An Experience of Women with Guns Under ZANU PF During the Liberation Struggle of 1972-1980

Review

Real political empowerment or political Gimmick? An experience of women with guns under ZANU PF during the liberation struggle of 1972-1980

Dorothy Goredema and Percyslage Chigora*

Department of History and Development Studies, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe.

Accepted 02 March, 2011

During and after the liberation struggle, ZANU PF boasted of having liberated women from the clutches of patriarchy by according women the same status with men in the liberation struggle. The party posed as the liberator of its women folk and mythologized female emancipation upon which it could congratulate itself. These writers’ will demonstrate in these and other matters that the political empowerment of women in the liberation struggle was nothing but a political gimmick for the party to win the war and get international sympathy as a socialist democratic party.

Key words: Gender, women, empowerment, liberation struggle, ZANU PF, Zimbabwe.

INTRODUCTION

The armed struggle waged by African nationalists against CONTENDING ISSUES the white minority government under Ian Smith lasted eighteen years. Eventually negotiations and elections ZANU PF`s position regarding female empowerment were held, leading to the independence of Zimbabwe. during the liberation struggle The Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front, ZANU PF won the elections in 1980 and formed a new As already stated there was much rhetoric about government. With the new government, a legend deve- women’s roles in the war. ZANU PF rhetoric claimed that loped about the role of African women in the liberation women had formed a large part of the fighting forces and struggle. ZANU PF boasted about how it had emanci- that they had won equality of status and esteem. How- pated and empowered women during the liberation ever it can be argued that when the liberation struggle struggle. started ZANU PF had no intention of incurporating As such ZANUPF `s alleged transformation of women’s women as fighters. The war was viewed as anal male during the war was proclaimed in a series of publications affair. In 1984, four years after independence Mugabe the pictures shown in the party newspaper, showed admitted that the original view of the party shared within women in action, either in military action, training the party was to recruit male cadres for military training. exercises or operating mounted guns aiming to shoot or He testified that “the belief we had then which obviously receiving military briefing at the front (Nhongo- was a mistaken belief was that only male cadres could Simbanegavi, 2005). The paper through its pictures and prosecute an armed struggle.” (The Herald Reporter, writings left its readers with the impression that the 1984) liberation struggle had afforded women a new status in However from 1972, ZANU PF was forced by circum- society, a new status of empowerment. However it is the stances on the ground to embark on a programme of contention of this paper that the political empowerment of mass recruitment. The intensification of the war made the women during the liberation struggle under ZANU PF leadership to realize that they needed every human was nothing but political rhetoric. resource they could get. Chung (2007) argues that it was the imperative of laying a sound political foundation as well as the bringing in of large quantities of weapons that brought about the need to train women for the first time. *Corresponding author. E-mail: [email protected]. As such it can be argued that initially ZANU PF had 28 Afr. J. Hist. Cult.

no gender agenda for the inclusion of women in the war. Block as the donors were convinced of the party`s The inclusion of women in the war was one of the dedication to the emancipation of the oppressed both unintended outcome of the war. As the party started to men and women. Fortunately for ZANU PF, the height of recruit women, it needed to explain to the public this the armed struggle coincided with the beginning of the sudden change of strategy. To this effect ZANU PF UN Decade for women in 1975. This saw international employed the ideology of socialism. The party stated that attention turning to the experiences of both men and it was a socialist party guided by socialist ideologies and women in the armed struggle. To show its dedication to principles. Mugabe (1983: 81) explained that as a the emancipation of women, an eight-member delegation liberation Movement with a socialist programme, we are from the nationalist parties ZANU and ZAPU was invited particularly interested in the role and position of women in to attend the opening conference of the UN Decade for socialist countries so we can, by comparison, judge our women (Lyonns, 2004: 45). progress or lack of it in the process for the empowerment Here the seeds of women’s liberation were planted and and advancement of our women. ZANU PF received support and sympathy from the Having borrowed the socialist model of the revolution, international community for this noble cause. With the Xai Mugabe then authenticated his new strategy by following Xai Congress of ZANU PF boasted that it had reached a closely in the footsteps of Mao and Lenin. Quoting critical climax of the history of the women’s struggle. The examples from Mao. Mugabe (1983: 82) stated that: party professed that with that conference, it had buried patriarchy since women had won the right to a new status “If women are not drawn into the public service, into on a battlefield (Nhongo-Simbanegavi, 2006: 19). militia, into political life, women are not torn off their However there is need to treat all this socialist rhetoric stupefying house and kitchen environment, it will be with extreme caution as the rhetoric misrepresent the impossible to build even democracy let alone socialism .” facts. In its pre-occupation with racial issues of colonialism. ZANU PF ended up romanticizing gender On another occasion Mugabe (1983: 82) quoted Mao and equality. An analysis of the actual roles played by women stated that: in the liberation struggle makes it abundantly clear that ZANU PF had hardly laid any foundation for a significant “When women all over the country rise up, that will be transformation of gender relation during the struggle. the day of the victory of the revolution. If women are not Gender reforms were never on the movement’s practical emancipated socialism is only half established.” agenda.

