Pim Fortuyn's Nationalism and the Transformation of the Political Discourse in the Netherlands
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Conseil De L'europe Council of Europe Cour Européenne Des Droits De L'homme European Court of Human Rights
CONSEIL COUNCIL DE L’EUROPE OF EUROPE COUR EUROPÉENNE DES DROITS DE L’HOMME EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS SECOND SECTION DECISION AS TO THE ADMISSIBILITY OF Application no. 8704/03 by Volkert VAN DER GRAAF against the Netherlands The European Court of Human Rights (Second Section), sitting on 1 June 2004 as a Chamber composed of: Mr J.-P. COSTA, President, Mr A.B. BAKA, Mr L. LOUCAIDES, Mr C. BÎRSAN, Mr K. JUNGWIERT, Mrs W. THOMASSEN, Mrs A. MULARONI, judges, and Mr T.L. EARLY, Deputy Section Registrar, Having regard to the above application lodged on 11 March 2003, Having deliberated, decides as follows: 2 VAN DER GRAAF v. THE NETHERLANDS DECISION THE FACTS The applicant, Mr Volkert van der Graaf, is a Netherlands national, who was born in 1969 and is currently serving a prison sentence in the Netherlands. He is represented before the Court by Mr A.A. Franken, a lawyer practising in Amsterdam. A. The circumstances of the case The facts of the case, as submitted by the applicant, may be summarised as follows. On 6 May 2002, the applicant was arrested and taken into custody on suspicion of having shot and killed earlier that day Mr Pim Fortuyn, a well- known Netherlands politician and the first candidate on the list of the LPF party for the imminent parliamentary elections on 15 May 2002. The killing of Mr Fortuyn and the applicant's arrest attracted massive national and international publicity and, in the evening of 6 May 2002, riots broke out in The Hague. Many perceived his killing as a direct attack on democracy. -
The Notion of Religion in Election Manifestos of Populist and Nationalist Parties in Germany and the Netherlands
religions Article Religion, Populism and Politics: The Notion of Religion in Election Manifestos of Populist and Nationalist Parties in Germany and The Netherlands Leon van den Broeke 1,2,* and Katharina Kunter 3,* 1 Faculty of Religion and Theology, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 1081 HV Amsterdam, The Netherlands 2 Department of the Centre for Church and Mission in the West, Theological University, 8261 GS Kampen, The Netherlands 3 Faculty of Theology, University of Helsinki, 00014 Helsinki, Finland * Correspondence: [email protected] (L.v.d.B.); katharina.kunter@helsinki.fi (K.K.) Abstract: This article is about the way that the notion of religion is understood and used in election manifestos of populist and nationalist right-wing political parties in Germany and the Netherlands between 2002 and 2021. In order to pursue such enquiry, a discourse on the nature of manifestos of political parties in general and election manifestos specifically is required. Election manifestos are important socio-scientific and historical sources. The central question that this article poses is how the notion of religion is included in the election manifestos of three Dutch (LPF, PVV, and FvD) and one German (AfD) populist and nationalist parties, and what this inclusion reveals about the connection between religion and populist parties. Religious keywords in the election manifestos of said political parties are researched and discussed. It leads to the conclusion that the notion of religion is not central to these political parties, unless it is framed as a stand against Islam. Therefore, these parties defend Citation: van den Broeke, Leon, and the Jewish-Christian-humanistic nature of the country encompassing the separation of ‘church’ or Katharina Kunter. -
Students and Employees of Wageningen UR Nr
Minister won’t apologize The perfect cookies and ‘Go ahead and to Q fever victims the crispiest chicken hang out the fl ag’ ‘Admitting the mistakes would give pa- Physicist Erik van der Linden publishes General relief at reversal of nature budget tients moral support.’ | p.9 | book on science-based cooking. | p.20 | cuts. | p.22 | RESOURCEFor students and employees of Wageningen UR nr. 18 – 10 May 2012 – 6th Volume Student mum Goodbye studies, goodbye room, goodbye student life P.12 (5(6SLQGG 2 >> labour of love >> RON + DESIGNING GARDENS Ron Anbergen, fruit researcher at PPO Randwijk ‘I like colour and depth’ He is a miracle worker in a garden. Small gardens like this one, belonging to friends in Elst. Ron Anbergen designs and plants them. What he likes best is colour, variati- on and perennial plants. ‘And as little hard surface as possible.’ None of your modern minimalist business for him then. He designs gardens for friends, family, colleagues and neighbours. With sensory experience and contrast as key concepts. And no garden is too small for that. RK / Foto: Guy Ackermans RESOURCE — 10 May 2012 (5(6SLQGG ILLUSTRATION COVER: GUY ACKERMANS CONTENTS no 18 – 6th Volume >> 6 >> 15 >> 18 WUR PASS HACKED WAGENINGEN’S MOST FAMOUS BOOK WRITING COMPETITION One Wageningen student gets free Every time Queen Beatrix visits, she Scientifi c approach overlooks beauty and coff ee now. asks to see this book. meaning, claims winner Esther Brouwer. WHY? AND MORE... So why did Resource host the annual conference for the editors of higher educa- 2 Labour of love tion magazines at the end of April? And why did we ask NRC Next editor-in-chief designing gardens Rob Wijnberg to open the conference for us? 4 News and opinion Why questions are the only ones that interest Wijnberg. -
PDF Herunterladen
Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation in Contemporary Society 5 (2019) 312–330 brill.com/jrat Who Leads Leitkultur? How Populist Claims about ‘Christian Identity’ Impact Christian-Democrats in Western Europe Ernst van den Hemel Humanities Cluster, KNAW Oudezijds Achterburgwal 185, 1012 DK Amsterdam, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract A widely shared but understudied characteristic of the rise of right-wing conser- vative populism (the New Right) is the emphasis on religious-cultural identity of the West. Using phrases like ‘Judeo-Christianity’, ‘Christian values’, or ‘Christian Leitkultur’ a variety of political actors have claimed that religious-cultural identity needs to be safeguarded and enshrined in policy. As this frame is gaining traction, the question arises what this emphasis on the public importance of religion entails for those who tend to see themselves as the guardians of religious-cultural identity. In par- ticular this article focusses on the challenges this development creates for Christian Democratic political actors. On the one hand the emphasis on the importance of ‘christian traditions’ resonates with the historical position of christian democrats, on the other hand, there are im- portant differences between traditional christian democracy and how the New Right speaks of religion. The main aim of this article is to outline how the rise of the New Right has created a contestation about what it means to represent christian cultural identity. Keywords populism – postsecular – Christian democracy – Judeo-Christianity © Ernst van den Hemel, 2020 | doi:10.30965/23642807-00502003 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ndDownloaded 4.0 License. -
The Netherlands from National Identity to Plural Identifications
The NeTherlaNds From NaTioNal ideNTiTy To Plural ideNTiFicaTioNs By Monique Kremer TRANSATLANTIC COUNCIL ON MIGRATION THE NETHERLANDS From National Identity to Plural Identifications Monique Kremer March 2013 Acknowledgments This research was commissioned by the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), for its seventh plenary meeting, held November 2011 in Berlin. The meeting’s theme was “National Identity, Immigration, and Social Cohesion: (Re)building Community in an Ever-Globalizing World” and this paper was one of the reports that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council, an MPI initiative undertaken in cooperation with its policy partner the Bertelsmann Stiftung, is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: Carnegie Corporation of New York, Open Society Foundations, Bertelsmann Stiftung, the Barrow Cadbury Trust (UK Policy Partner), the Luso-American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. For more on the Transatlantic Council on Migration, please visit: www.migrationpolicy.org/transatlantic. © 2013 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. Cover Design: Danielle Tinker, MPI Typesetting: April Siruno and Rebecca Kilberg, MPI No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmit- ted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and re- trieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from: www.migrationpolicy.org. Information for reproducing excerpts from this report can be found at www.migrationpolicy.org/about/copy.php. -
Authentieke Versie (PDF)
Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal 2 Vergaderjaar 2019–2020 32 824 Integratiebeleid Nr. 293 VERSLAG VAN EEN ALGEMEEN OVERLEG Vastgesteld 3 april 2020 De vaste commissie voor Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegenheid heeft op 5 februari 2020 overleg gevoerd met de heer Koolmees, Minister van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegenheid, over: – de brief van de Minister van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegen- heid d.d. 11 november 2019 inzake rapport «Turkse Nederlan- ders en hun binding met Nederland» (Kamerstuk 32 824, nr. 286); – de brief van de Minister van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegen- heid d.d. 12 november 2019 inzake voortgang Programma Verdere Integratie op de Arbeidsmarkt (VIA) (Kamerstuk 29 544, nr. 960); – de brief van de Minister van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegen- heid d.d. 12 november 2019 inzake reactie van het kabinet op hoofdstuk 17 van het Sociaal Cultureel Rapport 2019 «Den- kend aan Nederland» (Kamerstuk 29 279, nr. 551); – de brief van de Minister van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegen- heid d.d. 12 november 2019 inzake inburgering Turkse asielstatushouders (Kamerstuk 32 824, nr. 288); – de brief van de Minister van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegen- heid d.d. 13 november 2019 inzake periodieke uitvoeringsbrief inburgering (Kamerstuk 32 824, nr. 289); – de brief van de Minister van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegen- heid d.d. 14 november 2019 inzake financiële gevolgen van de taken van gemeenten in het nieuwe inburgeringsstelsel (Kamerstuk 32 824, nr. 287); – de brief van de Minister van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegen- heid d.d. 18 november 2019 inzake kabinetsreactie op het rapport «Monitor gemeentelijk beleid arbeidstoeleiding vluchtelingen 2019» (Kamerstuk 34 352, nr. -
Oratie Prof. Dr. Arnoud-Jan Bijsterveld
Het maakbare verleden. Regionale geschiedenis en etnologie in Brabant op de drempel van de eenentwintigste eeuw 1 Op 1 maart 1796 mochten vertegenwoordigers van het toenmalige `Bataafsch Brabant', het voormalige Generaliteitsland, zitting nemen in de Staten-Generaal. 2 Dit feit werd in 1996 gevierd als `tweehonderd jaar Noord-Brabant'. In het kader daarvan verscheen op 13 juni 1996 een herdenkingspostzegel. Bij een eerste blik beantwoordt die postzegel aan het beeld dat veel Brabanders en ook mij vanaf mijn kinderjaren, doorgebracht in een dorp met twee actieve gilden, zeer vertrouwd is: we zien een jonge gildenbroeder met een trom en een ouder lid met het gildenvaandel, onderdeel van een in kleurige kleding optrekkend gilde. Maar in tweede instantie heb ik zo mijn bedenkingen bij deze postzegel. Is dit nu het beeld waarmee het moderne Noord-Brabant zich wenst te representeren ten overstaan van heel Nederland? En is een afbeelding van een gilde eigenlijk wel geschikt om het verleden van tweehonderd jaar Noord-Brabant in samen te ballen? Gaat het hier niet om het zoveelste clichébeeld waarmee we gezamenlijk een mythisch en achterhaald imago van Noord-Brabant instandhouden? Hiermee stel ik drie zaken ter discussie, namelijk de actualiteit van het zelfbeeld van de hedendaagse Brabanders, de deugdelijkheid van hun visie op het eigen verleden en ten slotte de geldigheid van de bestaande Brabantbeelden. Al deze zaken zijn relevant in het kader van de leerstoel `Cultuur in Brabant', ofwel voluit `Cultuur in Brabant in sociaal-wetenschappelijk en historisch perspectief, met inbegrip van de volkscultuur'. Deze leeropdracht omvat twee disciplines, enerzijds de lokale en regionale geschiedenis, en anderzijds de volkskunde of etnologie. -
Gender and Right-Wing Populism in the Low Countries: Ideological Variations Across Parties and Time Sarah L
This article was downloaded by: [Harvard Library] On: 05 March 2015, At: 06:40 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Patterns of Prejudice Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpop20 Gender and right-wing populism in the Low Countries: ideological variations across parties and time Sarah L. de Lange & Liza M. Mügge Published online: 26 Feb 2015. Click for updates To cite this article: Sarah L. de Lange & Liza M. Mügge (2015): Gender and right-wing populism in the Low Countries: ideological variations across parties and time, Patterns of Prejudice, DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2015.1014199 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2015.1014199 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
The Road to Nexit a Look Into Dutch Euroscepticism
The road to Nexit A look into Dutch Euroscepticism FINAL EXAM PROJECT 8 June 2018 Sofyan El Bouchtili Sofyan EL Bouchtili Europe in the World 2017-2018 Examiner: Asbjørn Jørgensen Final Exam Project 8 June 2018 Table of Contents ON THE ROAD TO NEXIT (25.079 CHARACTERS)……………………………………………………………………………….3 REFLECTION REPORT (17.760 CHARACTERS)……………………………………………………………………………………17 SOURCE LIST .............................................................................................................................. 