by poison. The mielies must not be eaten. They would come and say to you: “Wait for that one because it's healthier. This one has been injected.” But at that stage we had already eaten enough but no one was dying. They said after a certain period it would kill you. So we got frightened. At home we were seven children, four boys and three girls. The eldest one was Elena, then Zimasile, Zilindile, Mlungwana, Lowukazi, Zukile and Noncithakalo, the last-born. -
Harrison Higgins December 2017 1 the Bethal Treason Trials the Pan
Harrison Higgins December 2017 The Bethal Treason Trials The Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) was one of the largest organizations that fought apartheid vigorously. The policies set forth by the apartheid state protected white supremacy in both politics and socioeconomics. The PAC consistently had members exiled, detained, or even executed under the conditions of the state’s policies. In the Bethal Treason Trials of December 1977, Zephaniah Mothopeng, the President of the PAC, and seventeen other PAC members were detained under the conditions of the Terrorism Act of 1967. Mothopeng would go on to survive the Bethal Treason Trials, unlike the four Pan Africanist Congress members, Naboath Ntshuntsha, Samuel Malinga, Aaron Khoza, and Sipho Bonaventura Malaza, who were killed during detention and trial in 1977. Robert Sobukwe, the leader of the PAC leading into the Bethal Treason trials, died after falling ill in 1977 shortly after the trials commenced. The government sought to keep the trials out of Johannesburg and detained the PAC men in Bethal, a desolate, rural area of South Africa. The Bethal Trials were initiated by a series of arrests a year after the Soweto Uprisings of 1976. Apartheid officials arrested and detained Africanist freedom fighters under the policies of the Terrorism Act of 1967, in which unannounced arrests and searches by the regime were allowed if public safety was deemed to be at stake. These officials believed that the Soweto uprisings were not spontaneous nor the machinations of school youth and that pre-emptive plans had been discussed by members of the PAC, among them Zephaniah Mothopeng. -
Zj of Pan Africanist Politics B
vol UN/IPSlA/f-N NUMBERTHREE ' WINTER 199C - Zj of Pan Africanist Politics B-C of Black Consciousness Charterist Insiders & Outsiders Development for Democracy .Evaluating SA's Social Spending financing Debt Repayments Growth with Redistribution ME MB E R S AECI Ltd • Africa Inst of SA • African Cables • African Oxygen Ltd • Allied Technologies Ltd • Amalgamated Beverage Industries • Andrew Levy & Assocs (Pty) Ltd • Anglo American & De Beers Chairman's Fund Education Trust • Anglovaal Ltd • Anikem (Pty) Ltd • Anna Starcke Assocs • Barlow Rand Fc Chocolates • BP Southern Africa (Pty) Ltd • Carlton Pape Mines of SA • Colgate-Palmolive (Pty) Ltd • Developrr Durban Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce • EMSA • National Bank of Southern Africa Ltd • General Mining, Distillers & Vintners (Pty) Ltd • Gold Fields Foundation • • Hunt Leuchars & Hepburn • IBM SA Projects Fui Fragrances (SA) (Pty) Ltd • Impala Platinum Ltd • Johai Co Ltd • Johnson & Johnson • SC Johnson & Son • Kellogg Co ofSA (Pty) Ltd • Kluk Textile Industries • Kw • Liberty Life • Malbak Ltd • Mercedes-Benz of SA (P • Mobil Oil Foundation of SA • Nampak • The Na Corporation of SA Ltd • Netherlands Embassy • Old Mut PG Glass Holdings (Pty) Ltd • PG Wood Industries • Pr Rand Merchant Bank • Richards Bay Minerals • Rio Tint Ltd • Robertsons (Pty) Ltd • SA Clothing Industries Ltd < Foundation • Sanlam • Sappi • SA Sugar Associatioi SEIFSA • South African Breweries Ltd • Southern Life • Ltd • Stellenbosch Farmers Winery Ltd • Suncrush Limited • Sun International Ltd • TEK Corporation • Tiger Oats Ltd • The B-M Group (Pty) Ltd • The Tongaat-Hulett Group Ltd • The Urban Foundation • Toyota Marketing Co (Pty) Ltd • Unilever SA (Pty) Ltd • UNISA • USSALEP • Vaal Reef Exploration & Mining Co Ltd • Volkswagen of SA (Pty) Ltd • Wooltru Ltd ^ C,n c rs^&s LIBRARY 17 JUL 1930 Institute of Development t.tudiesj WHAT OUR COMMITMENT TO RELEVANT EDUCATION AMOUNTS TO IN BLACK AND WHITE. -
