Congressional Record—Senate S6886
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Congressional Testimony
CONGRESSIONAL TESTIMONY H.R. 51, "Washington, D.C. Admission Act" Testimony before the Committee on Oversight and Reform United States House of Representatives March 22, 2021 Zack Smith Legal Fellow Edwin Meese III Center for Legal and Judicial Studies The Heritage Foundation Table of Contents I. The District of Columbia cannot be converted into our nation's 51st state without a constitutional amendment 3 II. Former Washington, DC Mayor Walter E. Washington raised practical concerns about making the District a state, and former Delegate Walter Fauntroy raised constitutional concerns 4 III. The historical reasons for securing full federal control over the seat of government, for preventing one state from having outsized influence on the federal government, and for the important symbolic value of having a national capital free from a single state's influence remain true today 6 IV. Both Democratic and Republican Justice Departments have reached the same conclusion that DC statehood requires a constitutional amendment 8 A. The fact that Congress has used its authority under Article IV, section 3 of the Constitution to admit 37 other states is constitutionally irrelevant. The District owes its existence to the fact that Congress exercised its CONGRESSIONAL TESTIMONY authority under Article I, section 8, clause 17 of the Constitution to create it. ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 9 l. The prior retrocession of part of the District to Virginia should not be used as precedent 1O 2. Maryland's consent is needed before a new state can be created from the land it donated to create the federal seat of government 10 B. The Twenty-Third Amendment provides the most serious constitutional obstacle to the District's becoming a state via simple legislation. -
The Religious Affiliations of Trump's Judicial Nominees
The Religious Affiliations of Trump's Judicial Nominees U.S. Supreme Court Religion Federalist Society Member Neil Gorsuch Catholic/Episcopal Listed on his SJQ U.S. Court of Appeals Amul Thapar Catholic Former John K. Bush Episcopal Yes Kevin Newsom Yes Amy Coney Barrett Catholic Yes Joan Larsen Former David Stras Jewish Yes Allison H. Eid Yes Ralph R. Erickson Catholic Stephanos Bibas Eastern Orthodox Yes Michael B. Brennan Yes L. Steven Grasz Presbyterian (PCA) Yes Ryan Wesley Bounds Yes Elizabeth L. Branch Yes Stuart Kyle Duncan Catholic Yes Gregory G. Katsas Yes Don R. Willett Baptist James C. Ho U.S. District Courts David Nye Mormon Timothy J. Kelly Catholic Yes Scott L. Palk Trevor N. McFadden Anglican Yes Dabney L. Friedrich Episcopal Claria Horn Boom Michael Lawrence Brown William L. Campbell Jr. Presbyterian Thomas Farr Yes Charles Barnes Goodwin Methodist Mark Norris Episcopal Tommy Parker Episcopal William McCrary Ray II Baptist Eli J. Richardson Tripp Self Baptist Yes Annemarie Carney Axon Liles C. Burke Methodist Donald C Coggins Jr. Methodist Terry A. Doughty Baptist Michael J. Juneau Christian A. Marvin Quattlebaum Jr. Presbyterian Holly Lou Teeter Catholic Robert E. Wier Methodist R. Stan Baker Methodist Jeffrey Uhlman Beaverstock Methodist John W. Broomes Baptist Walter David Counts III Baptist Rebecca Grady Jennings Methodist Matthew J. Kacsmaryk Christian Yes, in college Emily Coody Marks Yes Jeffrey C. Mateer Christian Terry F. Moorer Christian Matthew S. Petersen Former Fernando Rodriguez Jr. Christian Karen Gren Scholer Brett Joseph Talley Christian Howard C Nielson, Jr. Daniel Desmond Domenico Barry W. Ashe Kurt D. -
Contempt of Courts? President Trump's
CONTEMPT OF COURTS? PRESIDENT TRUMP’S TRANSFORMATION OF THE JUDICIARY Brendan Williams* Faced with a letter from the American Bar Association (ABA) assessing him as “arrogant, lazy, an ideologue, and lacking in knowledge of the day-to-day practice,” Lawrence VanDyke, nominated by President Trump to serve on the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, cried during an October 2019 confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee.1 Republican senators dutifully attacked the ABA as liberally-biased.2 In a Wall Street Journal column, a defender of VanDyke assailed what he called a “smear campaign” and wrote that “[t]he ABA’s aggressive politicization is especially frustrating for someone like me, an active member of the ABA[.]”3 VanDyke was confirmed anyway.4 Contrary to Republican protestations, the ABA has deemed 97% of President Trump’s nominees to be “well qualified” or “qualified.”5 Indeed, in the most polarizing judicial nomination of the Trump Administration, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Kavanaugh’s defenders pointed to the ABA having rated him “well qualified” despite the association having once, in 2006, dropped his rating to “qualified” due to concerns about his temperament.6 *Attorney Brendan Williams is the author of over 30 law review articles, predominantly on civil rights and health care issues. A former Washington Supreme Court judicial clerk, Brendan is a New Hampshire long-term care advocate. This article is dedicated to his father Wayne Williams, admitted to the Washington bar in 1970. 1Hannah Knowles, Trump Judicial Nominee Cries over Scathing Letter from the American Bar Association, WASH. POST (Oct. 30, 2015). 2Id. -
