Analysis of the Oil- and Gas-Pipeline-Links Between EU and Russia an Account of Intrinsic Interests
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Geopolitical Impact on Transformation of Territorial Organization of Russian Pipeline Transport in the Post-Soviet Time
International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy ISSN: 2146-4553 available at http: www.econjournals.com International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy, 2016, 6(4), 782-788. Geopolitical Impact on Transformation of Territorial Organization of Russian Pipeline Transport in the Post-Soviet Time Tatyana I. Pototskaya1*, Alexander P. Katrovskiy2, Vladimir I. Chasovskiy3 1Department of Geography, Natural-Geographical Faculty, Smolensk State University, Smolensk Oblast, Russia, 2Department of Service and Tourism, Smolensk Humanitarian University, Smolensk, Russia, 3Department of Geography, Land Use and Spatial Planning, Institute of Environmental Management, Territorial Development and Urban Construction, Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University, Russia. *Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT The article presents the research on transformation of territorial organization of Russian pipeline transport in the post-Soviet time, considering its relations with neighbouring countries. The research identifies general ways of such transformation: The influence of Russia’s desire to escape from the dictate of the transit countries exporting energy; the impact of Russia’s struggle for the transportation of gas and oil extracted in the Caspian Sea basin; the influence of the struggle for the transportation of oil and gas in the Asia-Pacific region. A new database including the main pipelines and sea ports in Russia, revealed correlations in the development of pipeline transport in the post-Soviet period with the development of infrastructure of the country’s sea transport. The article identifies positive changes in the transport infrastructure (construction of Russian alternative pipeline projects), which will reduce the degree of Russian dependence on relations with neighbouring countries, as well as negative changes (construction of alternative Russian pipeline projects). -
Russian Oil and Gas Challenges
Order Code RL33212 Russian Oil and Gas Challenges Updated June 20, 2007 Robert Pirog Specialist in Energy Economics and Policy Resources, Science, and Industry Division Russian Oil and Gas Challenges Summary Russia is a major player in world energy markets. It has more proven natural gas reserves than any other country, is among the top ten in proven oil reserves, is the largest exporter of natural gas, the second largest oil exporter, and the third largest energy consumer. Energy exports have been a major driver of Russia’s economic growth over the last five years, as Russian oil production has risen strongly and world oil prices have been very high. This type of growth has made the Russian economy dependent on oil and natural gas exports and vulnerable to fluctuations in oil prices. The Russian government has moved to take control of the country’s energy supplies. It broke up the previously large energy company Yukos and acquired its main oil production subsidiary. The Duma voted to give Gazprom, the state- controlled natural gas monopoly the exclusive right to export natural gas; Russia moved to limit participation by foreign companies in oil and gas production and Gazprom gained majority control of the Sakhalin energy projects. Russia has agreed with Germany to supply Germany and, eventually, the UK by building a natural gas pipeline under the Baltic Sea, bypassing Ukraine and Poland. In late 2006 and early 2007, Russia cut off and/or threatened to cut off gas or oil supplies going to and/or through Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, and Belarus in the context of price and/or transit negotiations — actions that damaged its reputation as a reliable energy supplier. -
The Southern Gas Corridor
Energy July 2013 THE SOUTHERN GAS CORRIDOR The recent decision of The State Oil Company of The EU Energy Security and Solidarity Action Plan the Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR) and its consortium identified the development of a Southern Gas partners to transport the Shah Deniz gas through Corridor to supply Europe with gas from Caspian Southern Europe via the Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) and Middle Eastern sources as one of the EU’s is a key milestone in the creation of the Southern “highest energy securities priorities”. Azerbaijan, Gas Corridor. Turkmenistan, Iraq and Mashreq countries (as well as in the longer term, when political conditions This Briefing examines the origins, aims and permit, Uzbekistan and Iran) were identified development of the Southern Gas Corridor, including as partners which the EU would work with to the competing proposals to deliver gas through it. secure commitments for the supply of gas and the construction of the pipelines necessary for its Background development. It was clear from the Action Plan that the EU wanted increased independence from In 2007, driven by political incidents in gas supplier Russia. The EU Commission President José Manuel and transit countries, and the dependence by some Barroso stated that the EU needs “a collective EU Member States on a single gas supplier, the approach to key infrastructure to diversify our European Council agreed a new EU energy and energy supply – pipelines in particular. Today eight environment policy. The policy established a political Member States are reliant on just one supplier for agenda to achieve the Community’s core energy 100% of their gas needs – this is a problem we must objectives of sustainability, competitiveness and address”. -
