The Economy of Norwegian Towns C. 1250–1350

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Economy of Norwegian Towns C. 1250–1350 Institutt for historie og religionsvitenskap ved fakultetet for humaniora, samfunnsvitenskap og lærerutdanning. The economy of Norwegian towns c. 1250–1350 A comparative study of the economic functions of towns in Norway, Denmark and England — Olav Elias Gundersen Masteroppgave i historie – mai 2015 Acknowledgements I wish to thank my supervisor, Professor Richard Holt, for all the help he has given me. Without the insightful and intellectually provocative comments he has continually provided throughout my work on this thesis, I do not know how it would have turned out. Thank you. My fellow students in Breiviklia also deserve thanks for providing a great social environment, as well as comments on my earlier drafts of this thesis. I especially want to thank Tor-Ivar for his last minute proofreading of the entire thesis. I also want to thank my parents for their constant support, and my girlfriend, Helene, for always being there for me when I needed encouragement or to take my mind off the thesis. Contents Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 1.1: Research questions .......................................................................................................... 2 1.2: Geographical and chronological delimitation ................................................................. 3 1.3: Sources ............................................................................................................................ 3 1.4: Previous research ............................................................................................................ 4 1.5: Method ............................................................................................................................ 7 1.6: Structure of the thesis ...................................................................................................... 8 Chapter 2: Towns in Norway, Denmark and England ............................................................. 10 2.1: Defining Norwegian towns ........................................................................................... 12 2.2: Towns in the sagas ........................................................................................................ 18 2.3: The town structure: Buildings and governance ............................................................. 21 2.4: Townspeople ................................................................................................................. 24 Chapter 3: Town industries ...................................................................................................... 28 3.1: Commodity production in England and Denmark ........................................................ 28 3.2: Textile production in Norwegian towns ........................................................................ 30 3.3: Leather workers – Shoemakers in Norway ................................................................... 34 3.4: Production of other goods ............................................................................................. 36 3.5: Summary ....................................................................................................................... 40 Chapter 4: Commercialisation .................................................................................................. 42 4.1: Coins in Norway in the High Middle Ages ................................................................... 43 4.2: Coins in towns ............................................................................................................... 47 4.3: Trade ............................................................................................................................. 51 4.4: Shops, stalls and carts ................................................................................................... 52 4.5: Markets and fairs ........................................................................................................... 58 4.6: Import and export .......................................................................................................... 61 4.7: Norwegian towns – places of consumption or commerce? ........................................... 63 Chapter 5: Fundamental causes ................................................................................................ 66 5.1: Natural limitations and possibilities .............................................................................. 66 5.2: Class relationships ......................................................................................................... 71 5.3: Hanseatic domination .................................................................................................... 75 5.4: Causes working in conjunction – and against to each other ......................................... 78 Chapter 6: Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 82 6.1: How we think about Norwegian towns ......................................................................... 83 6.2: Norwegian towns: A failure? For whom? ..................................................................... 85 6.3: Closing remarks ............................................................................................................ 87 Sources ..................................................................................................................................... 89 Literature .................................................................................................................................. 89 Chapter 1: Introduction When Lewis Mumford wrote his influential book The City in History (1961), he opened by asking the simple question “What is the city?”