Against Apartheid
REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID GENERAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL RECORDS: FORTY-FOURTH SESSION SUPPLEMENT No. 22 (A/44/2~) UNITED NATIONS New York, 1990 NOTE Symbols of United Nations documents are composed ofcapital letters combined with figures. Mention of sl!ch a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. The present. report was also submitted to the Security Council under the symbol S/20901. ISSN 0255-1845 1111 iqlllllll l~uqllHh) I!i li'alHlltHy 19~O 1 CONTENTS LBTTER OF TRANSMITTAL •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• l1li •• l1li ••••••••••••••••••••••• PART ONE ~~AL RBPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE •...•....••............... 1 275 2 I • INTRODUCTION ••••••••••.•••.••.••.......•.......•. l1li •••••••• 1 1 3 11. RBVIBW OF DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA .........•.......... [, q4 1 A. General political conditions !l 15 4 B. Repression of the r~pulation .......................... 1.6 4" () 1.. Overview ...•.......•.............................. 1(; fi 2. Political trials, death sentences and executions .. I.., - 7.4 r; 3. Detention without trial ?!l 7.11 IJ 4. Vigilante groups, death squads and covert activities .. ' . 29 35 y 5. Security laws, banning and restriction or(\ers ..... lfi :19 11 6. Forced population removals ..••....••...•.......... 10 .. 45 12 7. Press censorship I ••••••••• 46 - 47 13 C. Resistance to apartheid .•.......•..................... 411 .. 03 13 1. Organizing broader fronts of resistance .....•..... 40 5n 11 2. National liberation movements . !i9 1;1 I. t) 3. Non-racial trade union movement Ij tl 1;9 l" 4. Actions by religious, youth and student gr Il\lllt~ ••.. "10 .,., III 5. Whites in the resistance . "111 1I:cl ),0 1)4 D. Destabilization and State terrorism . " 'I 7.2 Ill. EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF SOUTH AFRICA , . -
SEARCHLIGHT N? 2 SOUTHS AFRIG Feb
12CH SEARCHLIGHT N? 2 SOUTHS AFRIG Feb. 1989 £3.50 a s o n d Body Count, Natal: 1987 tirj#J* SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA FEBRUARY 1989, No. 2 Searchlight South Africa is an independent Socialist journal focussed on Southern Africa, but mindful of the broader world context. Searchlight South Africa will offer analyses from a critical Marxist standpoint, and will open its pages to debate on the central issues affecting the country. There will be place for articles on political economy, politics, and history, and for literary criticism and book reviews. The editors have differing views on events inside South Africa, and this needs no apology. There is need for debate, and for informed discussion on the many problems that face South Africa. But whatever our differences we are agreed that the struggle in South Africa is for socialism, and that the working class will form the vanguard in the movement to transform the country. The struggle is against capital, and in leading the forces that must replace the existing system by a socialist democracy, the working class will remove the oppressive regime, colour discrimination and class exploitation. We believe that our role in this struggle is not to dictate, nor to lay down the rules by which the struggle must be pursued. Rather, we see ourselves as engaged in a dialogue with those working for change, and to this end we will carry surveys and offer analyses that deepen an understanding of the forces at work in the country. We will discuss socialist theory, and show that events in South Africa are part of the wider struggle against capital, all ultimately aimed at building an international socialist commonwealth.