From the above it can be noted that the rhetoric of women’s emancipation was merged with the discourse of nationalism. As pointed by Lyonns (2004: 44), women Roles played by women under ZANU PF in the were encouraged to see the potential of their own liberation struggle; real empowerment or a political liberation within nationalism. The nationalist discourse of gimmick? socialism emphasized the point that women’s emancipation would result from national independence, The picture that emerges from research clearly shows hence the need for women to fight for independence. As that women `s roles during the liberation were not equal stated by one ZANU PF magazine: to those of their male counterparts. ZANLA leaders allocated women roles as cooks, nurses, porters and ”No progress can be reached without the effective carries. According to Musariri (2010) an ex-combatant: participation of women. Women must now totally dedicate themselves to the revolution. Only through conscious ”Our role as women was that we were carriers of participation in the revolutionary struggle will ammunition. It was actually heavier than instituting the Zimbabwean women gain the confidence of their men. war itself since you were expected to carry a train of The progressive world is aware women are at the fore bullets, medical supplies and a gun to protect yourself.” front of the anti- imperialist fight. Women have scored great achievements .Recognition of the role of women in In another interview, Hofisi (2009) of Gweru, another ex- the struggle for men’s emancipation is of importance by combatant explained that despite the fact that women all progressive forces” (Zimbabwe People`s Voice, 1979: were trained for combat, it was only on very small 10). proportion of women who actually went to the front. It was very, very, rare. The majorities were employed in different The net effect of this socialist rhetoric was that to the way in their various camps, as cooks, nurses and international community the party passed for a true teachers “. socialist party .dedicated to socialist and democratic On the same note, Tongogara`s account also confirms ideas of the liberation of both men and women. how women covered long distance of approximately 180 Consequently donor funding in the form of arms and km on foot with loads of ammunition and other supplies to finances began to pour in particularly from the Eastern hand over to their male comrades at the front. By 1974, Goredema and Chigora 29

