Abstracts (Pdf)

2011 ABSTRACTS / RÉSUMÉS 2011 Abboud, Samer N. - [email protected] Danger, Identity, and Foreign Policy: The Case of Hizballah In the context of a wider project that considers how Hizballah‘s identity politics are shaped by communal and domestic, Lebanese considerations, this paper engages questions of foreign policy and identity in the context of a non-state actor (Hizballah) in the context of the quasi-sovereign Lebanese state. If in fact, state foreign policy is an expression of identity and national interest, what happens when we adopt this approach in the case of Hizballah? In conventional IR, foreign policy is framed as an expression of ‗national interest‘. It reifies the differentiation between the domestic political space, and the international anarchical space. What does it mean when an actor that is both domestic and international, and defined as a non-state, possesses a foreign policy? In particular, we draw on David Campbell‘s work on how interpretations and representations of danger have worked in establishing national identity. In other words, foreign policy is not taken to be a simple expression of any given society, but it constitutes identity vis-à-vis the interpretation of danger posed by others. What does it mean to think in these terms when the central figure is a non-state actor like Hizballah? How does its foreign policy (re)present danger and what sort of identities are subsequently formed? Abdulakdir, Fowsia - [email protected] Gender, Transitional Justice and Limited or Failed Statehood: A Case Study of Somalia Sexual violence against women during war times has not initially been considered as a serious infringe or as a tool employed to commit genocide, but instead as act of violence ‗against dignity and honour. The last few years have witnessed a significant change in the dominant transitional justice model demonstrated by two key events: the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. This in turn has definitely permanently altered the old traditional model that was at the heart of transitional justice jurisprudence. Yet, there remain serious gaps in the literature. The Somali case is instructive here as it provides for a complex case study in so far as it combines a complete collapse of the state and a protracted civil war. This paper explores the following research question: how can concepts of transitional justice that take into account economic, political and socio-cultural rights of Somali women who have subjected to sexual war crimes be achieved? Some scholars have argued that informal Somali social organization (i.e. traditional Somali xeer), might have significant use in the building a model of transitional justice for Somalia. In direct contrast, the empirical findings of this paper suggest that due to the patriarchy at the heart of the Somali system of kinship the local clan based Xeer system would not be useful in the process of creating a model of transitional justice that addresses the widespread sexual war crimes that have been taking place in Somalia for almost two decades. Abdulkadir, Rahma - [email protected] Gender, Transitional Justice and Limited or Failed Statehood: A Case Study of Somalia Sexual violence against women during war times has not initially been considered as a serious infringe or as a tool employed to commit genocide, but instead as act of violence ‗against dignity and honour. The last few years have witnessed a significant change in the dominant transitional justice model demonstrated by two key events: the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. This in turn has definitely permanently altered the old traditional model that was at the heart of transitional justice jurisprudence. Yet, there remain serious gaps in the literature. The Somali case is instructive here as it provides for a complex case study in so far as it combines a complete collapse of the state and a protracted civil war. This paper explores the following research question: how can concepts of transitional justice that take into account economic, political and socio-cultural rights of Somali women who have subjected to sexual war crimes be achieved? Some scholars have argued that informal Somali social organization (i.e. traditional Somali xeer), might have significant use in the building a model of transitional justice for Somalia. In direct contrast, the empirical findings of this paper suggest that due to the patriarchy at the heart of the Somali system of kinship the local clan based Xeer system would not be useful in the process of creating a model of transitional justice that addresses the widespread sexual war crimes that have been taking place in Somalia for almost two decades. Abu-Laban, Yasmeen - [email protected] Indigenous Palestine and Environmental Justice: Land, Water and Air in the Politics of Contested Territory The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIPS) marks a historical moment in which the rights and claims of indigenous peoples have been notably internationalized. In the contested territory of Israel/Palestine the histories and claims made by indigenous peoples globally has had considerable resonance for Palestinians. Taking as our starting point the hesitation of some states (and in the case of Canada and the United States, refusal) to endorse UNDRIPS, largely on grounds of its implications for resources, this paper considers Palestine from the perspective of indigenous claims, resources and the environment. Using a theoretical framework we have developed in other work on ―the racial contract,‖ as it applies to Israel/Palestine, we extend this analysis to include attending to environmental racism, and its obverse, namely environmental justice. The mythologized idea of Israel as a state that has made it possible to ―make the desert bloom‖ is contrasted with the racialized effects of colonization, occupation and settlement. Specifically, we systematically address key examples that highlight contested territory and environmental racism associated with land, water and air. On land, we attend to the construction of Canada Park after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, as well as the ongoing construction of the ―separation barrier‖ in the West Bank. In relation to water, we consider differential access, management and control of water vis à vis Jewish nationals with full citizenship rights, and Palestinians within Israel, the West Bank and Gaza. Finally, on air we address the human health and environmental implications of Israeli military control of airspace in relation to war (e.g., white phosphorous) and surveillance. Adeakin, Ibikunle - [email protected] Retired Military Officers in Politics: A New Form of Authoritarianism in Nigeria? The return of civilian rule in Nigeria on May 29th 1999 has witnessed a new pattern of authoritarianism in Nigeria. This new form is rather different from the old-style military authoritarianism that Nigeria had witnessed in the time past and is used to. This new form incorporates elements of political pluralism and relative freedom of speech and association, but, fundamentally falls short of western-style democracy. This new form of authoritarianism involves high ranking ex-military officers seeking and winning political offices, seeking to influence political outcomes by forging informal political alliances with office winners, and ensuring that their economic interests in the polity are guaranteed. This paper highlights the modus operandi of this new form of authoritarianism in Nigeria. It is based upon research that involves analysing political positions, influence and roles that high ranking ex-military officers have had in the polity in the past ten years. The analysis is based upon the Federal institution in Nigeria, including the office of the presidency, the Federal Executive Council, and the Federal Legislature House – The House of Representatives and the Senate. The resultant findings from the analyses will add to the literature of regimes types, especially those that have arisen after the demise of the cold war. The work will also critically assess the implications for Nigeria quest for democracy, as well as the potential strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in the country. Ahmed, Kawser - [email protected] Religion Based Extremism is a Threat to National Security of Canada: A Critical Study on its Transnational Nature With Immigratnt Linkage The recent ‗Global Manhunt‘ of three University of Manitoba students who allegedly joined the Al Qaeda, the arrest of three suspected terrorists (commonly dubbed as ‗Home grown Terrorists‘) in Ottawa in last August, and the notorious ‗Toronto 18‘ case in 2007 should serve as a wakeup call to our national security establishment. Though the allegations are yet to be proved in the court of law but this phenomenon warrants a fresh and reinvigorated search to understand the causes of such acts and its ramifications. Western world is grappled with this typology since the infamous events of 9/11 which altered the landscape of traditional security and conflict discourse, nevertheless, a sound and pragmatic methodology has yet to be found out to combat such acts. A cursory look at the motivational background of such groups that organise, undertake these ventures, vary but seemingly they are highly motivated, religiously indoctrinated and most surprisingly come from the upper and middle class social strata. They do not represent the so called hapless, deprived, entities; instead they worked happily, raised

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