.1 In the fifty-four years that have passed since, the question has received much attention. Historians have amassed a wealth of knowledge about cities and towns through historical studies and archaeological excavations, and many questions that at the time were unresolved, have since received answers or at least thorough discussion. However, some questions and topics remain open for debate, and one such topic is the elusive Norwegian towns. Norwegian towns were different from their European counterparts both in appearance and function. They lacked walls, for instance, which was a common European town feature, and they were generally quite small. They were also all seaports, except Hamar, which was situated on the shore of an inland lake, Mjøsa. More importantly, as this thesis aims to show, they had a different economic function than European towns. Much of the attention Norwegian historians have accorded towns come in the form of town monographs, but some research has also been done on general town development and urbanisation in Norway. The origins of towns have enjoyed a particularly prominent place in the discussions, and a recent publication, De første 200 årene – nytt blikk på 27 skandinaviske middelalderbyer2 (2008) edited by Hans Anderssson, Gitte Hansen and Ingvild Øye, shows that the debate around this issue is still alive and thriving. Most town histories, while usually being well researched and oftentimes including some comparative elements, are generally of a local character. Few have tried to look at Norwegian towns in the High Middle Ages as a single unit. One exception is Norsk byhistorie (2006), which will be discussed further down. In general, the medieval economy has seen plenty of research and debate. The role of towns in the Norwegian economy has also received attention, usually in the context of long-distance trade. Few, however, have tried to compare the economic function of Norwegian towns with those of other European countries. In the thirteenth century especially, there was a massive urban growth in Western Europe. Old towns were given charters defining their rights and liberties, and new towns were founded rapidly. Behind the new towns were often local aristocrats who saw towns as a potential source of profit.3 One reason for the profitability of towns was that they had a market where goods were traded and from which the lord of the town 1 Mumford 1961: 3. 2 I.e. “The first 200 years – a new look at 27 Scandinavian medieval towns” 3 Miller and Hatcher 1995: 270. 1 could exact a profit. Much of the goods traded were commodities produced in the town itself, which peasants living nearby found essential. Most spectacular was the trade in textiles, which, far from being only high-quality luxury items, became more and more diversified in their quality and were usually produced in towns for a local market. Norwegian urbanisation, it has been alleged,4 did not follow this pattern. Therefore, an examination of the differences between Norwegian and other European towns is needed. The towns chosen for comparisons are those of Denmark and England. Denmark shared strong ties with Norway, culturally, linguistically, and politically, making it a fit object of comparison as one can expect to find some economic similarities or, at the very least, some shared challenges. The differences between Norway and Denmark, such as Denmark’s proximity to the continent as well as their climate and topography, also provides us with some starting points when trying to analyse certain aspects of the urban development. England, on the other hand, had a much larger population, a larger urban production sector and a much more
Recommended publications
  • Erkebiskopene Som Fredsskapere
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives Erkebiskopene som fredsskapere i det norske samfunnet fra 1202 til 1263 Tore Sævrås Masteroppgave i historie Institutt for arkeologi, konservering og historie Universitetet i Oslo Høsten 2010 1 Forord Nå som jeg endelig er ferdig med min masteroppgave vil jeg rette en stor takk til min veileder Jon Vidar Sigurdsson, blant annet for gode råd, spørsmål og innspill som har gjort at jeg har greid å levere denne oppgaven innenfor nomerert tid. Særlig er jeg takknemelig for den tiden du satte av de siste ukene til gjennomlesning av kapittelutkastene til denne oppgaven, og at jeg når tid som helst kunne ringe deg dersom det var et eller annet jeg slet med i oppgaven min. Jeg har selv lært mye med å skrive denne oppgaven, og selv om det til tider har vært et slit, må jeg også innrømme at det har vært veldig morsomt å jobbe med denne oppgaven det siste semesteret da jeg begynte å se hvordan oppgaven kom til å se ut. Jeg vil også rette en takk til familie og venner for den forståelse og tålmodighet de har vist meg i de siste månedene, når jeg har arbeidet med å få ferdig denne oppgaven i tide. 2 Innholdsfortegnelse Innledning s. 4 Historiografi s. 5 Kilder s.10 1: Erkebiskopenes fredsskaperrolle i de store politiske konfliktene s.14 Initiativtakeren - erkebiskopen s.15 Initiativtakeren - de stridende partene s.17 Erkebiskopene som meglere s.23 Erkebiskopenes formidlerrolle s.27 Erkebiskopen som dommer s.33 Avslutning
    [Show full text]
  • Beowulf and Typological Symbolism
