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ORIGINS of the PALESTINE MANDATE by Adam Garfinkle
NOVEMBER 2014 ORIGINS OF THE PALESTINE MANDATE By Adam Garfinkle Adam Garfinkle, Editor of The American Interest Magazine, served as the principal speechwriter to Secretary of State Colin Powell. He has also been editor of The National Interest and has taught at Johns Hopkins University’s School for Advanced International Studies (SAIS), the University of Pennsylvania, Haverford College and other institutions of higher learning. An alumnus of FPRI, he currently serves on FPRI’s Board of Advisors. This essay is based on a lecture he delivered to FPRI’s Butcher History Institute on “Teaching about Israel and Palestine,” October 25-26, 2014. A link to the the videofiles of each lecture can be found here: http://www.fpri.org/events/2014/10/teaching-about- israel-and-palestine Like everything else historical, the Palestine Mandate has a history with a chronological beginning, a middle, and, in this case, an end. From a strictly legal point of view, that beginning was September 29, 1923, and the end was midnight, May 14, 1948, putting the middle expanse at just short of 25 years. But also like everything else historical, it is no simple matter to determine either how far back in the historical tapestry to go in search of origins, or how far to lean history into its consequences up to and speculatively beyond the present time. These decisions depend ultimately on the purposes of an historical inquiry and, whatever historical investigators may say, all such inquiries do have purposes, whether recognized, admitted, and articulated or not. A.J.P. Taylor’s famous insistence that historical analysis has no purpose other than enlightened storytelling, rendering the entire enterprise much closer to literature than to social science, is interesting precisely because it is such an outlier perspective among professional historians. -
De Búrca Rare Books
De Búrca Rare Books A selection of fine, rare and important books and manuscripts Catalogue 141 Spring 2020 DE BÚRCA RARE BOOKS Cloonagashel, 27 Priory Drive, Blackrock, County Dublin. 01 288 2159 01 288 6960 CATALOGUE 141 Spring 2020 PLEASE NOTE 1. Please order by item number: Pennant is the code word for this catalogue which means: “Please forward from Catalogue 141: item/s ...”. 2. Payment strictly on receipt of books. 3. You may return any item found unsatisfactory, within seven days. 4. All items are in good condition, octavo, and cloth bound, unless otherwise stated. 5. Prices are net and in Euro. Other currencies are accepted. 6. Postage, insurance and packaging are extra. 7. All enquiries/orders will be answered. 8. We are open to visitors, preferably by appointment. 9. Our hours of business are: Mon. to Fri. 9 a.m.-5.30 p.m., Sat. 10 a.m.- 1 p.m. 10. As we are Specialists in Fine Books, Manuscripts and Maps relating to Ireland, we are always interested in acquiring same, and pay the best prices. 11. We accept: Visa and Mastercard. There is an administration charge of 2.5% on all credit cards. 12. All books etc. remain our property until paid for. 13. Text and images copyright © De Burca Rare Books. 14. All correspondence to 27 Priory Drive, Blackrock, County Dublin. Telephone (01) 288 2159. International + 353 1 288 2159 (01) 288 6960. International + 353 1 288 6960 Fax (01) 283 4080. International + 353 1 283 4080 e-mail [email protected] web site www.deburcararebooks.com COVER ILLUSTRATIONS: Our front and rear cover is illustrated from the magnificent item 331, Pennant's The British Zoology. -
The Ndundulu Invasion –
The Ndundulu Invasion – Chapter 14 – When I Was Young When Gapon entered the room Bongi felt the tension. His handler was always in a rush for answers and activities and he was always meticulous in his questions, monitoring and assessment routine. This was one of the things that Bongi could not argue against. Gapon was thorough in his job and followed the Manuals to their finer detail. The problem that Bongi found in this type of approach was that the handler did not go deep enough, and this was one of the issues he felt obliged to raise with Gapon. However, he was reluctant to do that because he knew there will be a backlash, and this was the last thing he needed in his life, that was very complicated at the moment, to say the least. If he raised issues of detail, he was sure Gapon would go into a tirade bordering on the hysterical, accusatory and authority-laden attitude that had become his trademark in their conversations .This was the reason Bongi felt that he should have used more strategic and pious attitude in the feed back sessions. Tonight Gapon seemed to be bothered about something that troubled him greatly and after he pulled the bottle and stashed it in the mini-bar without opening it, he sat on his usual place in the couch. He did not pose for a minute as he seemed absorbed in looking at the painting on the wall. He turned towards Bongi, his eyes searching his employee’s inner feelings. “Why did my father call me Gapon? What name is this, Prof?” “How old are you chief?” “Why do you ask?” “It took you over 50 year to ask such a question, Nkosi.” “I was busy all these years, Prof.” “I understand, so you’re telling me that after so many years in Moscow, Dresden, Sofia, Harare, no one explained.” “No one, Prof.” “Now you are telling me, a soldier, a decorated soldier who spent time with a bunch of educated Commies does not know why his name is Gapon. -
