Voting in the Security Council: Abstention from Voting and Absence from Meetings
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The Case for Electoral Reform: a Mixed Member Proportional System
1 The Case for Electoral Reform: A Mixed Member Proportional System for Canada Brief by Stephen Phillips, Ph.D. Instructor, Department of Political Science, Langara College Vancouver, BC 6 October 2016 2 Summary: In this brief, I urge Parliament to replace our current Single-Member Plurality (SMP) system chiefly because of its tendency to distort the voting intentions of citizens in federal elections and, in particular, to magnify regional differences in the country. I recommend that SMP be replaced by a system of proportional representation, preferably a Mixed Member Proportional system (MMP) similar to that used in New Zealand and the Federal Republic of Germany. I contend that Parliament has the constitutional authority to enact an MMP system under Section 44 of the Constitution Act 1982; as such, it does not require the formal approval of the provinces. Finally, I argue that a national referendum on replacing the current SMP voting system is neither necessary nor desirable. However, to lend it political legitimacy, the adoption of a new electoral system should only be undertaken with the support of MPs from two or more parties that together won over 50% of the votes cast in the last federal election. Introduction Canada’s single-member plurality (SMP) electoral system is fatally flawed. It distorts the true will of Canadian voters, it magnifies regional differences in the country, and it vests excessive political power in the hands of manufactured majority governments, typically elected on a plurality of 40% or less of the popular vote. The adoption of a voting system based on proportional representation would not only address these problems but also improve the quality of democratic government and politics in general. -
Kaplan & Katzenbach: the Political Foundations of International
Michigan Law Review Volume 61 Issue 5 1963 Kaplan & Katzenbach: The Political Foundations of International Law Leo Gross The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the International Law Commons, and the Legal Writing and Research Commons Recommended Citation Leo Gross, Kaplan & Katzenbach: The Political Foundations of International Law, 61 MICH. L. REV. 1015 (1963). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol61/iss5/14 This Book Reviews is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RECENT BOOKS THE POLITICAL FOUNDATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. By Morton A. Kaplan and Nicholas deB. Katzenbach. New York: John Wiley & Sons. 1961. Pp. xi, 372. $6.95. The stated objective of this book is to "make use of a systems theory of international politics" to relate "the norms of international law to thejr political foundations." (p. v) More concretely, the authors' aim is to set forth the difference between international law in the two systems: the nineteenth century "balance of power" system and the prevailing "loose bipolar system." The authors also expect to show that state behavior neither is, nor ought to be, given solely to the pursuit or acquisition of power, as is asserted by the neo-realists, but that it also is subject to normative constraints. -
University of Copenhagen, Øster Farimagsgade 5 DK-1353 Copenhagen K, Denmark [email protected] Received: 21 November 2008; Revised: 4 April 2009; Accepted: 6 April 2009
Late Sovereign Diplomacy Adler-Nissen, Rebecca Published in: Hague Journal of Diplomacy DOI: 10.1163/187119109X440870 Publication date: 2009 Document version Early version, also known as pre-print Citation for published version (APA): Adler-Nissen, R. (2009). Late Sovereign Diplomacy. Hague Journal of Diplomacy, 4(2), 121-141. https://doi.org/10.1163/187119109X440870 Download date: 02. okt.. 2021 Th e Hague Journal of Diplomacy 4 (2009) 121-141 brill.nl/hjd Late Sovereign Diplomacy* Rebecca Adler-Nissen Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Øster Farimagsgade 5 DK-1353 Copenhagen K, Denmark [email protected] Received: 21 November 2008; revised: 4 April 2009; accepted: 6 April 2009 Summary Most scholars are inclined to assume that the diplomatic practices of the European Union’s member states remain fundamentally unchanged. Th e EU’s Council of Ministers is accordingly seen as a setting where sovereign states speak with one another. Yet if state interaction in the EU is only viewed from this perspec- tive, a number of important qualitative changes will remain underexposed. Th is article argues that leading political forces in the European states have come to view their nations as anchored so deeply within the supranational institutions of the EU that their diplomats merge the promotion of national interests with those of the Union. In this late sovereign phase of diplomacy, political and legal authorities overlap, territorial exclusivity is replaced with functional boundaries, and states begin to speak with one voice. Th e article explores three interlinked aspects of late sovereign diplomacy: the teleological interpretation of the EC and EU treaties; the intense socialization of state representatives; and the negotiation process, which promotes national positions as part of a European cause, thereby delocalizing the national interest. -
Legislature by Lot: Envisioning Sortition Within a Bicameral System