How to Think About the Foundations of American Conservatism James W
No. 22 How to Think About the Foundations of American Conservatism James W. Ceaser, Ph.D. ontemporary American conservatism, which is Reagan. The remarkable diversity of this coalition has Cnotorious for its internal factionalism, is held been both a source of strength and a source of weak- together by a self-evident truth: conservatives’ shared ness for the conservative movement. Each part came antipathy to modern liberalism. Their main objections into existence at a different time and under differ ent are well-known. circumstances, and each has been guided by a different Almost to a man or woman, conservatives oppose principle by which it measures what is good or right. using government authority to enforce a vision of greater equality labeled by its supporters, with great • For religious conservatives, that principle is seduction, as “social justice.” Nearly as many conser- biblical faith. vatives object to the use of government authority—or, • For libertarians, it is the idea of “spontaneous alternatively, to the denial of government authority order,” the postulate that a tendency is opera- where it is natural, legal, and appropriate—to pro- tive in human affairs for things to work out for mote a worldview of individualism, expressivism, and themselves, provided no artificial effort is made secularism. Finally, most conservatives want nothing to impose an overall order. to do with an airy internationalism, frequently suspi- • For neoconservatives, it is a version of “natural cious of the American nation, that has shown itself so right,” meaning a standard of good in political inconstant in its support for the instruments of secu- affairs that is discoverable by human reason. -
Jeff Shesol Author, Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt Vs
Presidential Commission on the Supreme Court of the United States Written Testimony of Jeff Shesol Author, Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt vs. the Supreme Court August 27, 2021 DIAGNOSIS The Real Mischief In February 1937, when presenting his plan to pack the Supreme Court, Franklin Roosevelt offered a rationale: that the oldest justices had fallen behind in their work and fallen out of step with “modern complexities.” The first of these was demonstrably false; the second was only partly true. This misdirection, Roosevelt later conceded, was a mistake. “I did not place enough emphasis on the real mischief—the kinds of decisions which, as a studied and continued policy, had been coming down from the Supreme Court.” What, we might ask in a similar spirit, is the real mischief today? Or, put differently: what is the core problem this Commission should aim to address? A review of testimony to date reveals a range of concerns: an entrenched majority of ideologically driven, outcome-oriented conservative justices; among those justices, an inconstant relationship with the principle of stare decisis and a willful blindness to “the plainest facts of our national life,” as Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes once put it; the systematic incapacitation of government at both the state and federal level to address mounting crises; a shattering of the norms of the judicial appointments process by Senate Republicans. This, of course, is a partial list. A ranking of problems according to significance would surely put agenda-driven judicial activism at the top. The Supreme Court majority’s power—matched, it seems, by its eagerness—to vitiate certain civic institutions, to override hard-won understandings and overturn long-held doctrines, and to deny citizens the ability to do much of anything about it is a destructive sort of mischief. -