the party had created a Women's Detachment specially opportunities. Furthermore the party was well aware that for its purpose. Mrs Moyo who was a member of the being given a position of power does not translate to detachment spoke of how they were often allocated having power to make decisions. The women who were duties: promoted to positions of power during the struggle lacked authority to make decisions to improve the positions of “We started carrying material before training. We carried their fellow women. war materials from Chifombo in Zambia to the front. The These researchers also feel that if ZANU PF was really comrades needed the material to fight the enemy. My concerned with the political empowerment of the female training came much later”. (Moyo, 2009). guerrillas they the party could have dealt with the issue of gross under representation of women in the party The argument that ZANU PF had not liberated women structures. This is viewed in the context that by 1978, can be further substantiated by the fact that by the 1970s ZANU claimed that its total forces would have been 40 women demanded that the party `s rhetoric of gender 000 and 10 000. A large population of these numbers was equality be matched with deeds such that by 1979 when said to be women (Nhongo-Simbanegavi, 2000). The the ZANU congress was held, women demanded that party`s reluctance to empower women is seen when one they be empowered. According to a former Lieutenant considers that by 1979 only one woman, out of 10 000 Colonel Getrude Mutasa of the Zimbabwe National Army: sat in the High Command In 1979. Robert Mugabe ex-plained at the Xai Xai Conference ”By the time of 1979 ZANU PF congress the women's that Sheba Tavarwisa who became the deputy secretary anger was boiling over. The mood at the congress for education was the only women in the High Command. become explosive as many women demanded that The High Command was ZANLA`S highest level of rhetoric of gender equality be matched with deeds”. command which had 28 members. The central committee (Nhongo-Simbanegavi, 2000) had 33 posts all in all including a vacant post for the deputy secretary for Women’s Affairs. Reluctant to It should be noted that unlike the earlier recruits of elevate women to positions of power ZANU PF left the women who were less educated the new wave of recruits post vacant until 1979 when the women’s conference was who joined the struggle from 1975 were mostly high held and the post was given to Sally Mugabe ,wife to school leavers. Others had been teachers and nurses. Robert Mugabe the president of the party (Nhongo- Given their background, many of them hoped to get Simbanegavi, 2000: 89). promotion through serving as carriers with the Women's It should be noted that the post remained vacant not Detachment (Nhongo-Simbanegavi, 2000) These women because of lack of educated people to fill the post but did not see the rational behind giving women the same because the party was reluctant to pick any woman to military training as men when they were being promoted take up the position. The party had many educated from engaging in cross-border operations. They were women who were used as teachers and nurses in ZANLA also against ZANLA`s emphasis on combat roles as the s rear base schools and hospitals. Some of the women main criteria for promotion. On the other hand men who served as military instructors giving political instruction to had never been to the front were promoted entirely on the recruits. Others served as the party’s clerical or basis of their pre-war qualifications. They questioned why secretarial staffing various administrative departments. A the same treatment could not be accorded to them. few of these women would rise and reach the rank of ZANU responded by labeling these women as General Staff, further than that there was no room to dangerous. As such they were constantly watched by the maneuver, a sign that the party resisted the Department of Security and Intelligence. These women’s empowerment of women. concerns and activities over equality featured as In 1976 ZANLA`s High Command was released from ”problems and reactionary tendencies” in the ZANLA detention .As such in 1977 he began to reorganize the official discourse. Furthermore this group of women was party. As party of the reorganization, the Department of deliberately denied and deprived any formal platform by Women’s Affairs was formed with Teurai Ropa as its the party to air their concerns. However, although the Secretary .However the high point of this development is party underplayed these women’s demands, the leader- that this should not be mistaken for an attempt by the ship realized the need to act before the situation got out leadership to put women’s emancipation on the of hand. organization’s agenda but an attempt to silence an They realized that they needed to channel this new unsettling voice rising from within a new group of female discourse into a structure that did not challenge the very fighters within the camps. Their aim was to contain the” basis upon which their nationalist movement rested. As radical” ideas that had started circulating during their such they decided to make room for a few women to get absence. into politics. By allowing a few handpicked elite women They reasoned that the only way to contain the into position of power, ZANU PF hoped to placate the situation was for the party to pose as the liberator and female guerrillas who were clamoring for equal patron of its women folk through the creation of state or 30 Afr. J. Hist. Cult.

