The 1325 Scorecard - Serbia Summary (September 29, 2015)
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3. Security-Intelligence Services in the Republic of Serbia Bogoljub Milosavljević and Predrag Petrović
3. Security-Intelligence Services in the Republic of Serbia Bogoljub Milosavljević and Predrag Petrović The Security-intelligence services (hence the intelligence services) are among the most important executive actors in any national security systems. In this chapter the term intelligence services denotes only specialised civilian and mili- tary organisations with security-intelligence functions, established within the state apparatus and operating under government control. Intelligence serv- ices should, first of all, provide state bodies with timely, relevant and precise 208 information. They should protect the constitutional order and national interests against penetration by foreign intelligence services and activities of organised criminal and terrorist groups. They are authorised to collect information from public sources, and can use secret methods, techniques and means.285 There are three organisations in Serbia with these responsibilities; the Secu- rity-Information Agency (SIA), the Military Security Agency (MSA) and the Mili- tary Intelligence Agency (MoI). The SIA is directly subordinated to the govern- ment and has the status of a special republic organisation, while both the MSA and MoI are organisational units (administrative bodies) within the Ministry of Defence (MoD) subordinated to the defence minister, and thus also to the gov- ernment. The functions of the intelligence services are specified by positive legal regulations286 and include the usual intelligence activities: 1. The collection and analysis of data relevant for national security, defence and protection of eco- 285 Reconciling the secrecy needs of intelligence services with the fundamental tenets of democ- racy is an important question. In order words, how can this secrecy be reconciled with transpar- ency of state institutions. -
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11. -
The Serbian Armed Forces As the Postmodern Military
Institute for Political Studies UDC 355.3+355.02(497.11) Serbian Political Thought Manuscript received: 03.03.2015. No. 1/2015, Accepted for publishing: 07.04.2015. Year Vll, Vol. 11 Original scientific paper pp. 71-89 Vanja G. Rokvić1 Faculty of Security Studies, University of Belgrade Zoran S. Jeftić2 IFaculty of Security Studies, University of Belgrade The Serbian Armed Forces as the Postmodern Military Abstract One of views in contemporary research of civil–military relations is the postmodern view of the role of the military in the post–Cold War period. Charles H. Moskos et al suggest a typology that is suitable for cross-national re- search of civil-military relations. These typological trends, used as variables for assessment along the lines of the modern, late modern, and postmodern para- digm, are: perceived threat; force structure; major mission definitions; media relations, homosexuals in military; dominant military professionalism; public attitude toward the military; civilian employees; women’s role; spouse and mili- tary; conscientious objection. The subject of the Moskos study were developed Western countries considered to be “advanced democracies”. We address the question of whether the typology developed by Moskos can be applied to coun- tries in the process of transition such as the Republic of Serbia and whether the Serbian Armed Forces belong to the group of postmodern armed forces. With regard to research in the field of civil- military relations in Serbia and available data in this paper we analyzed some of the variables, such as: perceived threat; force structure; major mission definitions; dominant military professionalism; public attitude toward the military; women’s role and conscientious objection. -
Law on Military Security Agency and Military Intelligence Agency
LAW ON MILITARY SECURITY AGENCY AND MILITARY INTELLIGENCE AGENCY I GENERAL PROVISIONS Article 1 This Law shall regulate competences, activities, tasks, authority, oversight and control of the Military Security Agency (hereinafter referred to as the MSA) and the Military Intelligence Agency (hereinafter referred to as the MIA), co-operation, as well as other matters of importance for their operations. Article 2 The MSA and the MIA are the administrative bodies within the Ministry of Defence that perform security and intelligence activities of importance for defence and are part of a unified security and intelligence system of the Republic of Serbia. Article 3 The MSA and MIA shall be independent in conducting their activities within their scope of work. The MSA and MIA shall carry out mutual co-operation and exchange data. The method and contents of mutual co-operation and exchange