Visegrad Group Facing the Nord Stream and South Stream Gas Pipeline Projects
VISEGRAD GROUP FACING THE NORD STREAM AND SOUTH STREAM GAS PIPELINE PROJECTS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY ZAHİDE TUĞBA ŞENTERZİ IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AUGUST 2012 I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Zahide Tuğba, Şenterzi Signature : iii ABSTRACT VISEGRAD GROUP FACING THE NORD STREAM AND SOUTH STREAM GAS PIPELINE PROJECTS Şenterzi, Zahide Tuğba MSc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Mustafa Türkeş August 2012, 163 pages This thesis analyzes the Visegrad Group’s stance toward the Russian-German Nord Stream and Russian-Italian South Stream gas pipeline projects, which aimed to circumvent the traditional energy routes situated in Central Europe and Eastern Europe. The level of the Visegrad Group’s dependency on inherited Soviet gas pipeline routes is examined alongside the Visegrad Group’s policy setting ability within the group itself and in the European Union. The thesis also traces the evolution of energy relations between Europe and Russia and Visegrad Group’s adaptation to the new state of affairs after the collapse of the Soviet Union, particularly with respect to energy issues. It is argued that despite all differences, Visegrad Group members are able to set a cooperation platform at times of crisis and develop common energy strategies. -
Security Aspects of the South Stream Project
BRIEFING PAPER Policy Department External Policies SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT FOREIGN AFFAIRS October 2008 JANUARY 2004 EN This briefing paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. It is published in the following language: English Author: Zeyno Baran, Director Center for Eurasian Policy (CEP), Hudson Institute www.hudson.org The author is grateful for the support of CEP Research Associates Onur Sazak and Emmet C. Tuohy as well as former CEP Research Assistant Rob A. Smith. Responsible Official: Levente Császi Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department BD4 06 M 55 rue Wiertz B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] Publisher European Parliament Manuscript completed on 23 October 2008. The briefing paper is available on the Internet at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/studies.do?language=EN If you are unable to download the information you require, please request a paper copy by e-mail : [email protected] Brussels: European Parliament, 2008. Any opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. © European Communities, 2008. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and provided the publisher is given prior notice and supplied with a copy of the publication. EXPO/B/AFET/2008/30 October 2008 PE 388.962 EN CONTENTS SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT ................................ ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................iii 1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................... 1 2. THE RUSSIAN CHALLENGE................................................................................... 2 2.1. -
3. Energy Reserves, Pipeline Routes and the Legal Regime in the Caspian Sea
3. Energy reserves, pipeline routes and the legal regime in the Caspian Sea John Roberts I. The energy reserves and production potential of the Caspian The issue of Caspian energy development has been dominated by four factors. The first is uncertain oil prices. These pose a challenge both to oilfield devel- opers and to the promoters of pipelines. The boom prices of 2000, coupled with supply shortages within the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), have made development of the resources of the Caspian area very attractive. By contrast, when oil prices hovered around the $10 per barrel level in late 1998 and early 1999, the price downturn threatened not only the viability of some of the more grandiose pipeline projects to carry Caspian oil to the outside world, but also the economics of basic oilfield exploration in the region. While there will be some fly-by-night operators who endeavour to secure swift returns in an era of high prices, the major energy developers, as well as the majority of smaller investors, will continue to predicate total production costs (including carriage to market) not exceeding $10–12 a barrel. The second is the geology and geography of the area. The importance of its geology was highlighted when two of the first four international consortia formed to look for oil in blocks off Azerbaijan where no wells had previously been drilled pulled out in the wake of poor results.1 The geography of the area involves the complex problem of export pipeline development and the chicken- and-egg question whether lack of pipelines is holding back oil and gas pro- duction or vice versa. -