PASXXX10.1177/0032329218789886Politics & SocietyGastil and Wright 789886research-article2018 Special Issue Article Politics & Society 2018, Vol. 46(3) 303 –330 Legislature by Lot: Envisioning © The Author(s) 2018 Article reuse guidelines: Sortition within a Bicameral sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329218789886DOI: 10.1177/0032329218789886 System* journals.sagepub.com/home/pas John Gastil Pennsylvania State University Erik Olin Wright University of Wisconsin–Madison Abstract In this article, we review the intrinsic democratic flaws in electoral representation, lay out a set of principles that should guide the construction of a sortition chamber, and argue for the virtue of a bicameral system that combines sortition and elections. We show how sortition could prove inclusive, give citizens greater control of the political agenda, and make their participation more deliberative and influential. We consider various design challenges, such as the sampling method, legislative training, and deliberative procedures. We explain why pairing sortition with an elected chamber could enhance its virtues while dampening its potential vices. In our conclusion, we identify ideal settings for experimenting with sortition. Keywords bicameral legislatures, deliberation, democratic theory, elections, minipublics, participation, political equality, sortition Corresponding Author: John Gastil, Department of Communication Arts & Sciences, Pennsylvania State University, 232 Sparks Bldg., University Park, PA 16802, USA. Email: [email protected] *This special issue of Politics & Society titled “Legislature by Lot: Transformative Designs for Deliberative Governance” features a preface, an introductory anchor essay and postscript, and six articles that were presented as part of a workshop held at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, September 2017, organized by John Gastil and Erik Olin Wright. -
Single Transferable Vote Resists Strategic Voting
Single Transferable Vote Resists Strategic Voting John J. Bartholdi, III School of Industrial and Systems Engineering Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, GA 30332 James B. Orlin Sloan School of Management Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA 02139 November 13, 1990; revised April 4, 2003 Abstract We give evidence that Single Tranferable Vote (STV) is computation- ally resistant to manipulation: It is NP-complete to determine whether there exists a (possibly insincere) preference that will elect a favored can- didate, even in an election for a single seat. Thus strategic voting under STV is qualitatively more difficult than under other commonly-used vot- ing schemes. Furthermore, this resistance to manipulation is inherent to STV and does not depend on hopeful extraneous assumptions like the presumed difficulty of learning the preferences of the other voters. We also prove that it is NP-complete to recognize when an STV elec- tion violates monotonicity. This suggests that non-monotonicity in STV elections might be perceived as less threatening since it is in effect “hid- den” and hard to exploit for strategic advantage. 1 1 Strategic voting For strategic voting the fundamental problem for any would-be manipulator is to decide what preference to claim. We will show that this modest task can be impractically difficult under the voting scheme known as Single Transferable Vote (STV). Furthermore this difficulty pertains even in the ideal situation in which the manipulator knows the preferences of all other voters and knows that they will vote their complete and sincere preferences. Thus STV is apparently unique among voting schemes in actual use today in that it is computationally resistant to manipulation. -
14 Facts Abouty Voting in Federal Elections
U.S. Election Assistance Commission FACTS About Voting in Federal Elections From registering to vote through casting a ballot on election day, informed voters are empowered voters. Here are 14 answers to 14 common questions from citizens about voting in Federal elections. Voter’s Checklist— Am I Eligible In Person Things To Do Before Election Day 1 To Vote? Apply to register to vote at— ■ Confirm you are registered to vote several State or local voter registration You are eligible to vote if— ■ weeks before election day. or election offices. You are a U.S. citizen. ■ Update your registration if your address, ■ ■ The department of motor name, or political affil iation has changed. ■ You meet your State’s residen vehicles. cy requirements. ■ Know how and when to apply for an absentee ■ Public assistance agencies. You are 18 years old. Some ballot if you are unable to vote at your polling ■ Armed services recruitment States allow 17-year-olds to ■ place on election day. centers. vote in primaries and/or reg ■ Know your options for early voting. ister to vote if they will be 18 ■ State-funded programs that before the general election. serve people with disabilities. ■ Know the voter identification requirements in your State. ■ Any public facility that a State has designated as a voter ■ Know your polling place and how to get there. How Do I Register registration agency. 2 To Vote? ■ Familiarize yourself with the voting device Online used in your jurisdic tion. Learn how the device You may choose to apply for is accessible to voters with disabilities. -
Appendix A: Electoral Rules