of data stipulated in Paragraph 2 of this Article shall be regulated by the Minister of Defence. The MSA and the MIA shall co-operate and exchange data with competent institutions, organisations, services and bodies of the Republic of Serbia, as well as security services of other states and international organisations in compliance with the Constitution, the Law, other regulations and general acts, defined intelligence and security policy of the Republic of Serbia and ratified international agreements. In their work, the MSA and the MIA shall be neutral in terms of politics, ideology and interest. Article 4 The MSA and MIA shall have the status of a legal entity. The MSA and MIA shall have their insignia, symbols and other signs and marks. -
Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia
PRIF-Reports No. 94 Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia Filip Ejdus This report was prepared with the kind support of the Volkswagen-Stiftung. Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2010 Correspondence to: PRIF Baseler Straße 27-31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49(0)69 95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69 55 84 81 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-942532-04-4 Euro 10.- Summary On 5 October 2000, the citizens of Serbia toppled Slobodan Milošević in what came to be known as the “Bulldozer Revolution”. This watershed event symbolizes not only the end of a decade of authoritarian rule but also the beginning of a double transition: from authoritarian rule to democracy, on the one hand, and from a series of armed conflicts to peace, on the other. This transition has thoroughly transformed Serbian politics in general and Serbia’s security sector in particular. This October, Serbia’s democracy celebrated its tenth anniversary. The jubilee is an appropriate opportunity to reflect on the past decade. With this aim in mind, the report will seek to analyse the impact of democratization on security sector governance in Serbia over the period 2000-2010. In order to do so, in the first part of the report we have developed an analytical framework for studying democratic security sector governance, which is defined as the transparent organization and management of the security sector based on the accountability of decision-makers, respect for the rule of law and human rights, checks and balances, equal representation, active civic participation, public agreement and democratic oversight. -
Serbia in 2001 Under the Spotlight
1 Human Rights in Transition – Serbia 2001 Introduction The situation of human rights in Serbia was largely influenced by the foregoing circumstances. Although the severe repression characteristic especially of the last two years of Milosevic’s rule was gone, there were no conditions in place for dealing with the problems accumulated during the previous decade. All the mechanisms necessary to ensure the exercise of human rights - from the judiciary to the police, remained unchanged. However, the major concern of citizens is the mere existential survival and personal security. Furthermore, the general atmosphere in the society was just as xenophobic and intolerant as before. The identity crisis of the Serb people and of all minorities living in Serbia continued. If anything, it deepened and the relationship between the state and its citizens became seriously jeopardized by the problem of Serbia’s undefined borders. The crisis was manifest with regard to certain minorities such as Vlachs who were believed to have been successfully assimilated. This false belief was partly due to the fact that neighbouring Romania had been in a far worse situation than Yugoslavia during the past fifty years. In considerably changed situation in Romania and Serbia Vlachs are now undergoing the process of self identification though still unclear whether they would choose to call themselves Vlachs or Romanians-Vlachs. Considering that the international factor has become the main generator of change in Serbia, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia believes that an accurate picture of the situation in Serbia is absolutely necessary. It is essential to establish the differences between Belgrade and the rest of Serbia, taking into account its internal diversities. -
Cbrn Defence: Organization, Resources and Tasks of Serbian Armed Forces