( Publication Date: 4 April 2015
THE PIPELINE MAZE OF THE WIDER BLACK SEA REGION Claudiu-Nicolae Sonda (Postgraduate student in the M.A. Program - the International and European Relations-in the Linkoping University, Sweden) Copyright: Research Institute for European and American Studies (www.rieas.gr) Publication date: 4 April 2015 No discussion over the Black Sea region can be complete without referring to the energy field, more specifically oil and gas resources, pipelines, and transit routes. The energy sector is crucial not only in economic terms, but also for security. By security we mean energy security, defined as ‘the uninterrupted availability of energy sources at an affordable price’1. Furthermore, we are talking about security in traditional terms, mainly the danger of inter-state conflict over the control /access to natural resources. A properly informed conversation about energy in the Black Sea region demands a knowledge of the fundamentals. A lot has been written on the topic of energy pipelines, but we felt that a gap still exists. We find it essential to put together a clear and concise presentation of the major oil and gas pipelines running through the area. This paper has precisely such an aim. We will sort out the complex pipeline network into oil and gas pipelines, and the latter into operating and planned pipelines. Each pipeline will be dealt with shortly, leaving the analyses for 1 IEA.org: http://www.iea.org/topics/energysecurity/ 1 another time. As we mentioned, it is beyond the aim of this paper to delve into detailed accounts. Such accounts are already available elsewhere. Finally, we will not present the interconnectors, and the smaller pipelines. -
South Stream Becomes Serbian Stream
Serbia: South Stream becomes Serbian stream The position of the Republic of Serbia as a candidate for EU membership on the one hand and cooperation with Russia on the other allows this country to position itself as an intermediary between the two sides, between the East and the West. The re-export of Russian gas to other countries is exactly such an opportunity. While Russia is under EU sanctions and while the official Union policy reduces dependence on Russian gas (despite obvious contradictions like North Stream 2), Russia cannot sell gas to the EU under free market conditions. Serbia, as a still non-member of the Union, does not oblige to follow the same rules. The specific position in which Serbia is located allows this country to use it for its economic progress. After the Kremlin summit at the end of December last year, there were rumors that Russia will begin to change Russia’s natural gas supply agreement to Serbia, and allow this country to sell Russian gas to other countries, and now we are closer to realizing that plan. The Russian newsletter announced that Moscow will put an end to the agreement that stipulates that Russian natural gas can only be sold on the Serbian market. The agreement covers the period from 2012 to 2021 and envisages the delivery of up to five billion cubic meters per year. In order for this to be possible, Serbia will have to build new pipelines. At present, its pipes are connected only to Bosnia and Herzegovina, but since December, construction of a special branch of the gas pipeline from Dimitrovgrad to Niš has begun. -
Wiiw Research Report 367: EU Gas Supplies Security
f December Research Reports | 367 | 2010 Gerhard Mangott EU Gas Supplies Security: Russian and EU Perspectives, the Role of the Caspian, the Middle East and the Maghreb Countries Gerhard Mangott EU Gas Supplies Security: Gerhard Mangott is Professor at the Department Russian and EU of Political Science, University of Innsbruck. Perspectives, the Role of This paper was prepared within the framework of the Caspian, the the project ‘European Energy Security’, financed from the Jubilee Fund of the Oesterreichische Na- Middle East and the tionalbank (Project No. 115). Maghreb Countries Contents Summary ......................................................................................................................... i 1 Russia’s strategic objectives: breaking Ukrainian transit dominance in gas trade with the EU by export routes diversification ............................................................... 1 1.1 Nord Stream (Severny Potok) (a.k.a. North European Gas Pipeline, NEGP) ... 7 1.2 South Stream (Yuzhnyi Potok) and Blue Stream II ......................................... 12 2 The EU’s South European gas corridor: options for guaranteed long-term gas supplies at reasonable cost ............................................................................... 20 2.1 Gas resources in the Caspian region ............................................................. 23 2.2 Gas export potential in the Caspian and the Middle East and its impact on the EU’s Southern gas corridor ................................................................. -