Collection List A19
Leabharlann Náisiúnta na hÉireann National Library of Ireland Collection List 19 Augustine Henry and Evelyn Gleeson Papers (MS 13,698) (Accession 2501) Partial calendar with brief description of letters sent by Augustine Henry and Evelyn Gleeson between 1879 and 1928. Letters are arranged according to year and date. 1 Introduction Henry, Augustine (1857–1930), botanical collector and dendrologist, was born on 2 July 1857 in Dundee, the first of six children of Bernard Henry (c.1825–1891) and Mary MacNamee. His father, at one time a gold-prospector in California and Australia, was a native of the townland of Tyanee on the west bank of the River Bann in co. Londonderry. Soon after Austin (as Augustine was called within his family) was born, the family moved to Cookstown, co. Tyrone, where his father was in business as a flax dealer and owned a grocery shop. Henry was educated at Cookstown Academy and in Queen's College, Galway. He studied natural sciences and philosophy, graduating with a first-class bachelor of arts degree and a gold medal in 1877. Henry then studied medicine at Queen's College, Belfast, where he obtained his master of arts degree in 1878. For a year he was in the London Hospital, and during a visit to Belfast in 1879, at the suggestion of one of his professors, he applied for a medical post in the Chinese imperial maritime customs service. Henry completed his medical studies as rapidly as he could, became a licentiate from the Royal College of Physicians in Edinburgh, passed the Chinese customs service examinations (for which he required a working knowledge of Chinese) and and left for China in the summer of 1881. -
Supplement to the Londom Gazette, 23 June, 1915. 6113
SUPPLEMENT TO THE LONDOM GAZETTE, 23 JUNE, 1915. 6113 Lieutenant-General Sir James Willcocks, Lieutenant-Colonel (honorary Colonel) K.C.B., K.C.S.I., K.C.M.G., D.S.O., Com- The Right Honourable Lord Richard manding Indian Army Corps, British Expe- Frederick Cavendish, 5th Battalion, Royal ditionary Force. Lancaster Regiment (Territorial Force). Lieutenant-Colonel Algernon Hamilton Stannus Goff, Royal Artillery. To be Additional Members of the Second Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Wickham, The Class, or Knights Commanders of the said Most Northamptonshire Yeomanry (Territorial Distinguished Order: — Force). Lieutenant-General Sir John Grenfell Lieutenant-Colonel Frederic Gustav Lewis, Maxwell, K.C.B., C.V.O., C.M.G., D.S.O., 13th Princess Louise's Kensington Battalion, Colonel, The Black Watch (Royal High- The London Regiment (Territorial Force). landers), General Officer Commanding The Lieutenant-Colonel Arthur Anthony Force in Egypt. Howell, 3rd Battalion, The London Regi- Major-General (temporary Lieutenant- ment, Royal Fusiliers (Territorial Force). General) Sir Cecil Frederick Nevil Macready, Lieutenant-Colonel Harry Walker, 4th K.C.B., Adjutant-General, British Expe- City of Dundee Battalion, Royal High- ditionary Force. landers (Territorial Force). Major-General (temporary Lieutenant- Lieutenant-Colonel Colquhoun Scott General) William Riddell Birdwood, Dodgson, Army Service Corps. K.C.S.I., C.B., C.I.E., D.S.O., Indian Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert Graham Army, Mediterranean Expeditionary Force. Stainforth, Indian Army. Lieutenant-Colonel Rupert Shoolbred, 16th Battalion, The London Regiment, To be Additional Members of the Third Queen's Westminster Rifles (Territorial Class, or Companions of the said Most Dis- Force). tinguished Order: — Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Sydney Hamil- ton, Army Ordnance Department. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
Meiton-Electrical Palestine.Indd