RAD Conference Proceedings, vol. 3, pp. 63–67, 2018 ISSN 2466-4626 (online) | DOI: 10.21175/RadProc.2018.13 www.rad-proceedings.org CBRN DEFENCE: ORGANIZATION, RESOURCES AND TASKS OF SERBIAN ARMED FORCES Stevan Musicki1, Dejan Vasovic2*, Srdjan Markovic3 1University of Defence, Secondary Military School, Belgrade, Serbia 2University of Nis, Faculty of Occupational Safety in Nis, Nis, Serbia 3Ministry of Defence, Department for General Logistics, Belgrade, Serbia Abstract. The concept of CBRN (chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear) defence is a highly complex phenomenon and a scientific discipline within both the social and technical-technological sciences. CBRN defence has multiple meanings. In the most general sense, it refers to absence/elimination or minimization of threats, i.e. pressures that can threaten people, property, and the environment. Effective and efficient CBRN defence activities can be seen from the perspective of civil structures or armed forces. In this sense, the organizational structure of the armed forces of any country represents a dynamic system which, within the wider community, operates and exists under specific conditions and circumstances. Starting from its basic purposes, the regular armed forces of any state do not have unknowns regarding the rules and their core roles. However, the complex structure and the interdependence of different organizational structures within the country and within the armed forces have an impact on the implementation of measures in the field of CBRN defence and management of risk both in war and peacetime. The aim of this paper is to present the structural organization, resources and tasks of the Serbian armed forces (SAF) within the field of CBRN defence. -
11 NATO and the Partnership for Peace
11 NATO and the Partnership for Peace Frank Boland1 uring 1989 and 1990, as the hold of the Soviet Union and the authority of com- munist regimes evaporated across the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Allies attempted to make sense of Dthis new situation. There was unease that the old certainties of the Cold War era were being swept away without any guarantees that their replacements would be more comfortable to live with. There was disquiet that the security linkage with the United States, through NATO, might no longer be sustainable or, at least, might be substantially more difficult to sustain than it had been. The complete dissolution of the Soviet Union was barely conceiv- able at that time. Allies were also wrestling with the complexities of extremely challenging arms control agreements, while also trying to define the wider role of the Atlantic Alliance in a Europe where the Conference on Security Cooperation in Europe and, subsequently, the European Union would also be significant political players.2 As they contemplated these uncertainties, the idea began to take hold that the Alliance had to provide practical assis- tance and institutional structures to support emerging democratic institutions and states in resisting the almost inevitable pressures that could emerge and drag them back toward the authoritarian practices to which they had been accustomed for a generation, or more. In July 1990, in their London Summit Declaration, NATO Heads of State and Government extended the “hand of friendship” to the countries of the East that had been their adversaries in the Cold War.3 They also noted that NATO would adapt and could “help build the structures of a more united continent, supporting security and stability with the strength of our shared faith in democracy, the rights of the individual, and the peaceful resolution of disputes.”4 They also proposed that the countries of the former Warsaw Pact establish regular diplomatic liaison with the Atlantic Alliance. -
AUTHORITY REQUESTS for ACCESS to ELECTRONIC COMMUNICATION – Legal Overview
AUTHORITY REQUESTS FOR ACCESS TO ELECTRONIC COMMUNICATION – legal overview MAY 2015 CONTENTS MAY 2015 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION | P 3 NORWAY | PAGE 33 SWEDEN | PAGE 43 DENMARK | PAGE 14 HUNGARY* SERBIA | PAGE 37 MONTENEGRO | PAGE 25 BULGARIA | PAGE 8 PAKISTAN* INDIA* BANGLADESH | PAGE 5 MYANMAR | PAGE 30 THAILAND | PAGE 48 MALAYSIA | PAGE 18 * these countries are covered in other reports, see ‘Introduction’ DISCLAIMER: Telenor Group is thankful for Hogan Lovells’ assistance in preparing this legal overview. Hogan Lovells has acted solely as legal adviser to Telenor Group. This overview may not be relied upon as legal advice by any other person, and neither Telenor Group nor Hogan Lovells accept any responsibility or liability (whether arising in tort (including negligence), contract or otherwise) to any other person in relation to [this report] or its contents or any reliance which any other person may place upon it. COPYRIGHT LICENSE: This legal overview is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License 2015 by Telenor ASA 2 PB INTRODUCTION MAY 2015 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION rights to privacy and freedom of expression; others use much wider-ranging powers with substantially greater human rights This document provides an overview of the most common kinds impacts. Some of the statutes in question are lengthy and of laws which compel the Telenor Group to give government contain carefully expressed checks and balances. Others are authorities access to customer communications in ten of the only a few pages long, with unchecked and sweeping powers countries in which Telenor operates. The remaining three set out in a few short sentences. -