    ~1F AND TYPOLOGICAL SYMBOLISM BEO~LF AND TYPOLOGICAL SY~rnOLISM By WILLEM HELDER A Thesis· Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Ar.ts McMaster University November 1971. MASTER OF ARTS (1971) McMASTER UNIVERSITY (English) - Hamilton~ Ontario ~ and Typological Symbolism AUTHOR, Willem Helder~ BoAe (McMaster University) SUPERVISORt" Dro AQ Ao Lee NUMBER OF PAGESg v~ 100 ii PREFACE In view of the prevalence of Christianity in England throughout what we can consider the age of the f3e.o~ poet, an exploration of the influence o·f typological symbolism would seem to be especially useful in the study of ~f. In the Old English period any Christian influence on a poem would perforce be of a patristic and typological nature. I propose to give evidence that this statement applies also to 13Eio'!llJ..J,=:(, and to bring this information to bear particularly on the inter­ pretation of the two dominant symbols r Reorot and the dragon's hoardo To date, no attempt has been made to look at the poem as a whole in a purely typological perspectivec. According to the typological exegesis of Scripture, the realities of the Old Testament prefigure those of the new dis~ pensation. The Hebrew prophets and also the New Testament apostles consciously made reference to "types" or II figures II , but it was left for the Fathers of the Church to develop typology as a science. They did so to prove to such h.eretics as the lYIani~ chean8 that both Testaments form a unity, and to convince the J"ews that the Old was fulfilled in the New.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction the Waste-Ern Literary Canon in the Waste-Ern Tradition
    Notes Introduction The Waste-ern Literary Canon in the Waste-ern Tradition 1 . Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives: Modernity and Its Outcasts (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), 26. 2 . M a r y D o u g las, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge, 1966/2002), 2, 44. 3 . S usan Signe Morrison, E xcrement in the Late Middle Ages: Sacred Filth and Chaucer’s Fecopoeticss (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 153–158. The book enacts what Dana Phillips labels “excremental ecocriticism.” “Excremental Ecocriticism and the Global Sanitation Crisis,” in M aterial Ecocriticism , ed. Serenella Iovino and Serpil Oppermann (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014), 184. 4 . M o r r i s o n , Excrementt , 123. 5 . Dana Phillips and Heather I. Sullivan, “Material Ecocriticism: Dirt, Waste, Bodies, Food, and Other Matter,” Interdisci plinary Studies in Literature and Environment 19.3 (Summer 2012): 447. “Our trash is not ‘away’ in landfills but generating lively streams of chemicals and volatile winds of methane as we speak.” Jane Bennett, Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), vii. 6 . B e n n e t t , Vibrant Matterr , viii. 7 . I b i d . , vii. 8 . S e e F i gures 1 and 2 in Vincent B. Leitch, Literary Criticism in the 21st Century: Theory Renaissancee (London: Bloomsbury, 2014). 9 . Pippa Marland and John Parham, “Remaindering: The Material Ecology of Junk and Composting,” Green Letters: Studies in Ecocriticism 18.1 (2014): 1. 1 0 . S c o t t S lovic, “Editor’s Note,” Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 20.3 (2013): 456.
    [Show full text]
  • Regionalt Bygdeutviklingsprogram for Oslo Og Viken 2019-2022
    Regionalt bygdeutviklingsprogram for Oslo og Viken 2019-2022 For næringsutvikling og målrettet miljø- og klimaarbeid i landbruket i Oslo og Viken Fylkesmannen i Oslo og Viken Regionalt bygdeutviklingsprogram (RBU) 2 Innholdsfortegnelse Innledning ...................................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Oversikt over produksjoner og verdiskaping i landbruket i Oslo og Viken ......................... 4 Landbruket i Oslo og Viken .............................................................................................................. 4 Tradisjonelt jordbruk ........................................................................................................................ 5 Førstehåndsverdi av jordbruksproduksjonen ............................................................................... 7 Skogbruk ............................................................................................................................................. 8 Tilleggsnæringer ................................................................................................................................ 8 Definisjoner fra SSB .......................................................................................................................... 9 2. Visjon og overordna mål for utvikling av landbruket i Oslo og Viken .................................. 9 3. Synergier mellom delprogrammene .....................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Situational Awareness and Forecasting for Norway
    Situational awareness and forecasting for Norway FHI COVID-19 modelling team Week 11, 24 March 2021 Highlights: • National epidemiological situation: Our models indicate that in the present situation, the prevalence of cases and hospitalisations continue to increase due to the exponential phase of the epidemic, governed by a high effective reproduction number. In our changepoint model, the effective reproduction number R acting from March 2nd until today is estimated to be 1.3 (median, 95% CI 1.18-1.46). Looking back in time since Christmas, the effective reproduction number was estimated to be below 0.7 until January 21; it then started to increase but remained below 1 until February 7. Then the increase was twice as rapid, to 1.39 (1.26-1.51) until March 1. Since then, the reproduction number has remained stable. The SMC model estimates the 7-days averaged effective reproduction number during week 10, to be 1.21 (mean, 95% CI 0.93-1.57). The SMC model indicates a peak between week 7 and 8 and a decrease during the last week of February, followed by week 9 with a stable reproduction number, with then a decrease in the last week 10. The trend appears currently decreasing, though with high uncertainty. The changepoint model and the SMC agree in estimating the same level of the effective reproduction number. Still the SMC, which reacts to recent data more rapidly, indicates a recent decreasing trend. These estimates include the interventions implemented on March 2, but not the ones implemented in Oslo and Viken at the beginning of week 11, which our models will be able to capture fully after Easter.
