Pierre Birnbaum. Jewish Destinies: , State and Community in Modern France. Translated by Arthur Goldhammer. New York: Hill & Wang, 2000. vii + 324 pp. $35.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8090-6101-3.

Reviewed by Jonathan Judaken

Published on H- (February, 2001)

French-Jewish 'Emancipation' and its Discon‐ ous welcome extended to the from France' s tents former colonies.' --Annie Kriegel 'Let us be grateful to assimilation. If at the These two epigraphs encapsulate the histori‐ same time, we oppose it, it is because this ' with‐ cal, political and sociological questions raised in drawal into the self' which is essential to us, and this excellent translation of Pierre Birnbaum's which is so often disparaged, is not the symptom tour de force, Destins juifs: De la Revolution fran‐ of an outmoded phase of existence, but reveals a ' caise a Carpentras (1995). Jewish Destinies is an beyond' to universalism.' --Emmanuel Levinas ' outstanding overview of key debates and person‐ The vise gradually tightened. The frst stage alities that have shaped the history of Jews in was the roundup of a thousand prominent Jews in modern France. Birnbaum, a Professor at the Uni‐ December 1941. One of my uncles was in that versity of Paris I (Pantheon-Sorbonne) and the In‐ group. He and most of the others never returned stitut d'Etudes Politiques in Paris, a leading politi‐ from deportation. That roundup proved conclu‐ cal sociologist, and one of France's most eminent sively that Nazis were going to destroy the Jews, scholars of the political history of Jews in France, whatever their origin. Until then--not to their has written close to twenty books, several of credit or foresightedness, it must be said--French which have appeared in English. Unlike Paula Hy‐ Jews thought they would be treated diferently man's masterful social history of The Jews of Mod‐ from foreign Jews. That day, they realized that ern France (1998), which ofers a general histori‐ they shared a common destiny. This important cal survey, Birnbaum's book focuses on how the lesson infuenced the French Jewish community conficts faced by the contemporary Jewish com‐ in the postwar years. They realized that they munity between universality and particularity, shared a common destiny whatever their back‐ the national community and individuality, and re‐ ground. That explains, I believe, the warm, gener‐ ligiosity and secularism were shaped by France's distinct path through the modern period. H-Net Reviews

The text is divided into three parts with (3) the compatibility of communal structures with twelve chapters framed by an introduction and citizenship and the structures of the nation-state conclusion, with a preface for American and Eng‐ (p. 19). lish readers that sketches the diferences between On the basis of these principal issues, Birn‐ the constructions of citizenship, state and commu‐ baum revisits the historical debates of the Revolu‐ nity in France, the and Great tion that eventually led to Jewish emancipation Britain. An ' Afterword' discusses events in the on September 27, 1791, showing clearly that the French-Jewish community since the book's French price of Jewish emancipation was cultural inte‐ publication. Even for readers familiar with Birn‐ gration. Therefore, taking the civic oath, which baum's other work, his discussions of the 'Difer‐ conferred the right to vote and participate in civic ent Roads to Emancipation' (Part I) and 'The Scope life, meant limiting and Jewishness to the of the Opposition' (Part II) are nevertheless in‐ private sphere and that citizenship would be in triguing to revisit here because they are framed confict with communal afliation. This tension by the concerns he raises most directly in Part III, was the cost of the Franco-Jewish social contract ' The Unknown Present.' This section is richly in‐ that remained unchallenged until the Dreyfus Af‐ formed by the perspective of the longue duree, fair and that was torn asunder by the Vichy be‐ which Birnbaum concludes is sorely missing from trayal of the Jewish 'fous de la Republique' much of the discussion in France today (p. 277). [zealots for the Republic] (p. 4). Since his book is less a survey than a tableau that The limits of the model of French citizenship allows Birnbaum to intervene in the major histo‐ as the pathway to emancipation were best repre‐ riographical debates of modern French-Jewish sented by Abbe Gregoire, the outstanding history, I will discuss each chapter to highlight the spokesman for Jewish emancipation, since in di‐ strengths and weaknesses of what constitutes the agnosing the degeneration of the Jewish people, unifying leitmotif of this work, Birnbaum's own Gregoire 'the emancipator, and Edouard Dru‐ defense of French Republicanism. His apologia is mont, the indefatigable antisemite, were virtually muted by his deep understanding of the problems identical' (p. 17). The crucial diference was, of of the Republican model, but it nevertheless fails course, that for Gregoire, while Judaism was in‐ to go beyond reafrming the promises of Franco- herently degenerate, Jews were not. He thought Judaism because of the dangers he identifes with that through the ineluctable efects of an educa‐ a diferent path. tion steeped in French culture, Judaism' s deleteri‐ Birnbaum's frst chapter lays out the debates ous efects could be overcome leading ultimately on citizenship, state and community in the Revo‐ from to conversion. lutionary period. The French conception of citi‐ Birnbaum's second chapter, 'Responding to zenship depends upon a sharp dichotomy of the the Revolution,' retraces the diferent positions of public and private spheres. Birnbaum discusses the two major Jewish communities in France in these as ' the civic,' which ' emphasized the nation the Revolutionary period: the Sephardic and more and its glory,' and the ' ' civil,' which was charac‐ integrated Jews of southwestern France and the terized by a withdrawal into the private realm, in Ashkenazic and largely religiously observant Jews this instance [by] a particular religious communi‐ of Alsace-Lorraine and Metz. In assessing how the ty' (p. 20). He contends that three key factors de‐ diferences in their positions were negotiated in termined how the state adjudicated the demarca‐ the course of the Revolution, he suggests that tion between the public and the private: (1) the there was a paradoxical efect to the centraliza‐ right to vote; (2) access to the civil service and tion of the state and the universal model of citi‐ eventually to the machinery of government; and