24 2 Sofyan EL Bouchtili Europe in the World 2017-2018 Examiner: Asbjørn Jørgensen Final Exam Project 8 June 2018 Link to story on Medium: https://medium.com/@elbouchtili.sofyan/on-the-road-to-nexit-9eac93f9dd48 On the road to Nexit Brexit caused a shock to the process of European integration and has left many Eurosceptic parties with the idea that an exit from the European integration project is possible after all. In the Netherlands a new party is advocating for a Nexit. Forum for Democracy has set its sights on the exit door, but to leave the Union they have another challenge first: convincing the Dutch. Daniel Hannan, British Conservative and Member of the European Parliament, came to speak about ‘Brexit, and the opportunities for the Netherlands’. Photo: Sofyan El Bouchtili “I drank champagne on the morning of the results of the referendum”, says one of the youths as he congratulates British Conservative and Member of the European Parliament Daniel Hannan on Brexit. Brexiteer Daniel Hannan was invited to an event at the Red Hat in Amsterdam on 25 May. The renowned debating center in the heart of the historic center of the city was the venue of choice for Forum for Democracy to talk about ‘Brexit and the opportunities for the Netherlands’. -
Reverse Breakthrough: the Dutch Connection Hent De Vries
Reverse Breakthrough: The Dutch Connection Hent de Vries SAIS Review of International Affairs, Volume 37, Number 1S, Supplement 2017, pp. S-89-S-103 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.2017.0017 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/673244 Access provided by JHU Libraries (20 Oct 2017 20:37 GMT) Reverse Breakthrough: The Dutch Connection Hent de Vries Introduction uring and immediately after World War II, the Dutch term doorbraak D(breakthrough) became a spiritual rallying cry for political renewal in the Netherlands.1 It designated the then decidedly progressive idea that religious faith should no longer exclusively, or even primarily, determine one’s political views and affiliations with political parties. Its ambition, first formulated by a group of functionaries who were taken hostage by the German occupation in Sint Michielsgestel, was to convince open-minded Roman Catholic and Protes- tants to join forces with social and liberal democrats and religious socialists to form one broad political party. Such a broad coalition of forces seemed neces- sary during the postwar period of wederopbouw (reconstruction); economic recovery and social consensus was imperative but a multitude of national wounds also required healing. The term doorbraak was used in the concluding lines of a speech by Wil- lem Banning in February 1946, at the founding congress of the Dutch Labor Party (Partij van de Arbeid, PvdA), when it joined the members of several parties that had been dissolved the day before: the Social Democratic Workers’ Party (Sociaal-democratische Arbeiderspartij, SDAP), the Liberal-Democratic Union (Vrijzinnig-Democratische Bond, VDB), and the Christian Democratic Union (Christelijk-Democratische Unie, CDU). -
THE POPULIST RADICAL RIGHT in WESTERN EUROPE ELISABETH IVARSFLATEN and FRØY GUDBRANDSEN
THE POPULIST RADICAL RIGHT IN WESTERN EUROPE ELISABETH IVARSFLATEN and FRØY GUDBRANDSEN Populist radical right parties have become influential actors on electoral support has remained stable, at around 13%. The the political stage in several Western European democracies. Dansk Folkeparti’s programme centres on the public’s fears of Gaining votes mainly from the mid-1980s and onwards, they Denmark becoming a multi-ethnic society, and emphasizes the represent the most recent party family to have appeared on the need to protect the Danish language and culture. Through its political map of Western Europe. The populist radical right close co-operation with the Government, the Dansk Folkeparti parties group is more diverse than other party families in the has been particularly influential in this policy area. Other region, as it includes organizations that have clearly different central areas of issue for the party are care for the elderly and backgrounds and origins. The current unifying factors shared Euroscepticism. by the various populist radical right parties in programmatic Sweden: Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats) terms, are their calls for restrictions on immigration and on the ethnic, cultural, and religious diversification of Western Eur- At the Swedish general election of September 2010 Sverige- opean societies, and the high priority that they assign to these demokraterna passed the requisite electoral threshold for the political issues. first time when it won 5.7% of the vote and thus gained 20 seats Parties campaigning to be tough on immigration and immi- in the legislature. Compared to the radical right-wing parties grant-origin minorities have emerged and have contested in the neighbouring Nordic countries, its share of the vote is elections in all Western European countries, but they have small.