Lee Edwards Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt5q2nf31k No online items Preliminary Inventory of the Lee Edwards papers Finding aid prepared by Hoover Institution Library and Archives Staff Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 2009, 2013 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Preliminary Inventory of the Lee 2010C14 1 Edwards papers Title: Lee Edwards papers Date (inclusive): 1878-2004 Collection Number: 2010C14 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 389 manuscript boxes, 12 card file boxes, 2 oversize boxes, 5 film reels, 1 oversize folder(146.4 Linear Feet) Abstract: Correspondence, speeches and writings, memoranda, reports, studies, financial records, printed matter, and sound recordings of interviews and other audiovisual material, relating to conservatism in the United States, the mass media, Grove City College, the Heritage Foundation, the Republican Party, Walter Judd, Barry Goldwater, and Ronald Reagan. Includes extensive research material used in books and other writing projects by Lee Edwards. Also includes papers of Willard Edwards, journalist and father of Lee Edwards. Creator: Edwards, Lee, 1932- Creator: Edwards, Willard, 1902-1990 Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please -
Legal Community Reacts to the Nomination Law Blog WSJ
2/1/2017 Legal Community Reacts to the Nomination Law Blog WSJ This copy is for your personal, noncommercial use only. To order presentationready copies for distribution to your colleagues, clients or customers visit http://www.djreprints.com. http://blogs.wsj.com/law/2017/01/31/thelegalcommunityreactstothenominationofneilgorsuch/ LAW BLOG LEGAL COMMUNITY REACTS TO THE NOMINATION PHOTO: ASSOCIATED PRESS By SARA RANDAZZO Jan 31, 2017 8:12 pm ET The nomination of Judge Neil Gorsuch of the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals to be the next Supreme Court justice came as little surprise Tuesday night after days of speculation that he was the president’s leading candidate. Within minutes of the nomination being announced, a website to support the judge’s nomination had been set up with endorsements from around the legal industry. The Judicial Crisis Network said it is funding a $10 million campaign to confirm his nomination, with Carrie Severino, chief counsel for the network, saying they will push back against any Democrats tempted to obstruct the path to confirmation. Here’s what others in the legal community had to say about how Judge Gorsuch, a textualist in the vein of the justice he’s replacing, Antonin Scalia, could affect the balance of the nation’s high court. UC Irvine School of Law Dean Erwin Chemerinsky said via email that Judge Gorsuch is “impeccably qualified,” but “the question is whether his views are so conservative to put him outside the judicial mainstream.” As a self-described originalist, Mr. -
Download File
Tow Center for Digital Journalism CONSERVATIVE A Tow/Knight Report NEWSWORK A Report on the Values and Practices of Online Journalists on the Right Anthony Nadler, A.J. Bauer, and Magda Konieczna Funded by the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation. Table of Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 7 Boundaries and Tensions Within the Online Conservative News Field 15 Training, Standards, and Practices 41 Columbia Journalism School Conservative Newswork 3 Executive Summary Through much of the 20th century, the U.S. news diet was dominated by journalism outlets that professed to operate according to principles of objectivity and nonpartisan balance. Today, news outlets that openly proclaim a political perspective — conservative, progressive, centrist, or otherwise — are more central to American life than at any time since the first journalism schools opened their doors. Conservative audiences, in particular, express far less trust in mainstream news media than do their liberal counterparts. These divides have contributed to concerns of a “post-truth” age and fanned fears that members of opposing parties no longer agree on basic facts, let alone how to report and interpret the news of the day in a credible fashion. Renewed popularity and commercial viability of openly partisan media in the United States can be traced back to the rise of conservative talk radio in the late 1980s, but the expansion of partisan news outlets has accelerated most rapidly online. This expansion has coincided with debates within many digital newsrooms. Should the ideals journalists adopted in the 20th century be preserved in a digital news landscape? Or must today’s news workers forge new relationships with their publics and find alternatives to traditional notions of journalistic objectivity, fairness, and balance? Despite the centrality of these questions to digital newsrooms, little research on “innovation in journalism” or the “future of news” has explicitly addressed how digital journalists and editors in partisan news organizations are rethinking norms. -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
Blueprint for Balance: a FEDERAL BUDGE T F OR FY 20 18
