Central Asia in June 2020
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Rising Sinophobia in Kyrgyzstan: the Role of Political Corruption
RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY DOĞUKAN BAŞ IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EURASIAN STUDIES SEPTEMBER 2020 Approval of the thesis: RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION submitted by DOĞUKAN BAŞ in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Eurasian Studies, the Graduate School of Social Sciences of Middle East Technical University by, Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Dean Graduate School of Social Sciences Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU BONNENFANT Head of Department Eurasian Studies Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL Supervisor Political Science and Public Administration Examining Committee Members: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU BONNENFANT (Head of the Examining Committee) Middle East Technical University International Relations Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL (Supervisor) Middle East Technical University Political Science and Public Administration Assist. Prof. Dr. Yuliya BILETSKA Karabük University International Relations I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Doğukan Baş Signature : iii ABSTRACT RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION BAŞ, Doğukan M.Sc., Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL September 2020, 131 pages In recent years, one of the major problems that Kyrgyzstan witnesses is rising Sinophobia among the local people due to problems related with increasing Chinese economic presence in the country. -
ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION to the PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS in KYRGYZSTAN (4 October 2015) Report by Ryszard Czarnecki, Chair
ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION TO THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN KYRGYZSTAN (4 October 2015) Report by Ryszard Czarnecki, Chair of the Delegation Annexes: A. Final programme (including list of participants) B. Statement of the Chair of the EP Delegation at the press conference C. IEOM Joint Press Statement D. IEOM Preliminary Findings and Conclusions Introduction Following an invitation sent by the President of the Parliament of the Kyrgyz Republic, the Conference of Presidents of the European Parliament authorised, on 10 September 2015, the sending of an Election Observation Delegation to observe the parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan scheduled for 4 October 2015. The European Parliament Election Observation Delegation was composed of six Members: Mr Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR, Poland), Mr Joachim Zeller (EPP, Germany), Mr Juan Fernando Lopez Aguilar (S&D, Spain), Ms Marietje Schaake (ALDE, Netherlands), Ms Tatjana Zdanoka (Greens/EFA, Latvia) and Mr Ignazio Corrao (EFDD, Italy). Mr Ryszard Czarnecki was elected Chair of the Delegation at the constituent meeting on 22 September 2015. The European Parliament Delegation performed the election observation in accordance with the Declaration of Principles of International Election Observation and the Code of Conduct for international election observers. It followed the OSCE/ODIHR's methodology in the evaluation procedure and assessed the election for its compliance with OSCE commitments for democratic elections. Members of the EP Delegation signed the Code of Conduct for Members of the European Parliament Election Observation Delegations, in conformity with the decision of the Conference of Presidents of 13 September 2012. Programme As is usual in the OSCE area, the Delegation was integrated within the framework of the OSCE/ODIHR election observation mission. -
Relaciones India- República De Kirguistán Históricamente, La India
Relaciones India- República de Kirguistán Históricamente, la India ha tenido estrechos contactos con Asia Central, especialmente con los países que formaban parte de la antigua Ruta de la Seda, como Kirguistán. Durante la era soviética, la India y la entonces República de Kirguistán tenían contactos políticos, económicos y culturales limitados. El ex primer ministro Rajiv Gandhi visitó Biskek y el lago Issyk-Kul en 1985. Desde la independencia de la República de Kirguistán el 31 de agosto de 1991, la India fue uno de los primeros en establecer relaciones diplomáticas en 1992 y la Misión residente de la India se creó el 23 de mayo de 1994. Relaciones políticas Los lazos políticos con la República de Kirguistán han sido tradicionalmente cálidos y amistosos. Kirguistán también apoya la candidatura de la India para un puesto permanente en el Consejo de Seguridad y en la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái (OCS). Ambos países comparten preocupaciones comunes sobre la amenaza del terrorismo, el extremismo y el narcotráfico. Desde el establecimiento de las relaciones diplomáticas en 1992, los dos países han firmado varios acuerdos marco, en particular sobre la Aviación Civil, Promoción y Protección de Inversiones, evitar la doble imposición, Convención Consular, etc. En el plano institucional, las séptimas Consultas de Relaciones Exteriores se celebraron en Bishkek el 19 de marzo de 2015. La delegación de la India estuvo encabezada por Shri Singh Navtej Sarna, secretario (Oeste) y el lado kirguís estuvo encabezado por el Sr. Erines Otorbaev, el vicecanciller. Las 6ª Consultas de Relaciones Exteriores se celebraron en Nueva Delhi el 4 de agosto de 2011. -