    [Show full text]
  • How Uniform Was the Old Norse Religion?
    II. Old Norse Myth and Society HOW UNIFORM WAS THE OLD NORSE RELIGION? Stefan Brink ne often gets the impression from handbooks on Old Norse culture and religion that the pagan religion that was supposed to have been in Oexistence all over pre-Christian Scandinavia and Iceland was rather homogeneous. Due to the lack of written sources, it becomes difficult to say whether the ‘religion’ — or rather mythology, eschatology, and cult practice, which medieval sources refer to as forn siðr (‘ancient custom’) — changed over time. For obvious reasons, it is very difficult to identify a ‘pure’ Old Norse religion, uncorroded by Christianity since Scandinavia did not exist in a cultural vacuum.1 What we read in the handbooks is based almost entirely on Snorri Sturluson’s representation and interpretation in his Edda of the pre-Christian religion of Iceland, together with the ambiguous mythical and eschatological world we find represented in the Poetic Edda and in the filtered form Saxo Grammaticus presents in his Gesta Danorum. This stance is more or less presented without reflection in early scholarship, but the bias of the foundation is more readily acknowledged in more recent works.2 In the textual sources we find a considerable pantheon of gods and goddesses — Þórr, Óðinn, Freyr, Baldr, Loki, Njo3rðr, Týr, Heimdallr, Ullr, Bragi, Freyja, Frigg, Gefjon, Iðunn, et cetera — and euhemerized stories of how the gods acted and were characterized as individuals and as a collective. Since the sources are Old Icelandic (Saxo’s work appears to have been built on the same sources) one might assume that this religious world was purely Old 1 See the discussion in Gro Steinsland, Norrøn religion: Myter, riter, samfunn (Oslo: Pax, 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • Warfare and Society in the Barbarian West, 450–900
    WARFARE AND SOCIETY IN THE BARBARIAN WEST, 450–900 Warfare was an integral part of early medieval life. It had a character of its own and was neither a pale shadow of Roman military practice nor an insignificant precursor to the warfare of the central Middle Ages. This book recovers its distinctiveness, looking at warfare in a rounded context in the British Isles and western Europe between the end of the Roman Empire and the break-up of the Carolingian Empire. The era was one of great changes in the practice of war. Guy Halsall relates warfare to many aspects of medieval life, economy, society and politics. He examines the raising and organisation of early medieval armies and looks at the conduct of campaigns. The survey includes the equipment of warriors and the horrific experience of battle as well as an analysis of medieval fortifications and siege warfare. Warfare and Society in the Barbarian West uses historical and archaeological evidence in a rigorous and sophisticated fashion. It stresses regional variations but also places Anglo-Saxon England in the mainstream of the military developments in this era. Guy Halsall is lecturer in medieval history at the University of York. He has published widely on the social history and archaeology of Merovingian Gaul and on violence in early medieval society, including Settlement and Social Organisation. The Merovingian Region of Metz (Cambridge, 1995). WARFARE AND HISTORY General Editor, Jeremy Black Professor of History, University of Exeter AIR POWER IN THE AGE OF TOTAL WAR John Buckley THE ARMIES OF THE CALIPHS: MILITARY AND SOCIETY IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC STATE Hugh Kennedy THE BALKAN WARS, 1912–1913: PRELUDE TO THE FIRST WORLD WAR Richard C.