party run gender machinery. The party decides that it had were not completely overthrown. (ZANU PF Archives, to be careful on the appointments of personnel in the 1977). gender machinery. ZANU PF realized that it needed to On another occasion she urged the female guerrillas to channel this new discourse into the structure and with the be realists and avoid extremes in their search for liber- “right “personnel who would not challenge the very basis ation from oppression by the male sex. She warned them upon which their nationalist movement rested. Conse- to keep at bay “this type of women’s liberation” if they quently the party created some political space for a few wished to maintain their usefulness in society. Finally she handpicked elite women and strategically positioned reminded them not to seek to be men. ZANU (PF them, albeit as puppets, to lead the Department of Archives, 1977) Women’s Affairs. This coming from the Department designed to The handpicked women who became the leaders of the champion the emancipation of women clearly shows that Department of Women’s Affairs were Teurai Ropa, who the politics of women during the liberation struggle under was the wife of the ZANLA Operations Commander, Rex ZANU was nothing but a political gimmick aimed at both Nhongo. Her Deputy was Sally Mugabe, the wife of placating female guerrillas and making the international Robert Mugabe, the then President of the party .Julia community into believing that ZANU PF was a socialist Zvobgo who became the Department’s secretary was the party guided by democratic ideas. Clearly the women wife of Edison Zvobgo, the party’s Publicity Secretary who had been chosen to champion female empowerment (Nhongo-Simbanegavi, 2000: 51). Thus although the were not advancing the gender agenda but the party party had made room for women into politics it cannot be interests of liberating women along and within nationalists ignored that it handpicked a few elite women whom the demands. As it turned out, the majority of the female party was quite sure would not attack the patriarchal guerrillas, particularly the educated ones ended up basis of the party. These women’s connection with their dismissing the department as a “club for the commanders husbands who happened to be in power within the same wives or a club for Chimoio people.” This should be party cannot be ignored. Speculation about their understood in the context that some of the departmental husbands` influence regarding their appointments, again leadership’s passive response to and sometimes active cannot be ignored. These researchers are of the opinion support of discriminatory practices against women that ZANU PF employed the ideology of femocracy. contradicted what they stood for in the theory. Some Femocracy believes that female politicians must be under members actively promoted negative tendencies and the patronage of a potentially powerful and influential practices of abuse by men towards women by actually male politician, what one can call politics of patronage. blaming women. Politics of patronage believes that there has to be a’ big The other factor which has led these researchers to brother” to see women through the ranks of politics. The argue that ZANU PF did not have the will to empower adoption of this ideology by ZANU PF should explain why women but was more interested on rhetoricising women’s the creation and the appointment of these women into issues and window dressing gender issues to conform to position of power failed to improve the lot of the female international conventions while leaving the structural guerrillas. basis of inequality intact is the fact that except for a few Hassim (2005: 16) is of the opinion that this stems from women already stated Teurai Ropa worked mostly with the fact that the few elite women, handpicked by the party men in her department. Nhongo-Simbanegavi (2000: 53) owe their allegiance first and foremost to the party which Nhongo-Simbanegavi, commented that one cannot really had elevated them and not to the women they are be persuaded to see Teurai Ropa`s department as a supposed to represent. On the same note Nhongo- move towards addressing gender differences, especially Simbanegavi, (2000: 51) asks how seriously the female when the new secretary for women’s affairs worked guerrillas would have expected the “commanders` wives almost entirely with men. These researchers are of the “to confront problems that could have been caused and same sentiments ,drawing attention to the arrangements could be blamed on the leadership who were their she made when she went for maternity leave .Despite the husbands or their husbands` friends? fact that ZANU had about 10 000 women fighting under The nationalist leaders were traditionalist patriarchs its wing, when Teurai Ropa went for leave she left the which meant that those who had been selected to lead department of women affairs to a man, Cde Mayor women’s affairs had to work towards fulfilling nationalist Urimbo. She explained: demands to sort out the issues of women empowerment. To placate the radical female guerrillas the leadership in ”I left my department with Cde Mayor Urimbo.Cde Mayor the Department of Women’s Affairs constantly reminded left it to Cde Rex Nhongo who was to work with Cdes their fellow women of their obligation to preserve their George, Domini. After holding a meeting with the “culture” In 1979 Teurai Ropa informed her fellow women executive committee, they pointed out that 6 months for that there was not going to be a revolution for women. my maternity leave was too much since Cde Urimbo She also added that there would not be a complete could not hold two posts at one goal.”` (ZANU PF overthrow of patriarchy just as colonialism and capitalism Archives, 1978). Goredema and Chigora 31