Blueprint for Balance: A FEDERAL BUDGET FOR FY 2018 The Heritage Foundation © 2017 by The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002 (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org All rights reserved. ISBN: 978-0-89195-163-6 Contents Contributors .................................................................................................................................................... ix Introduction: Blueprint for Balance ........................................................................................ 1 Chapter 1: Policies for a Congressional Budget ........................................................... 5 Chapter 2: Budget Proposals ..........................................................................................................13 Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies Repeal the USDA Catfish Inspection Program ........................................................................................16 Eliminate the Conservation Technical Assistance Program..................................................................17 Eliminate the Rural Business Cooperative Service.................................................................................18 Prohibit Funding for National School Meal Standards ............................................................................................ and the Community Eligibility Provision 19 Withhold Funding for Federal Fruit and Vegetable Supply Restrictions ............................................20 Repeal -
H.R. 1 / S. 1 Disclosure Provisions: How the for the People Act Would Fix American Democracy's Dark Money Problem Campaign Legal Center March 2021 Introduction
H.R. 1 / S. 1 Disclosure Provisions: How the For the People Act Would Fix American Democracy's Dark Money Problem Campaign Legal Center March 2021 Introduction In the 2020 election alone, more than $1 billion was spent by so-called “dark money” entities that kept their donors hidden from the public.1 The fifteen highest-spending dark money groups accounted for nearly $645 million of that total.2 Because these dark money groups do not publicly disclose their donors, voters cannot know what those secret donors might be getting in return from elected officials. As described in this report, the solution is H.R. 1 / S. 1, the For the People Act, which shines a spotlight on dark money, and which is carefully crafted to address the real- world practices that wealthy special interests have used to keep their political donations hidden from the public. First, H.R. 1 / S. 1 makes clear what political spending is subject to disclosure. In 2020, major dark money groups, both Democrat and Republican, spent tens of millions of dollars on TV and digital ads that were carefully worded or timed to evade existing law. The bill addresses these practices by requiring disclosure when a group spends over $10,000 on ads that promote, support, attack, or oppose a candidate’s election. Second, the bill clarifies who must be disclosed when that spending is reported. Wealthy donors have anonymously poured hundreds of millions of dollars into elections by claiming none of their donations were “earmarked” for a particular ad, or by passing money through an intermediary. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 115 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 115 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 163 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 2017 No. 178 Senate The Senate met at 9:30 a.m. and was firming President Trump’s outstanding GARDNER. When he introduced his called to order by the President pro nominations to the Federal courts. Al- former professor before the Judiciary tempore (Mr. HATCH). ready this week, we have confirmed Committee, Senator GARDNER noted f two strong, smart, and talented women how much she cared about ‘‘robust de- to serve on our Nation’s circuit courts. bates and hearing the views of others.’’ PRAYER Today we will consider two more well- ‘‘Justice Eid,’’ he said, ‘‘was open to The Chaplain, Dr. Barry C. Black, of- qualified nominees: Allison Eid and their views, engaging with them, and fered the following prayer: Stephanos Bibas. [was] never biased against different Let us pray. First, we will confirm Allison Eid, perspectives.’’ Eternal King, You are great and mar- whom the President has nominated to Later, Justice Eid was appointed to velous. Without Your wondrous deeds, serve on the U.S. Court of Appeals for serve as Colorado’s solicitor general our lawmakers, our Nation, and our the Tenth Circuit. Justice Eid has big and, in 2006, to the Colorado Supreme planet could not survive. Lord, let the shoes to fill in taking that seat—it be- Court. Two years later, 75 percent of nations You have made acknowledge came vacant when Neil Gorsuch as- Coloradans voted to retain her.