Appendix A: Electoral Rules Table A.1 Electoral Rules for Italy’s Lower House, 1948–present Time Period 1948–1993 1993–2005 2005–present Plurality PR with seat Valle d’Aosta “Overseas” Tier PR Tier bonus national tier SMD Constituencies No. of seats / 6301 / 32 475/475 155/26 617/1 1/1 12/4 districts Election rule PR2 Plurality PR3 PR with seat Plurality PR (FPTP) bonus4 (FPTP) District Size 1–54 1 1–11 617 1 1–6 (mean = 20) (mean = 6) (mean = 4) Note that the acronym FPTP refers to First Past the Post plurality electoral system. 1The number of seats became 630 after the 1962 constitutional reform. Note the period of office is always 5 years or less if the parliament is dissolved. 2Imperiali quota and LR; preferential vote; threshold: one quota and 300,000 votes at national level. 3Hare Quota and LR; closed list; threshold: 4% of valid votes at national level. 4Hare Quota and LR; closed list; thresholds: 4% for lists running independently; 10% for coalitions; 2% for lists joining a pre-electoral coalition, except for the best loser. Ballot structure • Under the PR system (1948–1993), each voter cast one vote for a party list and could express a variable number of preferential votes among candidates of that list. • Under the MMM system (1993–2005), each voter received two separate ballots (the plurality ballot and the PR one) and cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a single-member district; one for a party in a multi-member PR district. • Under the PR-with-seat-bonus system (2005–present), each voter cast one vote for a party list. -
Philip C. Jessup Papers a Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress
Philip C. Jessup Papers A Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress Manuscript Division, Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 2003 Contact information: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/mss.contact Catalog Record: https://lccn.loc.gov/mm78027771 Additional search options available at: https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/eadmss.ms004004 Prepared by Allen H. Kitchens and Audrey Walker Revised and expanded by Connie L. Cartledge with the assistance of Michael W. Giese and Susie H. Moody Finding aid encoded by Library of Congress Manuscript Division, 2004 Revised 2010 April Collection Summary Title: Philip C. Jessup Papers Span Dates: 1574-1983 Bulk Dates: (bulk 1925-1983) ID No.: MSS27771 Creator: Jessup, Philip C. (Philip Caryl), 1897-1986 Extent: 120,000 items Extent: 394 containers plus 2 oversize and 1 classified Extent: 157.6 linear feet Language: Collection material in English Location: Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. LC Catalog record: https://lccn.loc.gov/mm78027771 Summary: Jurist, diplomat, and educator. Family and general correspondence, reports and memoranda, speeches and writings, subject files, legal papers, newspaper clippings and other papers pertaining chiefly to Jessup's work with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Institute of Pacific Relations, United States Department of State, United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, and International Court of Justice. Includes material relating to his World War I service in Spartanburg, S.C., and in France; and to charges made against him by Senator Joseph McCarthy and postwar loyalty and security investigations. Also includes papers of his wife, Lois Walcott Kellogg Jessup, relating to her work for the American Friends Service Committee, United States Children's Bureau, and United Nations, her travels to Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East, and to her writings. -
The Many Faces of Strategic Voting
Revised Pages The Many Faces of Strategic Voting Strategic voting is classically defined as voting for one’s second pre- ferred option to prevent one’s least preferred option from winning when one’s first preference has no chance. Voters want their votes to be effective, and casting a ballot that will have no influence on an election is undesirable. Thus, some voters cast strategic ballots when they decide that doing so is useful. This edited volume includes case studies of strategic voting behavior in Israel, Germany, Japan, Belgium, Spain, Switzerland, Canada, and the United Kingdom, providing a conceptual framework for understanding strategic voting behavior in all types of electoral systems. The classic definition explicitly considers strategic voting in a single race with at least three candidates and a single winner. This situation is more com- mon in electoral systems that have single- member districts that employ plurality or majoritarian electoral rules and have multiparty systems. Indeed, much of the literature on strategic voting to date has considered elections in Canada and the United Kingdom. This book contributes to a more general understanding of strategic voting behavior by tak- ing into account a wide variety of institutional contexts, such as single transferable vote rules, proportional representation, two- round elec- tions, and mixed electoral systems. Laura B. Stephenson is Professor of Political Science at the University of Western Ontario. John Aldrich is Pfizer- Pratt University Professor of Political Science at Duke University. André Blais is Professor of Political Science at the Université de Montréal. Revised Pages Revised Pages THE MANY FACES OF STRATEGIC VOTING Tactical Behavior in Electoral Systems Around the World Edited by Laura B. -
Global Governance and the Changing Face of International Law