    [Show full text]
  • Angeln an Der Küste Von Trøndelag Ein Angelparadies Mitten in Norwegen
    ANGELN AN DER KÜSTE VON TRØNDELAG EIN ANGELPARADIES MITTEN IN NORWEGEN IHR ANGELFÜHRER WILLKOMMEN ZU HERRLICHEN ANGELERLEBNISSEN AN DER KÜSTE VON TRØNDELAG!! In Trøndelag sind alle Voraussetzungen für gute Angelerlebnisse vorhanden. Die Mischung aus einem Schärengarten voller Inseln, den geschützten Fjorden und dem leicht erreichbarem offenen Meer bietet für alle Hobbyangler ideale Verhältnisse, ganz entsprechend ihren persönlichen Erwartungen und Erfahrungen. An der gesamten Küste findet man gute Anlagen vor, deren Betreiber für Unterkunft, Boote, Ratschläge für die Sicherheit auf dem Wasser und natürlich Tipps zum Auffinden der besten Angelplätze sorgen. Diese Broschüre soll allen, die zum Angeln nach Trøndelag kommen, die Teilnahme an schönen Angelerlebnisse erleichtern. Im hinteren Teil finden Sie Hinweise für die Wahl der Ausrüstung, 02 zur Sicherheit im Boot und zu den gesetzlichen Bestimmungen. Außerdem präsentieren sich die verschiedenen Küstenregionen mit ihrer reichen Küstenkultur, die prägend für die Küste von Trøndelag ist. PHOTO: YNGVE ASK INHALT 02 Willkommen zu guten Angelmöglichkeiten in Trøndelag 04 Fischarten 07 Angelausrüstung und Tipps 08 Gesetzliche Bestimmungen für das Angeln im Meer 09 Angeln und Sicherheit 10 Fischrezepte 11 Hitra & Frøya 14 Fosen 18 Trondheimfjord 20 Namdalsküste 25 Betriebe 03 30 Karte PHOTO: TERJE RAKKE NORDIC LIFE NORDIC RAKKE TERJE PHOTO: FISCHARTEN vielen rötlichen Flecken. Sie kommt zahlreich HEILBUTT Seeteufel in der Nordsee in bis zu 250 m Tiefe vor. LUMB Der Lumb ist durch seine lange Rückenflosse Ein großer Kopf und ein riesiges Maul sind die gekennzeichnet. Normalerweise wiegt er um Kennzeichen dieser Art. Der Kopf macht fast die 3 kg, kann aber bis zu 20 kg erreichen. die halbe Körperlänge aus, die zwei Meter Man findet ihn oft in tiefen Fjorden, am Der Heilbutt ist der größte Plattfisch.
    [Show full text]
  • THE DISCOVERY of the BALTIC the NORTHERN WORLD North Europe and the Baltic C
    THE DISCOVERY OF THE BALTIC THE NORTHERN WORLD North Europe and the Baltic c. 400-1700 AD Peoples, Economies and Cultures EDITORS Barbara Crawford (St. Andrews) David Kirby (London) Jon-Vidar Sigurdsson (Oslo) Ingvild Øye (Bergen) Richard W. Unger (Vancouver) Przemyslaw Urbanczyk (Warsaw) VOLUME 15 THE DISCOVERY OF THE BALTIC The Reception of a Catholic World-System in the European North (AD 1075-1225) BY NILS BLOMKVIST BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2005 On the cover: Knight sitting on a horse, chess piece from mid-13th century, found in Kalmar. SHM inv. nr 1304:1838:139. Neg. nr 345:29. Antikvarisk-topografiska arkivet, the National Heritage Board, Stockholm. Brill Academic Publishers has done its best to establish rights to use of the materials printed herein. Should any other party feel that its rights have been infringed we would be glad to take up contact with them. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Blomkvist, Nils. The discovery of the Baltic : the reception of a Catholic world-system in the European north (AD 1075-1225) / by Nils Blomkvist. p. cm. — (The northern world, ISSN 1569-1462 ; v. 15) Includes bibliographical references (p.) and index. ISBN 90-04-14122-7 1. Catholic Church—Baltic Sea Region—History. 2. Church history—Middle Ages, 600-1500. 3. Baltic Sea Region—Church history. I. Title. II. Series. BX1612.B34B56 2004 282’485—dc22 2004054598 ISSN 1569–1462 ISBN 90 04 14122 7 © Copyright 2005 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill Academic Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.