2-JICA-Investment-Opportunities-2014
Source: United Nations Cartographic Section Abbreviations ASEAN Association of South䇲East Asian Nations BOI Board of Investment CAD Computer Aided Design CAGR Compound Average Growth Rate CBTA Cross Border Transportation Agreement CIS Commonwealth of Independent States CMT Cut Make and Trim E/D Embarkation/Disembarkation EU European Union F/S Financial Statement FAOSTAT Food and Agriculture Organization stat GDP Gross Domestic Product ICT Information and Communication Technology IMF International Monetary Fund IT Information Technology JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency JNTO Japan National Tourist Organization KATO Kyrgyz Association of Tour Operators KPI Key Performance Indicator KSSDA Kyrgyz Software and Services Develops Association LNG Liquefied Natural Gas MBA Master of Business Administration MRP Machine Readable Passport NSC National Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development OEM Original Equipment Manufacturing OJT On-the-Job Training PET Polyethylene Terephthalate SPA Speciality store retailer of Private label Apparel TSA Tourism Satellite Account UAE United Arab Emirates UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNWTO United Nations World Tourism Organization WTO World Trade Organization Table of contents Summary .................................................................................................................................. 1 1. Selection of promising industries(initial macro data-based selection) ................................ -
A Hollow Regime Collapses
Policy Briefing Asia Briefing N°102 Bishkek/Brussels, 27 April 2010 Kyrgyzstan: A Hollow Regime Collapses This briefing explains and analyses the events of the past I. OVERVIEW five years, in an effort to provide context and background to the uprising. Bakiyev came to power in the so-called A swift, violent rebellion swept into the Kyrgyz capital Tulip Revolution of March 2005, which ousted President Bishkek in early April 2010, sparked by anger at painful Askar Akayev, whom opposition leaders accused of nepo- utility price increases and the corruption that was the de- tism, corruption and growing authoritarianism. Once in fining characteristic of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev’s office, Bakiyev quickly abandoned most semblances of rule. In less than two days the president had fled. Some democracy, creating a narrow-based political structure 85 people were killed and the centre of the capital was run by his own family and for their profit. A combination looted. The thirteen-member provisional government now of ruthlessness and incompetence led to the regime’s faces a daunting series of challenges. Bakiyev leaves be- downfall. Almost exactly five years after his victory, Baki- hind a bankrupt state hollowed out by corruption and crime. yev was charged with the same abuses as Akayev had been, Economic failure and collapsing infrastructure have gen- by many of the same people with whom he had staged the erated deep public resentment. If the provisional govern- 2005 “revolution”. ment moves fast to assert its power, the risks of major long-term violence are containable: there are no signs of Despite the much-discussed theory that Moscow instigated extensive support for Bakiyev or of a North-South split. -
The Main Dilemmas of the President
Anniversary of Jeenbekov’s Reign: The Main Dilemmas of the President «Sooronbay Jeenbekov had time to take a close look at the ups and downs of more than one ruler. Having come to power, he cannot but be aware that power is both honor and burden. To adequately stay in it, it is necessary to go through more than one cay of dilemmas. The first year of the presidency has already presented several challenges. Some have been passed, the most are still to come» – expert Elmira Nogoibaeva noted in her article written specifically for CABAR.asia. Русский Кыргызча Summary of the article: Sooronbay Jeenbekov managed to avoid the expected patronage of the former boss; Jeenbekov’s foreign policy can now be called the format of a crisis manager; The style of the Jeenbekov family and some of his statements demonstrate high religiosity; President Jeenbekov does not have a well-coordinated, dedicated and initiative team yet. Anniversary of Jeenbekov’s Reign: The Main Dilemmas of the President The fortune brought Jeenbekov to the political olympus. Photo: president.kg The story does not reveal, whether a shy young man from a remote from the center Karakuldzha village, located between Fergana and Alay mountain ranges, ever dreamed of becoming a president. However, it is known for sure that he became on November 15, 2017 at the national elections of the Kyrgyz Republic, having gained 54.76% of votes. It is quite difficult to say that Sooronbay Jeenbekov long and inquisitively walked towards this highest political hypostasis. Yes, his path was not easy, but how much the presidency itself was the goal? The goals of various politicians of the independence period, aspiring to the olympus, vary widely. -
Political Turbulence in Kyrgyzstan and Russian Foreign Policy
