A “Nation-Stadium” Under Construction: Discursive Struggles on the Rio De Janeiro’S Preparation for the 1950 World Cup
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1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE A “NATİON-STADİUM” UNDER CONSTRUCTİON: DİSCURSİVE STRUGGLES ON THE RİO DE JANEİRO’S PREPARATİON FOR THE 1950 WORLD CUP ERICK OMENA Address: Av. Pedro Calmon, 550, sala 537, 5º andar - Ilha do Fundão. Cep 21941901 – Rio de Janeiro, RJ e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article is motivated by the possibility of collaborating on historiography concerned with conflicts around global sports events, especially on Rio de Janeiro’s preparation for the 1950 Football World Cup and the construction of its most iconic project: the Maracanã stadium. Based on previous studies, this work specifically intends to answer two questions: what were the main conflicts over the construction of such stadium? And what representations of the Brazilian nation did underpin those struggles? Methodology is based on data collection from the main newspapers devoted to the subject at that time combined with proper literature in order to identify the dominant discourses around this issue and their characteristics. It is considered the period between 1946, when Brazil is officially chosen by FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) to host the event, and mid-1950, just before the start of the competition. INTRODUCTION Over the past years the Brazilian government has made increasing efforts to consolidate the country as an international mega-event host, following a trend found in other semi-peripheral nations. After several attempts, the representatives of Rio de Janeiro were finally awarded the right to organize the 2007 Pan-American games, the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Summer Olympics. Despite the recent wave of events, it does not mean that this is the first time Brazil and Rio de Janeiro have been involved in the task of hosting international sports events. It is also not the first time public opinion is mobilized around the issue. In 1950, the FIFA World Cup IV took place in Rio de Janeiro and five other Brazilian cities, just a few years after the end of the World War II. With this history in mind, this article is motivated by the possibility of using historiography of the period to interrogate the city’s preparation for that event, especially in regard to its most iconic project: the construction of the Maracanã 1 Cities, nations and regions in planning history stadium. Based on investigation of primary documents, this work intends to answer the following questions: what were the main conflicts over the construction of the Maracanã stadium? And what were the symbolic representations of the Brazilian nation that underpinned those struggles? The study uses as its source materials data collected from the principal daily newspapers and magazines of the era as well as a wide range of academic studies in order to identify the dominant discourses around the issue and their characteristics. It ranges from the first months of 1946, when FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) chose Brazil to host the World Cup, and mid-1950, just before the start of the competition. In order to achieve the selected goals, this text is divided is three main sections. In the first one, historical precedents of the world cup preparation time are considered, clearing decisive social aspects responsible for the conformation of the political-economic context studied. Second section brings organized collected data about material conflicts over the construction of the Maracanã stadium. Then, third section does the same about related symbolic struggles over the Brazilian national image. It is, at last, followed by analytical conclusions which aim to answer the initial posed questions. 1) HİSTORİCAL BACKGROUND The announcement that Brazil would host the IV Football World Cup came at a time of significant political, economic and social change. The comprehension of such historical setting and its precedents is essential to understand the disputes portrayed by the press around Rio de Janeiro’s preparation for the event. The end of World War II opened the possibility of re-starting the World Cup, which had been suspended since 1938. It is generally recognized that the 1950 World Cup was held in Brazil because of the European war destruction. Others cite football geopolitics and FIFA’s need to consolidate its hegemony as the main causes of this choice, since South America had emerged as an important power (Franzini, 2010). At the national level, Getulio Varga’s “Estado Novo” regime was terminated just a few months before the FIFA’s decision and after 15 years with no national direct elections. Close to its end, in 1942, long-term president Getulio Vargas - hard pressed by external and internal contexts1 - began to try to make a transition to a more open government by seeking greater legitimacy among the people. Since then, actions such as official propaganda on popular media2 and new concessions to the working class in the form of labour laws’ consolidation 1 After close relationships with the Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy and their ideologies, the Brazilian government decided to support the allied forces at the end of II World War by sending troops to Europe. It contributed to make re-democratization claims from clandestine oppositionists stronger, forcing Vargas to change the regime. 