Introduction the unalterable order of electrical palestine Of course, most of us don’t know anybody who knows how any of it works. It’s background stuff —infr a means “below,” and a good bit of this “below-structure” actually runs below ground, out of sight, or above our heads in skinny little wires we don’t notice anymore; what isn’t out of sight remains out of mind— until it fails. —scott huler, On Th e Grid1 on a day in late may 1923, more than a thousand people descended on the Arab town of Tulkarm, a community of four thousand inhabitants perched at the top of the fragmented limestone promontory that connects Palestine’s hilly interior to its eastern Mediterranean coastal plain. For centu- ries, Tulkarm had served as a staging post for armies of conquest and, in more peaceful times, for regional trade. But the agitated multitudes fl ocking to the town on this late-spring day in 1923 were not looking to truck, barter, and exchange. Nor was the gathering in Tulkarm the only one taking place in the spring and summer of 1923: in Jaff a, Haifa, Jerusalem, Nablus—all over Arab Palestine—people were turning out in unprecedented numbers to discuss the same emergent threat. Th ey came to discuss the electrifi cation of Palestine.2 Four years earlier, in 1919, the renowned Jewish engineer Pinhas Rutenberg had turned up in Palestine with designs for a countrywide power system and promises of capital infl ux and industrial modernity. He arrived in a land of wretched poverty. -
Coffey & Chenevix Trench
Leabharlann Náisiúnta na hÉireann National Library of Ireland Collection List No. 153 Coffey & Chenevix Trench Papers (MSS 46,290 – 46,337) (Accession No. 6669) Papers relating to the Coffey and Chenevix Trench families, 1868 – 2007. Includes correspondence, diaries, notebooks, pamphlets, leaflets, writings, personal papers, photographs, and some papers relating to the Trench family. Compiled by Avice-Claire McGovern, October 2009 1. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction....................................................................................................................... 4 I. Coffey Family............................................................................................................... 16 I.i. Papers of George Coffey........................................................................................... 16 I.i.1 Personal correspondence ....................................................................................... 16 I.i.1.A. Letters to Jane Coffey (née L’Estrange)....................................................... 16 I.i.1.B. Other correspondence ................................................................................... 17 I.i.2. Academia & career............................................................................................... 18 I.i.3 Politics ................................................................................................................... 22 I.i.3.A. Correspondence ........................................................................................... -
The Banshee's Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and The
The Banshee’s Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and the All for Ireland League. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Patrick Joseph Murphy. August 2019 1 The Banshee’s Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and the All for Ireland League. ABSTRACT Historians have frequently portrayed constitutional nationalism as being homogeneous - ‘the Home Rule movement’- after the reunification of the Irish parliamentary party in 1900. Yet there were elements of nationalist heterodoxy all over the country, but it was only in Cork where dissent took an organised form in the only formal breakaway from the Irish party when the All for Ireland League (A.F.I.L.) was launched in 1910. The AFIL took eight of the nine parliamentary seats in Cork and gained control of local government in the city and county the following year. Existing historical accounts do not adequately explain why support for the Home Rule movement collapsed in Cork, but also why the AFIL flourished there but failed, despite the aspiration of its name, to expand beyond its regional base. The AFIL is chiefly remembered for its visionary policy of conciliation with unionists following the Damascene conversion of its leader William O’Brien, transformed from the enemy of the landed classes to an apostle of a new kind of bi- confessional politics. This would, he claimed, end the ‘Banshee’s Kiss’, a cycle of conflict in which each new generation attempts to achieve Irish freedom. However, conciliation was a policy which was unpopular with both nationalists and unionists and O’Brien therefore needed to develop an electoral base by other means with more popular policies. -
A Most Thankless Job: Augustine Birrell As Irish