NO X NO 10 14 Nov 2011 Published by The Swedish Institute of International Affairs www.ui.se Political Turbulence in Kyrgyzstan and Russian Foreign Policy Evgeny Troitskiy Visiting Researcher, Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI) Associate Professor, Tomsk State University [email protected] Russia and Political Turbulence in Kyrgyzstan In April 2010, five years after the ouster of Kyrgyzstan’s first president Askar Akayev, the country saw another unconstitutional change of power. The violent overthrow of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev was followed by a rise in ethnic and social tensions. In June, Kyrgyzstan was shattered by wide-scale pogroms in Osh and Jalal-Abad, the first outbreak of violence of such magnitude and ferocity since 1990. The country underwent a hasty transition to a parliamentary republic and, as the presidential election set for October 30, 2011 approaches, faces another decisive point in its post-independence history. The political turbulence in Kyrgyzstan has become a challenge for Russia, the country seeing itself and generally seen by others as Central Asia’s security guarantor and the most influential external actor in the region. It is on Moscow’s response to this challenge that this brief focuses. Bakiyev’s Ouster In July 2009, Kurmanbek Bakiyev was triumphantly reelected for a second presidential term, gaining 76% of votes with a turnout of 79%. The president’s reelection was followed by a rampant campaign to concentrate political power and the country’s most valuable economic assets in the hands of Bakiyev’s extended family and close associates. These steps were taken in an increasingly unfavorable internal context, at a time of exacerbating economic hardship and shrinking remittances from labour migrants. -
Kyrgyzstan in Crisis: Permanent Revolution and the Curse of Nationalism
Working Paper no. 79 - Development as State-making - KYRGYZSTAN IN CRISIS: PERMANENT REVOLUTION AND THE CURSE OF NATIONALISM Anna Matveeva Crisis States Research Centre September 2010 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © a. Matveeva, 2010 This document is an output from a research programme funded by UKaid from the Department for International Development. However, the views expressed are not necessarily those of DFID. 24 Crisis States Research Centre Kyrgyzstan in Crisis: Permanent Revolution and the Curse of Nationalism Anna Matveeva Crisis States Research Centre Kyrgyzstan is a small Central Asian country situated on borders of China and Kazakhstan. It is mostly known to the world as a host to both US and Russian military bases; but also offers the possibility to explore the interrelationship between the weakening of the state and the rise of politicised ethnicity. This led to massive clashes in June 2010 in the South, in which an estimated two-thousand people died1 and hundreds of thousands were displaced. This was the most dramatic, but not the only occasion of political turbulence. Kyrgyzstan has been the only post-Soviet country that has survived two forceful regime changes since independence. Other countries that experienced ‘colour revolutions’ in the 2000s – Ukraine and Georgia − achieved a certain degree of stabilisation, while Kyrgyzstan suffered the worst interethnic clashes at a time when it seemed that the period of rampant nationalism, characteristic of the former Soviet republics in the early 1990s, was over. As a result, from a ‘Switzerland of Central Asia’ it emerged as its Bosnia: a volatile place, which its neighbours fear, as Kyrgyzstan became transformed from an international development success into a complex emergency, which would require considerable humanitarian assistance. -
Revolutions of Kyrgyzstan Timeline: an Open Source Look at Key Events
Revolutions of Kyrgyzstan Timeline: An Open Source Look at Key Events By Matthew Stein Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS 66027 The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. 1 Revolutions of Kyrgyzstan Timeline: An Open Source Look at Key Events When looking at the events in Kyrgyzstan, it is necessary to look at clan politics in the country. Clan politics are not an all encompassing answer to why things happen in Kyrgyzstan; it simply helps explain some of the people and the motivation behind events, particularly in regard to resource competition. Clan politics were a significant aspect of the 2005 and 2010 revolutions and of the current political system emerging from the October 2010 parliamentary elections. For the purposes of this timeline the term “clans” is defined as an informal organization based on kinship ties, whether these ties are real or perceived. Clans are synonymous with tribes; the real ties are based on familial relationships, however distantly related, while perceived ties are based on non-familial regional (provinces, districts, towns, even specific neighborhoods), and on other business or personal based relationships like classmates or colleagues.1 Clans are difficult to identify, especially for a westerner, since they have no tangible characteristics. Clans will also not appear in the news as the reasons behind events. People are not able to simply leave their clan and join another; they grow up into clans as part of their lives. -
Authoritarian Institution Building