2 At that time the Department of Propaganda and Press (DIP), created in the end of 1939, imposed actions such as the exhibition of the Getulio Vargas’ picture in every commercial establishment and the broadcasting of an official radio show called “Hora do Brasil”, which was mandatory for all radio stations broadcastings. 1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE and minimum wage increase became usual3. Nevertheless, despite the promise of suffrage by the end of 1945, Vargas was deposed by an opposition group that has mobilized to run for the elections, but distrusted the intentions of the president to avoid them through a new coup, as had occurred in 1937. A few months later, Eurico Gaspar Dutra - a general who had been Vargas' Minister of War, but at the end of his government became a dissident - was elected. The new president also sought greater legitimacy among the people for his actions. In general terms, the policy of popularizing the Brazilian president was retained by the new elected government. After the dictatorship and since the elections of 1945 there was also more plurality in political representation. Three main political parties emerged: the PSD (Social Democratic Party), which gathered much of the previous government’s bases, the UDN (National Democratic Union), which included the various opposition groups and the PTB (Brazilian Labour Party) formed from the unions controlled by Vargas. There were also some significant social changes related to the increasing of football popularity in Brazil during its preparation time for the World Cup. The period of greatest population growth in the country's history, between 1940 and 1970 Brazil’s population more than doubled, going from 41 to 93 million in just 30 years. The interval between 1940 and 1950 was specially marked by high birth rates and drastic reductions in mortality, resulting in an increasing population growth. This was heavily influenced by the implementation of essential health services like sanitation and hospitals. Over 52% of the population was below 20 years of age (Alves e Bruno, 2006). This demographic transformation was accompanied by a high economic production. In the late 1940s developmentalism, represented by GDP growth in conjunction with industrialization policies and openness to foreign capital, has its first big boost. The ideology of developmentalism pointed to the modernization of the country led by State combined with promotion of national pride. Thus, the steep increase of the population, which became more urban and remained extremely young, coupled with the popularization of radio and other press advancements helped to deepen the process of increasing football popularity in Brazil started in the 1920s (Del Priore and Melo, 2009). Other factors as the ease of practicing football and the social mobility opportunities provided to lower classes through its professionalization in the 1930s also contributed for such consolidation (Pereira, 2000). On the other hand, one sees a trend towards a government growing concern about obtaining legitimacy for its actions in a more democratic atmosphere through propaganda and the use of developmentalist ideology. It combined the idea of country’s modernization and Brazilian pride celebration with rapid economic growth and big infra-structure projects. Considering both contexts, the task of organizing a World Cup fitted very well to the state rulers’ initiatives. Because of its previous enormous popularity rise, 3 For further information, see the text of the 1943 labour law at http://www2.camara.gov.br/legin/fed/declei/1940-1949/decreto-lei-5452-1-maio-1943- 415500-publicacaooriginal-1-pe.html 3 Cities, nations and regions in planning history football became a valuable means for established power to approach the masses. Then, organizing the competition was a clear opportunity of making the government more popular, even though the people’s material conditions would later deteriorate4. Therefore, it was a peculiar historical conjuncture involving international economic crisis and national political and social changes which maximized the 1950 World Cup’s symbolic power. However, the potential meanings about to emerge were not previously determined and, due to its importance and to the strengthening of opposition groups, the preparation for the Brazilian World Cup would have to pass through tough struggles. 2) A STADIUM AT STAKE In June 1947, after the City Hall and City Council’s decision to build a new stadium in Rio de Janeiro for the World Cup5, a long debate in the press began to revolve around three main issues: 1) whether the work should be run either by State or private enterprise, 2) how the responsible institution would execute the project and 3) what would be the best location for the new arena (Melo, 2011).