Texas A&M University School of Law Texas A&M Law Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 1-2001 Global Governance and the Changing Face of International Law Charlotte Ku Texas A&M University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.tamu.edu/facscholar Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Charlotte Ku, Global Governance and the Changing Face of International Law, (2001). Available at: https://scholarship.law.tamu.edu/facscholar/574 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by Texas A&M Law Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Texas A&M Law Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ISBN: 1-880660-20-2 The Academic Council on the United Nations System Yale University Box 208206 New Haven, CT 06520-8206 TEL: 203/432-6512 FAX: 203/432-5634 EMAIL: [email protected] Reports and Papers are published and distributed by the Academic Council on the United Nations System as part of its program to expand the understanding of the problems of international cooperation and the role of international institutions. The individual author(s), however, remain responsible for the content of the work that is presented. © 2001 by the Academic Council on the United Nations System. All rights reserved under International and Pan American Convention. No part of this report may be reproduced by any other means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher. -
Political Knowledge and the Paradox of Voting
Political Knowledge and the Paradox of Voting Edited by Sofia Magdalena Olofsson We have long known that Americans pay local elections less attention than they do elections for the Presidency and Congress. A recent Portland State University study showed that voter turnout in ten of America’s 30 largest cities sits on average at less than 15% of eligible voters. Just pause and think about this. The 55% of voting age citizens who cast a ballot in last year’s presidential election – already a two-decade low and a significant drop from the longer-term average of 65-80% – still eclipses by far the voter turnout at recent mayoral elections in Dallas (6%), Fort Worth (6%), and Las Vegas (9%). What is more, data tells us that local voter turnout is only getting worse. Look at America’s largest city: New York. Since the 1953 New York election, when 93% of residents voted, the city’s mayoral contests saw a steady decline, with a mere 14% of the city’s residents voting in the last election. Though few might want to admit it, these trends suggest that an unspoken hierarchy exists when it comes to elections. Atop this electoral hierarchy are national elections, elections that are widely considered the most politically, economically, and culturally significant. Extensively covered by the media, they are viewed as high-stakes moral contests that naturally attract the greatest public interest. Next, come state elections: though still important compared to national elections, their political prominence, media coverage, and voter turnout is already waning. At the bottom of this electoral hierarchy are local elections that, as data tells us, a vast majority of Americans now choose not to vote in. -
Imperfect Justice at Nuremberg and Tokyo Downloaded from by Guest on 23 September 2021 Kirsten Sellars*
The European Journal of International Law Vol. 21 no. 4 © EJIL 2011; all rights reserved .......................................................................................... Imperfect Justice at Nuremberg and Tokyo Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ejil/article/21/4/1085/418156 by guest on 23 September 2021 Kirsten Sellars* Guénaël Mettraux (ed). Perspectives on the Nuremberg Trial. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. Pp. 832. £36.99. ISBN 978019923234. Neil Boister and Robert Cryer. The Tokyo International Military Tribunal: A Reappraisal. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. Pp. 358. £63.50. ISBN 9780199278527. Yuma Totani. The Tokyo War Crimes Trial: The Pursuit of Justice in the Wake of World War II. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2009. Pp. 355. $22.95. ISBN 9780674033399. Abstract When the international criminal tribunals were convened in Nuremberg and Tokyo in the mid-1940s, the response from lawyers was mixed. Some believed that the Second World War was an exceptional event requiring special legal remedies, and commended the tribunals for advancing international law. Others condemned them for their legal shortcomings and maintained that some of the charges were retroactive and selectively applied. Since then, suc- cessive generations of commentators have interpreted the tribunals in their own ways, shaped by the conflicts and political concerns of their own times. The past two decades have seen the establishment of new international courts, and an accompanying revival of interest in their predecessors at Nuremberg and Tokyo. Recent commentaries have analysed the founding documents, the choice of defendants, the handling of the charges, the conduct of the cases – and also the legal and political legacies of the tribunals. They demonstrate that long-standing disagreements over antecedents, aims and outcomes have still not been settled, and that the problems inherent in some of the original charges have still not been solved, despite the appearance of similar charges within the remit of the International Criminal Court today.