Authoritarian Institution Building Electoral Politics and Ruling Party Formation in Post-Revolutionary Kyrgyzstan Kevin Koehler Research and Teaching Fellow OSCE Academy, Bishkek Kyrgyz Republic [email protected] Abstract This paper analyzes President Bakiyev’s post-revolutionary strategy of consolidating political power in Kyrgyzstan. Against the background of renewed elite conflict and political protest in 2006 and 2007, Bakiyev initiated a project of institutional reform that aimed at centralizing political power. The constitutional changes of 2007, the creation of Ak Zhol as a single pro- presidential “party of power,” and the early 2007 parliamentary elections are part of this project of authoritarian institution building. Ultimately, this policy aims at reducing the volatility of elite alignments in Kyrgyzstan by stabilizing a presidential support coalition in the form of Ak Zhol and monopolizing access to the formal political system. Introduction 1 Initially hailed as signifying the advent of people’s power to Central Asia (Olcott 2005), the 2005 “Tulip Revolution” in Kyrgyzstan (or the “March events” as the ouster of President Akayev is more commonly – and perhaps more prudently – referred to in Kyrgyzstan) has since ceased to evoke much enthusiasm among observers. 2 Almost immediately following the tumultuous events of March 2005, analysts began to caution against interpreting what had happened in the framework of the post-communist “Colored Revolutions” that had led to the overthrow of unpopular presidents in Serbia, Georgia and Ukraine. Pointing to the rather limited nature of change in the Kyrgyz case, it has been maintained that the Tulip Revolution would better be described as leading to a “transfer of power,” rather than regime change (Radnitz 2006), and that the events should be characterized as a coup d’état, rather than a revolution (Abazov 2007). -
Kyrgyzstan on the Edge
Policy Briefing Asia Briefing N°55 Bishkek/Brussels, 9 November 2006 Kyrgyzstan on the Edge I. OVERVIEW The opposition had been holding large demonstrations in central Bishkek since 2 November, trying to force Bakiyev to approve a new constitution that would limit Street battles between thousands of pro and anti- presidential powers and allow the largest block in government protestors broken up by police billy clubs parliament to form the government. Bakiyev, who under and tear gas in the central square of the capital this week the constitution enjoys almost unlimited powers, illustrate dramatically that Kyrgyzstan is on the verge of refused. Both sides began rallying their supporters and political breakdown and possible civil war. The what began as a dispute between political elites is government and opposition have begun talks to pull the rapidly drawing in larger numbers of ordinary citizens. country back from the brink, and the president signed a The centre of the capital has been divided into two parts, new constitution on 9 November that the parliament had with opposition supporters rallying at the main government passed the previous day. But tensions are still high. The compound, the “White House”, and government supporters talks will need to be widened if they are to resolve the gathering near the parliament building. underlying dispute, which is centred on the division of power between the president and the parliament, and As further clashes appeared likely on 7 November, last- related issues. The international community should minute negotiations reduced tensions, but demonstrations become much more active in preventive diplomacy from both sides are continuing and the possibility of because if a solution is not found quickly, Kyrgyzstan’s conflict remains. -
Another Revolution in Kyrgyzstan?
AT A GLANCE Another revolution in Kyrgyzstan? Kyrgyzstan is the only ex-Soviet Central Asian country to have achieved a measure of democracy, but it is also highly volatile. Massive protests broke out after irregularities in the October 2020 parliamentary elections, toppling the government. Ex-convict, Sadyr Japarov, is now the country's prime minister and acting president. New parliamentary and presidential elections are planned for December 2020 and January 2021. Background Kyrgyzstan is a landlocked, mountainous Central Asian country. Lacking the oil and gas wealth of neighbouring Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan is one of the poorest countries in Asia (US$1 309 per capita GDP). Due to the lack of local opportunities, many Kyrgyz look for work abroad (mostly in Russia). Constitutionally, Kyrgyzstan has a semi-presidential system in which the prime minister heads the government and the president appoints defence and security officials. Until now, the prime minister and president have always been political allies, with the latter playing the dominant role. Surrounded by authoritarian states, Kyrgyzstan is the most democratic country in Central Asia. OSCE monitors described the 2011 and 2017 presidential elections, and the 2015 parliamentary elections, as 'lively', 'competitive' and offering voters 'a wide range of choice'. However, they also noted serious shortcomings, such as widespread vote-buying and misuse of administrative resources. The NGO Freedom House labels Kyrgyzstan as only 'partly free', citing restrictions on the media and opposition. Kyrgyzstan is plagued by periodic instability. Since becoming independent from the Soviet Union in 1991, it has been through two revolutions (in 2005 and 2010) and ethnic clashes (in 2010).