A MOST THANKLESS JOB: AUGUSTINE BIRRELL AS IRISH CHIEF SECRETARY, 1907-1916 A Dissertation by KEVIN JOSEPH MCGLONE Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Chair of Committee, R. J. Q. Adams Committee Members, David Hudson Adam Seipp Brian Rouleau Peter Hugill Head of Department, David Vaught December 2016 Major Subject: History Copyright 2016 Kevin McGlone ABSTRACT Augustine Birrell was a man who held dear the classical liberal principles of representative democracy, political freedom and civil liberties. During his time as Irish Chief Secretary from 1907-1916, he fostered a friendly working relationship with the leaders of the Irish Party, whom he believed would be the men to lead the country once it was conferred with the responsibility of self-government. Hundreds of years of religious and political strife between Ireland’s Nationalist and Unionist communities meant that Birrell, like his predecessors, took administrative charge of a deeply polarized country. His friendship with Irish Party leader John Redmond quickly alienated him from the Irish Unionist community, which was adamantly opposed to a Dublin parliament under Nationalist control. Augustine Birrell’s legacy has been both tarnished and neglected because of the watershed Easter Rising of 1916, which shifted the focus of the historiography of the period towards militant nationalism at the expense of constitutional politics. Although Birrell’s flaws as Irish Chief Secretary have been well-documented, this paper helps to rehabilitate his image by underscoring the importance of his economic, social and political reforms for a country he grew to love. -
British Security Policy in Ireland, 1920-1921: a Desperate Attempt by the Crown to Maintain Anglo-Irish Unity by Force
British Security Policy in Ireland, 1920-1921: A Desperate Attempt by the Crown to Maintain Anglo-Irish Unity by Force ‘What we are trying to do is to stop the campaign of assassination and arson, initiated and carried on by Sinn Fein, with as little disturbance as possible to people who are and who wish to be law abiding.’ General Sir Nevil Macready ‘outlining the British policy in Ireland’ to American newspaper correspondent, Carl W. Ackerman, on 2 April 1921.1 In the aftermath of victory in the Great War (1914-1918) and the conclusion to the peacemaking process at Versailles in 1919, the British Empire found itself in a situation of ‘imperial overstretch’, as indicated by the ever-increasing demands for Crown forces to represent and maintain British interests in defeated Germany, the Baltic and Black Seas regions, the Middle East, India and elsewhere around the world. The strongest and most persistent demand in this regard came from Ireland – officially an integral part of the United Kingdom itself since the Act of Union came into effect from 1 January 1801 – where the forces of militant Irish nationalism were proving difficult, if not impossible to control. Initially, Britain’s response was to allow the civil authorities in Ireland, based at Dublin Castle and heavily reliant on the enforcement powers of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), to deal with this situation. In 1920, however, with a demoralised administration in Ireland perceived to be lacking resolution in the increasingly violent struggle against the nationalists, London -
Creative Encounters Between Ireland and Latin America
Irish Migration Studies in Latin America 9:1 2018 Conscience as Compass: Creative Encounters between Ireland and Latin America Caoilfhionn Ní Bheacháin1 and Angus Mitchell2 Such reminders of our past links are important. They provide a well of potent memories: memories of joint struggles and aspirations, of hopes shared and dreams waiting to be taken up again – a well from which we can draw as we seek to respond to the challenges of our own times. Indeed, I believe that the best part of our past lies in those emancipatory promises whose trajectory was interrupted, but which continue to offer themselves to our present, begging to be realised. The sediment of those possibilities imagined, but yet to be realised, is what remains after the water of memory has been drawn. (Higgins 2017) In 2017, more than one hundred years after the Easter Rising, President Michael D. Higgins travelled to Latin America on a state visit. His journey recalled, literally and symbolically, the journeys of the many other Irishmen and women who made a similar crossing over the last two centuries. In his speech, quoted above and included in full in this special issue, President Higgins alludes to the shared memories and joint struggles of the peoples of Ireland and Latin America. This issue of Irish Migration Studies in Latin America considers the power of shared memories and the importance of ethical solidarity in the lives and creative work of activists, artists and intellectuals – individuals drawing on the healing potential and emancipatory promise of this “well of potent memories”. The centenary of the 1916 Rising has provided an opportunity to reflect on the unfulfilled promise of that revolutionary moment and on the trajectory of the Irish state since its foundation.