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The Legend of Romulus and Remus
THE LEGEND OF ROMULUS AND REMUS According to tradition, on April 21, 753 B.C., Romulus and his twin brother, Remus, found Rome on the site where they were suckled by a she-wolf as orphaned infants. Actually, the Romulus and Remus myth originated sometime in the fourth century B.C., and the exact date of Rome’s founding was set by the Roman scholar Marcus Terentius Varro in the first century B.C. According to the legend, Romulus and Remus were the sons of Rhea Silvia, the daughter of King Numitor of Alba Longa. Alba Longa was a mythical city located in the Alban Hills southeast of what would become Rome. Before the birth of the twins, Numitor was deposed by his younger brother Amulius, who forced Rhea to become a vestal virgin so that she would not give birth to rival claimants to his title. However, Rhea was impregnated by the war god Mars and gave birth to Romulus and Remus. Amulius ordered the infants drowned in the Tiber, but they survived and washed ashore at the foot of the Palatine hill, where they were suckled by a she-wolf until they were found by the shepherd Faustulus. Reared by Faustulus and his wife, the twins later became leaders of a band of young shepherd warriors. After learning their true identity, they attacked Alba Longa, killed the wicked Amulius, and restored their grandfather to the throne. The twins then decided to found a town on the site where they had been saved as infants. They soon became involved in a petty quarrel, however, and Remus was slain by his brother. -
Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept of Kingship
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Jacob Douglas Feeley University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Jewish Studies Commons Recommended Citation Feeley, Jacob Douglas, "Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2276. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Abstract Scholars who have discussed Josephus’ political philosophy have largely focused on his concepts of aristokratia or theokratia. In general, they have ignored his concept of kingship. Those that have commented on it tend to dismiss Josephus as anti-monarchical and ascribe this to the biblical anti- monarchical tradition. To date, Josephus’ concept of kingship has not been treated as a significant component of his political philosophy. Through a close reading of Josephus’ longest text, the Jewish Antiquities, a historical work that provides extensive accounts of kings and kingship, I show that Josephus had a fully developed theory of monarchical government that drew on biblical and Greco- Roman models of kingship. Josephus held that ideal kingship was the responsible use of the personal power of one individual to advance the interests of the governed and maintain his and his subjects’ loyalty to Yahweh. The king relied primarily on a standard array of classical virtues to preserve social order in the kingdom, protect it from external threats, maintain his subjects’ quality of life, and provide them with a model for proper moral conduct. -
Livy's View of the Roman National Character
James Luce, December 5th, 1993 Livy's View of the Roman National Character As early as 1663, Francis Pope named his plantation, in what would later become Washington, DC, "Rome" and renamed Goose Creek "Tiber", a local hill "Capitolium", an example of the way in which the colonists would draw upon ancient Rome for names, architecture and ideas. The founding fathers often called America "the New Rome", a place where, as Charles Lee said to Patrick Henry, Roman republican ideals were being realized. The Roman historian Livy (Titus Livius, 59 BC-AD 17) lived at the juncture of the breakdown of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. His 142 book History of Rome from 753 to 9 BC (35 books now extant, the rest epitomes) was one of the most read Latin authors by early American colonists, partly because he wrote about the Roman national character and his unique view of how that character was formed. "National character" is no longer considered a valid term, nations may not really have specific national characters, but many think they do. The ancients believed states or peoples had a national character and that it arose one of 3 ways: 1) innate/racial: Aristotle believed that all non-Greeks were barbarous and suited to be slaves; Romans believed that Carthaginians were perfidious. 2) influence of geography/climate: e.g., that Northern tribes were vigorous but dumb 3) influence of institutions and national norms based on political and family life. The Greek historian Polybios believed that Roman institutions (e.g., division of government into senate, assemblies and magistrates, each with its own powers) made the Romans great, and the architects of the American constitution read this with especial care and interest. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
Jean Bodin, 1566 Method for the Easy Comprehension of History