    [Show full text]
  • The Old-Norse Narrative Auðunar Þáttr Vestfirzkaas
    Studia Litteraria Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 5 (2010) MARTA REY-RADLIŃSKA Instytut Filologii Germańskiej Zakład Filologii Szwedzkiej Uniwersytet Jagielloński THE OLD-NORSE NARRATIVE AUÐUNAR ÞÁTTR VESTFIRZKA AS A PARABOLIC FICTION Introduction Auðunar þáttr vestfi rzka (literally: The þáttr of Auðun from the West Fjords) is doubtless one of the prose masterpieces of the European Middle Ages. The story of a poor Icelander who travels to the old country to gain wealth and recognition is well known and has been translated to many languages. It has been considered as one of most classical examples of the Old-Norse short narratives, so-called þættir. The number of short narratives called today þættir varies depending on the criteria applied. As Elizabeth Ashman Rowe and Joseph Harris concluded in A Companion to Old-Norse Icelandic Literature and Culture: Because such short narratives are not always clearly labelled, whether with ‘þáttr’ or another term, and because other criteria for their recognition can be subjective, their exact number will always be a matter of controversy. We feel, however, that a conservative esti- mate would recognize between 75 and 100 short narratives as þættir.1 The research on this kind of narratives has a long history but is not yet exhaus- tive.2 The modern lexical defi nition of a þáttr points out the two modern meanings of the term: Þáttr m., (eig. “Taustrang, Kardeel”, Pl. Þættir) ist ein literar. Begriff mit zwei versch. Bedeutungen: 1. ein Abschnitt einer längeren Saga (z.B. den Kristni þáttr der Laxdæla 1 E.A. Rowe, J. Harris, “Short Prose Narrative (þáttr)”.
    [Show full text]
  • Agrarian Metaphors 397
    396 Agrarian Metaphors 397 The Bible provided homilists with a rich store of "agricultural" metaphors and symbols) The loci classici are passages like Isaiah's "Song of the Vineyard" (Is. 5:1-7), Ezekiel's allegories of the Tree (Ez. 15,17,19:10-14,31) and christ's parables of the Sower (Matt. 13: 3-23, Mark 4:3-20, Luke 8:5-15) ,2 the Good Seed (Matt. 13:24-30, Mark 4:26-29) , the Barren Fig-tree (Luke 13:6-9) , the Labourers in the Vineyard (Matt. 21:33-44, Mark 12:1-11, Luke 20:9-18), and the Mustard Seed (Matt. 13:31-32, Mark 4:30-32, Luke 13:18-19). Commonplace in Scripture, however, are comparisons of God to a gardener or farmer,5 6 of man to a plant or tree, of his soul to a garden, 7and of his works to "fruits of the spirit". 8 Man is called the "husbandry" of God (1 Cor. 3:6-9), and the final doom which awaits him is depicted as a harvest in which the wheat of the blessed will be gathered into God's storehouse and the chaff of the damned cast into eternal fire. Medieval scriptural commentaries and spiritual handbooks helped to standardize the interpretation of such figures and to impress them on the memories of preachers (and their congregations). The allegorical exposition of the res rustica presented in Rabanus Maurus' De Universo (XIX, cap.l, "De cultura agrorum") is a distillation of typical readings: Spiritaliter ... in Scripturis sacris agricultura corda credentium intelliguntur, in quibus fructus virtutuxn germinant: unde Apostolus ad credentes ait [1 Cor.
    [Show full text]
  • In Vil<Ing Age Orkney
    'Central places' in Vil<ing Age Orkney Frans-Arne Stylegar The present paper is an attenlpt to stinlulate discussion based on an analysis of the distribution patterns of S0111e place-names in Orkney. I It is argued, based on H. Mar\vick's interpretations, that SOlne of the Norse place-natnes in these islands seeln to belong to types that in Scandinavia are considered indicative of nodal or central places of the late Iron Age. The question is posed whether we in Viking Age Orkney can expect a social organisation and a settletnent structure similar to the one in the Scandinavian countries, and - if so - \vhat constitutes such a pattern? The Northern Isles lnay fulfil an itnportant role for students of Scandinavian central places, since one fronl the landnilJn situation in Orkney could, potentially, reach a fuller understanding of both chronological and social aspects of the different kinds of nodal places in the Scandinavian 'holne-lands'. Other parts of Britain, such as the Scottish Western Isles, could in principle serve the salne function, but in the latter case early Norse settletnent sites with only one exception still await discovery (Annit ]996). The study o.f·central places - so/ne Scandinavian examples Strictly speaking, the central place is an archaeological concept, denoting Iron Age settletnents with a rich and varied find material. Thus it covers sites that fulfilled various functions (Fabech 1999). The concept was reintroduced into Scandinavian archaeology after a symposiulll in Denlllark in 1989, first and foretnost to cOlne to tenns with a new type of Inetal-rich settlelnents that tnetal detector surveying had brought to light in Dennlark and Sweden (ibid.).
    [Show full text]