The Declared End of South Stream and Why Nobody Seems to Care Arno Behrens* 5 December 2014
The declared end of South Stream and why nobody seems to care Arno Behrens* 5 December 2014 ore than seven years after the South Stream pipeline project was first announced in June 2007, it finally seems to have been dropped by Russian President Vladimir MPutin on his visit to Turkey this week. This CEPS Commentary looks at the ostensible reasons for President Putin’s decision as well as what’s potentially behind them. It concludes that the EU may actually benefit from this decision in being able to secure more gas with less political interference from Russia. The primary reason for abandoning the project stated in President Putin’s speech was that the European Commission had been “unconstructive”. “It’s not that the European Commission has helped to implement this project – it’s that we see obstacles being created in its implementation”.1 He is referring to the insistence by the European Commission for participating member states to respect internal market legislation and thus to carry out their obligations associated with the EU acquis communautaire. In particular, the Commission called on member states to comply with the Third Energy Package and the associated Gas Directive, which has two central elements: the effective separation of networks from supply (‘unbundling’) and non- discriminatory access by third parties to the infrastructure. Against this background, the Commission in December 2013 found that the Intergovernmental Agreements (IGAs) for the construction of South Stream between Russia on the one hand and Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Hungary, Serbia and Slovenia on the other were all in breach of EU law inter alia regarding ‘unbundling’ and ‘third party access’. -
Argus Nefte Transport
Argus Nefte Transport Oil transportation logistics in the former Soviet Union Volume XVI, 5, May 2017 Primorsk loads first 100,000t diesel cargo Russia’s main outlet for 10ppm diesel exports, the Baltic port of Primorsk, shipped a 100,000t cargo for the first time this month. The diesel was loaded on 4 May on the 113,300t Dong-A Thetis, owned by the South Korean shipping company Dong-A Tanker. The 100,000t cargo of Rosneft product was sold to trading company Vitol for delivery to the Amsterdam-Rotter- dam-Antwerp region, a market participant says. The Dong-A Thetis was loaded at Russian pipeline crude exports berth 3 or 4 — which can handle crude and diesel following a recent upgrade, and mn b/d can accommodate 90,000-150,000t vessels with 15.5m draught. 6.0 Transit crude Russian crude It remains unclear whether larger loadings at Primorsk will become a regular 5.0 occurrence. “Smaller 50,000-60,000t cargoes are more popular and the terminal 4.0 does not always have the opportunity to stockpile larger quantities of diesel for 3.0 export,” a source familiar with operations at the outlet says. But the loading is significant considering the planned 10mn t/yr capacity 2.0 addition to the 15mn t/yr Sever diesel pipeline by 2018. Expansion to 25mn t/yr 1.0 will enable Transneft to divert more diesel to its pipeline system from ports in 0.0 Apr Jul Oct Jan Apr the Baltic states, in particular from the pipeline to the Latvian port of Ventspils. -
The Polish-Russian Deal on Natural Gas Supply: the Incapacity of the EU Energy Policy
2010 No. 6 (34) The Polish-Russian Deal on Natural Gas Supply: The Incapacity of the EU Energy Policy Vytautas Sirijos Gira On October 29, 2010, Poland and Russia signed an agreement on the supply of Russian natural gas until 2022 (with an option to extend the agreement until 2037). The agreement stipulates that in 2010 the Russian natural gas company Gazprom will supply 9.7 billion cubic meters of gas to Poland, and from 2011 it will supply 11 billion cubic meters of natural gas annually1. An agreement was also reached on the transit of Russian natural gas to Western Europe through the Yamal-Europe natural gas pipeline2 section in Poland's territory until 2019 (with a possible extension of the transit of natural gas until 2045). This agreement between Poland and Russia on Russian natural gas supply could be considered a unique continuation of the improvement of bilateral relations between these two countries in the energy area that is not very favourable to Lithuania for a number of reasons. Firstly, this deal in a way is a mutual compromise that Poland and Russia have arrived at, which formally conforms to the legal norms of the EU’s 3rd Energy Package (on the unbundling of extraction, supply and distribution of energy resources); however, it inevitably increases Poland's energy dependence on Russia. Secondly, the improving Polish-Russian relations in the energy sector in short and medium terms create conditions for further penetration of Russian capital into the energy sector of Eastern and Central European countries (Poland, the Baltic States and others).