www.anacyclosis.org THE INSTITUTE FOR ANACYCLOSIS EXCERPT FROM METHOD FOR THE EASY COMPREHENSION OF HISTORY BY JEAN BODIN 1566 A.D. Note: This text begins by recounting the Polybian typology of constitutional forms. Bodin then asserts, consistent with the model of Anacyclosis, that political society on the national scale begins in monarchy and degenerates into tyranny. Bodin then challenges the remainder of the validity of the Anacyclosis model. This excerpt is presented to illustrate this very important point: in discounting the Polybian Anacyclosis, Bodin (likely in reliance on Aristotle) made the same mistake that F. W. Walbank (the greatest historian of Polybius) made in the 20th century A.D., who also relied on Aristotle to challenge the validity of Anacyclosis as a model of political evolution; Bodin did not raise the unit of analysis from the level of a city-state or nation-state to that of a world-state as Polybius had done when he first described Anacyclosis in view of the emerging Roman Empire in the second half of the 2nd century B.C. Polybius lived to see the first truly economically, legally, linguistically, and culturally integrated political entity of global scale in recorded history – the first “closed political system” in the Machiavellian sense. Aristotle’s and Plato’s units of analyses, by contrast, were mere city-states or confederations existing within a sea of rivals and threats; but Aristotle and Plato lived roughly two centuries before Polybius. From the standpoint of evolutionary modeling, Polybius has an authority that Aristotle and Plato cannot match because he had a superior historical vantage point vis-à-vis Rome, which by the time of Polybius had nearly completed the conquest and integration of the Mediterranean basin and eradicated all serious rivals. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Republic and Early Empire
Death, disposal and the destitute: The burial of the urban poor in Italy in the late Republic and early Empire Emma-Jayne Graham Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Archaeology University of Sheffield December 2004 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl.uk The following have been excluded from this digital copy at the request of the university: Fig 12 on page 24 Fig 16 on page 61 Fig 24 on page 162 Fig 25 on page 163 Fig 26 on page 164 Fig 28 on page 168 Fig 30on page 170 Fig 31 on page 173 Abstract Recent studies of Roman funerary practices have demonstrated that these activities were a vital component of urban social and religious processes. These investigations have, however, largely privileged the importance of these activities to the upper levels of society. Attempts to examine the responses of the lower classes to death, and its consequent demands for disposal and commemoration, have focused on the activities of freedmen and slaves anxious to establish or maintain their social position. The free poor, living on the edge of subsistence, are often disregarded and believed to have been unceremoniously discarded within anonymous mass graves (puticuli) such as those discovered at Rome by Lanciani in the late nineteenth century. This thesis re-examines the archaeological and historical evidence for the funerary practices of the urban poor in Italy within their appropriate social, legal and religious context. The thesis attempts to demonstrate that the desire for commemoration and the need to provide legitimate burial were strong at all social levels and linked to several factors common to all social strata. -
Rodolfo Lanciani, the Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, 1897, P
10/29/2010 1 Primus Adventus ad Romam Urbem Aeternam Your First Visit to Rome The Eternal City 2 Accessimus in Urbe AeternA! • Welcome, traveler! Avoiding the travails of the road, you arrived by ship at the port of Ostia; from there, you’ve had a short journey up the Via Ostiensis into Roma herself. What do you see there? 3 Quam pulchra est urbs aeterna! • What is there to see in Rome? • What are some monuments you have heard of? • How old are the buildings in Rome? • How long would it take you to see everything important? 4 Map of Roma 5 The Roman Forum • “According to the Roman legend, Romulus and Tatius, after the mediation of the Sabine women, met on the very spot where the battle had been fought, and made peace and an alliance. The spot, a low, damp, grassy field, exposed to the floods of the river Spinon, took the name of “Comitium” from the verb coire, to assemble. It is possible that, in consequence of the alliance, a road connecting the Sabine and the Roman settlements was made across these swamps; it became afterwards the Sacra Via…. 6 The Roman Forum • “…Tullus Hostilius, the third king, built a stone inclosure on the Comitium, for the meeting of the Senators, named from him Curia Hostilia; then came the state prison built by Ancus Marcius in one of the quarries (the Tullianum). The Tarquin [kings] drained the land, gave the Forum a regular (trapezoidal) shape, divided the space around its borders into building- lots, and sold them to private speculators for shops and houses, the fronts of which were to be lined with porticoes.” --Rodolfo Lanciani, The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, 1897, p. -
The Wolf in Virgil Lee Fratantuono
The Wolf in Virgil Lee Fratantuono To cite this version: Lee Fratantuono. The Wolf in Virgil. Revue des études anciennes, Revue des études anciennes, Université Bordeaux Montaigne, 2018, 120 (1), pp.101-120. hal-01944509 HAL Id: hal-01944509 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01944509 Submitted on 23 Sep 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Copyright ISSN 0035-2004 REVUE DES ÉTUDES ANCIENNES TOME 120, 2018 N°1 SOMMAIRE ARTICLES : Milagros NAVARRO CABALLERO, María del Rosario HERNANDO SOBRINO, À l’ombre de Mommsen : retour sur la donation alimentaire de Fabia H[---]la................................................................... 3 Michele BELLOMO, La (pro)dittatura di Quinto Fabio Massimo (217 a.C.): a proposito di alcune ipotesi recenti ................................................................................................................................ 37 Massimo BLASI, La consecratio manquée de L. Cornelius Sulla Felix ......................................... 57 Sophie HULOT, César génocidaire ? Le massacre des -