The implications of such a move are clear, no woman the majority of women were given auxiliary duties to could be trusted to act in Teurai`s absence. The perform in the war regardless of their educational Department’s alliance with men made it very unpopular background. The picture shown of women with guns did with most female guerrillas. This alliance the males within not imply that there were fighting; rather, they are relying the party made it easy for the party to show-piece the on the guns, that is, handing them over to men. Woman elite women it had empowered as products of the party’s were the relays of military munitions used by man dedication towards female empowerment. In this case Teurai contrary to its claims of politically empowering women, became ZANU PF`s product of the party`s revolutionary the war actually entrenched the domestication of women. stance on gender issues. On her journeys abroad, Teurai The few women that were promoted were only promoted Ropa articulated women’s problems in a way that after women had complained about gender inequality in impressed her external audiences. To her external 1979. Those promoted however save political affiliation audiences, she represented the group of women that with the male leadership of ZANU that these women first ZANU PF sought to silence in the camps. Addressing a and foremost owed their allegiance to the political party th gathering at the 8 congress of the women’s union in led by their husbands. As such their sympathies lay Albania, she stated that: mostly in the party than with their fellow sisters. As such, cases of sexual abuse were left uninvestigated; venereal ”women comrades are represented at every level of our diseases which broke out were blamed on the looseness organization. From the national executive through the of women. Those women who were raped or found central committee, high command and general staff down themselves with children of the guerillas were ridiculed as to every level. We have won our rights and place in the loose. Internationally, the empowered women entrenched revolution not by anyone’s pity but through our and rhetoric zed women’s emancipation. On their determination, devotion and bravery. To be fair however, journeys abroad these women articulated women’s we owe a lot to our male comrades who have stood by problems in ways that impressed their audience. The us fought for our rights, allowed us a degree of freedom women were enough proof to the international world of to contribute to the best of our abilities to the national ZANU PF’s dedication to women empowerment. Thus, cause”. (Nhongo-Simbanegavi, 2000: 3). that the political status of women in the war was nothing a liberator and patron of its women folk, it rhetoric zed This claim by Teurai Ropa could not be substantiated by women’s issues and window dressed gender issues to these researchers during the period of this research. conform to international conventions while living the Furthermore, by making such claims to the international structural basis of patriarchy and gender inequality intact, community Teurai succeeded in letting her fellow women but a political gimmick. The positions they held were a down since these women were grossly under showcase of political empowerment, ZANU PF posed as represented within the party hierarchy. As observed by a liberator and patron of its women folk, it rhetoric zed Nhongo-Simbanegavi (2000: 5) some of the women women’s issues and window dressed gender issues to written about were not even aware that such things were conform to international conventions while living the being said about them since distribution of the party structural basis of patriarchy and gender inequality intact. magazine, The Zimbabwe News, was very limited in the camps. A look at the literature compiled for general political ideological development have led these researchers to REFERENCES conclude that ZANU PF had hardly laid any foundations Chung F (2007). Reliving The Memories of the first Chimurenga, for a significant transformation of gender relations during Weaver Press, Harare. the liberation struggle. Excerpts from the Chinese Hassim S (2005). ”Terms of Engagement: South African Challenges”, in Communist leader Mao Tse Tung`s writings and those of Feminist Africa, pp. 16. Herald Reporter (1984). The Herald, 16 March. Lenin formed the major part of the party’s collection of Hofisi E (2009). Interview in Gweru, 13 December. materials for their lectures. Although this was the case Lyons T (2004) Guns and Guerrilla Girls, Women In Zimbabwe`s the party did not use t as its points of reference regarding Liberation Struggle Trenton,Africa World Press,2004. policy on women, until 1979 with the holding of the Xai Nhongo – Simbanegavi J (2000). For Better or Worse, Weaver Press, Harare, pp. 3-89. Xai conference and the conference was held a few Moyo R (2009) Ex-combatant, Interview in Gweru, 14 December. months before the cease-fire. This has made these Musariri (2010).Ex-combatant, Gweru, 11 December. researchers to conclude that gender reforms were never Mugabe R (1983) Our Way Of Liberation,Gweru,Mambo Press. on the party’s practical agenda. ZANU PF Archives File (1977). Defense Secretariat:Women`s Affairs Doc, ”Women’s League Meeting, Doroa Camp,28 December. ZANU PF Archives File (1978). Department Of Women`s Affairs,Doc,Meeting of Secretary For WOMEN`s Affairs With Osibisa CONCLUSION Officers ,3 December. Zimbabwe People`s Voice (1979) ZANU PF Edition, UK. pp. 10.

To conclude, these researchers strongly feel that the liberation struggle did not lead to the liberation of women,