The Resurgence of Nationalism: the Breakup of Yugoslavia
Original Research Article: (2020), «EUREKA: Social and Humanities» full paper Number 5 THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA Sergey Asaturov Department of international relationship and social science National University of bioresearches’ and Environmental Sciences 15 Heroiv Obobrony str., Kyiv, Ukraine, 03041 [email protected] Andrei Martynov Department of international relation and foreign polity of Ukraine Institute of History of Ukraine of National Academy of Science of Ukraine 4 Hrushevskogo str., Kyiv, Ukraine, 01001 [email protected] Abstract The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia’s defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a “Greater Serbia” led to the country’s territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the Eu- ropean Union must finally close the “Balkan window” of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. -
Nato Military Liaison Office Belgrade
Air Chief Marshal Sir Stuart Peach, Chairman of the Military Committee visits Belgrade, Oct 2018 President Vucic visits NATO HQ Brussels, Nov 2017 NATO MILITARY LIAISON OFFICE BELGRADE NATO Secretary General, Jens Stoltenberg visits NATO Deputy Secretary General meets Serbian Belgrade, Oct 2018 Minister of Defence, 12 October 2017 The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) NATO Military Liaison Office is a political and military alliance of twenty Belgrade nine countries that promotes peace, helps to NATO vojna kancelarija za vezu manage the resolution of international crises Beograd and encourages cooperation on issues of Birčaninova 5 defense and security. 11 000 Belgrade, Serbia NATO MILITARY LIAISON Phone: +381 11 362 86 71 For more info: OFFICE http://www.jfcnaples.nato.int/mlo_belgrade Mobile: +381 65 628 67 04 E-mail: [email protected] Fax: +381 11 334 7034, IVSN: 681 8676 BELGRADE Printed 2019 NATO MLO BELGRADE – MISSION/TASKS MLO Belgrade assists the Serbian Armed Forces in Besides its main function of being a link between conducting the Planning and Review Process (PARP), NATO and Serbian institutions, the MLO Be also a mechanism which raises interoperability with monitors, assists and advises the Serbian authorities multinational forces. By implementing its Partnership on the military aspects of defence and security sector Goals (PG), Serbia is improving its defence capability reforms which started with the establishment of the and building up modern Armed Forces. Serbia/ NATO Defense Reform Group (DRG) in Furthermore, MLO Belgrade supports the Ministry of February 2006 and further expanded and became more Defence and Serbian Armed Forces in conducting its Inauguration of the MLO Belgrade, Dec 2006 institutionalized when Serbia joined NATO's PfP International Partnership Cooperation Program (IPCP). -
Military Security Agency Military Security Agency
MILITARY SECURITY AGENCY Military Security Agency Military Security Agency (MSA) is the military security service responsible for security and counterintelligence protection of the Ministry of Defence and the Serbian Armed Forces. It was formed on 29 September 2003, based on the Act on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Security Services. In December of the same year it was presented to the public, and officially has started operating on 1 January 2004. By adopting the Act on the Essentials of the Republic of Serbia Security Services System, in 2007, it was defined that MSA is a part of unique security and intelligence system of the Republic of Serbia, as an administrative body within the Ministry of Defence. By the Act on the Military Security Agency and Military Intelligence Agency, passed in 2009, competencies, activities, tasks, authorities, supervision and control of MSA were regulated. This Act defines the modern solutions for efficacious countering current security threats. In a transparent way, implementation of special authorities of MSA was regulated by it, with the goal of protection and timely suppression of threats directed towards the Ministry of Defence and the Serbian Armed Forces. Prior to the forming of the Military Security Agency, the military security service had been organized differently and had different names: - issues on security protection of army, for the first time in the recent history, were regulated by the Military Act of the Principality of Serbia, passed on 12 November 1839, in which, for the first time, penalties for treason, escape, rebellion, espionage, acts against the Constitution and “freedom of people“ were defined.