1 the Political Philosophy of Niccolò Machiavelli Filippo Del Lucchese Table of Contents Preface Part I
The Political Philosophy of Niccolò Machiavelli Filippo Del Lucchese Table of Contents Preface Part I: The Red Dawn of Modernity 1: The Storm Part II: A Political Philosophy 2: The philosopher 3: The Discourses on Livy 4: The Prince 5: History as Politics 6: War as an art Part III: Legacy, Reception, and Influence 7: Authority, conflict, and the origin of the State (sixteenth-eighteenth centuries) 1 8: Nationalism and class conflict (nineteenth-twentieth centuries) Chronology Notes References Index 2 Preface Novel 84 of the Novellino, the most important collection of short stories before Boccaccio’s Decameron, narrates the encounter between the condottiere Ezzelino III da Romano and the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II: It is recorded how one day being with the Emperor on horseback with all their followers, the two of them made a challenge which had the finer sword. The Emperor drew his sword from its sheath, and it was magnificently ornamented with gold and precious stones. Then said Messer Azzolino: it is very fine, but mine is finer by far. And he drew it forth. Then six hundred knights who were with him all drew forth theirs. When the Emperor saw the swords, he said that Azzolino’s was the finer.1 In the harsh conflict opposing the Guelphs and Ghibellines – a conflict of utter importance for the late medieval and early modern history of Italy and Europe – the feudal lord Ezzelino sends the Emperor a clear message: honours, reputation, nobility, beauty, ultimately rest on force. Gold is not important, good soldiers are, because good soldiers will find gold, not the contrary. -
Burial Customs and the Pollution of Death in Ancient Rome BURIAL CUSTOMS and the POLLUTION of DEATH in ANCIENT ROME: PROCEDURES and PARADOXES
Burial customs and the pollution of death in ancient Rome BURIAL CUSTOMS AND THE POLLUTION OF DEATH IN ANCIENT ROME: PROCEDURES AND PARADOXES ABSTRACT The Roman attitude towards the dead in the period spanning the end of the Republic and the high point of the Empire was determined mainly by religious views on the (im)mortality of the soul and the concept of the “pollution of death”. Contamina- tion through contact with the dead was thought to affect interpersonal relationships, interfere with official duties and prevent contact with the gods. However, considera- tions of hygiene relating to possible physical contamination also played a role. In this study the traditions relating to the correct preparation of the body and the sub- sequent funerary procedures leading up to inhumation or incineration are reviewed and the influence of social status is considered. Obvious paradoxes in the Roman at- titude towards the dead are discussed, e.g. the contrast between the respect for the recently departed on the one hand, and the condoning of brutal executions and public blood sports on the other. These paradoxes can largely be explained as reflecting the very practical policies of legislators and priests for whom considerations of hygiene were a higher priority than cultural/religious views. 1. INTRODUCTION The Roman approach to disposing of the dead in the Republican era and the early Empire (the period from approximately 250 BC to AD 250) was determined in part by diverse cultural/religious beliefs in respect of the continued existence of the soul after death and the con- cept of the “pollution of death”. -
A. W. Lintott, 1968 Violence in Republican Rome
www.anacyclosis.org THE INSTITUTE FOR ANACYCLOSIS EXCERPT FROM VIOLENCE IN REPUBLICAN ROME BY A. W. LINTOTT 1968 A.D. Note: This text, extracted from a brilliant study of political violence, is noteworthy for several reasons. First, it makes specific reference to Anacyclosis, ochlocracy, and the doctrine of the mixed constitution, and places the historical narrative in the context of that framework. Second, it identifies the time period during which the democratic and plutocratic conflict began the sharp turn toward monarchy (i.e. the commencement of the Gracchan revolution). The reference to the year 133 B.C. refers to the year that Tiberius Gracchus became tribune of the Roman Republic. The constitutional crisis, and ensuing violence, that followed his agrarian law in which he attempted to rehabilitate the yeoman class (the contemporary independent middling economic stratum) commenced a century of bloodshed which destroyed the Roman Republic and was concluded only with the rise of a new monarchy. This is important not only because The Institute agrees that the era of the Gracchi marks the point at which republicanism accelerated its decay and monarchism began to loom on the horizon, but also because the fundamental socioeconomic and geopolitical trends of that period make it the key era for comparative analysis to our own time. Third, it identifies the contemporary belief – which is completely reasonable – that a key factor underlying the political conflict was the extreme and growing socioeconomic stratification; a situation that was exacerbated by the final Roman defeat of Carthage at the end of the Third Punic War. The situation was exacerbated because internal political solidarity declines as socioeconomic stratification increases during periods of international peace and stability.