2 H-Net Reviews zenship to which Jews would have to adhere as Birnbaum's third chapter, 'From Court Jews to the cost for their normative integration into State Jews' succinctly covers the whole of the French society. nineteenth century via an analysis of the relation‐ In doing so, Birnbaum lays out three major ship between Jews, the growth of the modern interpretations of the consequences of the Revolu‐ French state, and industrial and capital develop‐ tion for French Jewry. The frst is that of North ment. The chapter is framed by cautionary re‐ American historians, most prominently Michael marks about the pitfalls of both Hannah Arendt' s Marrus and Paula Hyman, who Birnbaum claims and Werner Sombart's analyses. Birnbaum argues ultimately denigrate the Franco-Judaism that that while exceptional Jews like the Rothschilds emerged from the Revolution because it turned had a long history as 'court Jews,' fnancing some Jews into , ultimately excluding Jewish of the state's afairs and handling some of the f‐ communal solidarity and a distinctive Jewish his‐ nances of princes and aristocrats, in France, Jews torical consciousness. Birnbaum reduces the com‐ played a minor role in the development of bank‐ plexity and the historical nuances of these leading ing and industry. Rather than captains of industry American historians of French Jewry whose criti‐ or even leaders of fnancial capitalism, the evi‐ cal perspective on Franco-Judaism, in my opinion, dence of the success of French integration was the certainly seems warranted by the teleology of prominence of 'state Jews' -- 'men who would owe events that each narrates (i.e. the Dreyfus Afair their careers to the ultimate victory of the univer‐ and Vichy). The second interpretation, advanced salistic principles laid down by the French Revo‐ most prominently by Phyllis Cohen Albert, argues lution' (p. 60). that while Jews did embrace the Republic as uni‐ While there certainly was social mobility and versal citizens, they still maintained their social cultural integration of Jews in the frst half of the ties and some cultural traditions so that commu‐ nineteenth century, by mid-century, there was still nal solidarity continued to survive. The third posi‐ little evidence of Jewish emancipation in the up‐ tion, which Birnbaum himself advocates, is per levels of government and the civil service. Michael Graetz's provocative argument that 'the This changed dramatically with the advent of the French Revolution promoted centralization not Third Republic when Jews became highly visible just of French society but also of the Jewish com‐ as 'state Jews.' The Third Republic (1870-1940) saw munity, which emerged from the Revolution a profound transformation of the Jewish commu‐ stronger and more unifed than ever' (p. 33-34). nity demographically, geographically, culturally, Birnbaum closes the chapter by discussing the re‐ socially and politically, especially with the infux forms undertaken by to establish the of Eastern European Jews after the in state-controlled Central and the sub‐ Russia beginning in the 1880s, which also funda‐ sidiary consistories in the provinces that were in‐ mentally altered French antisemitism (p. 58). tended to encourage assimilation. Following the Birnbaum' s understanding of this new anti‐ logic of Graetz's argument, he asserts that 'the ex‐ semitism ultimately parallels Arendt' s by assert‐ istence of a powerful central Jewish organization ing that precisely those groups who wanted to op‐ endowed with certain powers of enforcement uni‐ pose the state often targeted 'state Jews' as the ul‐ fed the many isolated Jewish communities timate representatives of what was pernicious, throughout France and helped them survive. decadent, and degenerate about Republican Once again, the logic of the strong state produced France. unexpected results and ultimately strengthened Birnbaum's fourth chapter, 'The Love of the bond between Jews and the state' (p. 44). Learning: Sociologists and Their Roots' is focused

3 H-Net Reviews on the response of the developing discipline of so‐ of conceptualizing French antisemitism as the re‐ ciology to the crisis of the Dreyfus Afair. Emile sult of modern French anomie. Durkheim constitutes Birnbaum' s central case Birnbaum' s ffth chapter examines ' The Dru‐ study. Since he was ' the thoroughly assimilated mont Paradigm' as the pattern that contains the son of a , the founder of positivist sociology, various threads of antisemitism in France. While an advocate of republican secularism, and a dedi‐ Drumont is the key fgure in every discussion of cated patriot who defended Dreyfus in the name French antisemitism, Birnbaum' s succinct discus‐ of the ideals of 1789' (p. 92), Durkheim's life and sion is excellent in disentangling the various thought represent precisely the competing pres‐ strands that tie together Drumont' s discourse. sures that Birnbaum seeks to explore. As a result The key motif of Drumont's obsession was that of his courageous interventions on behalf of per‐ Jews and Judaism were the source of France's de‐ secuted Jews during and after the Dreyfus Afair, cay and decadence in the modern period. Dru‐ Durkheim was vilifed by the nationalist and anti‐ mont's diagnosis of this decadence is characteris‐ semitic right. Like many assimilated Jews (Is‐ tic of antisemitism in the modern period (continu‐ raelites), therefore, Durkheim was haunted by the ing today) in his employment of the props of ob‐ fear that he would be too closely associated with jectivity and scholarly norms. Drumont studiously his Jewishness. Birnbaum shows by quoting from incorporated concepts and ' evidence' from the some of Durkheim' s unpublished letters that elitist sociology of Gustave Le Bon and that of some of his attitudes ' came close to Jewish self- Gabriel Tarde and legitimized his work by what hatred,' (p. 96) for example when he suggested Robert Nye calls ' the medical concept of national that his support of Russian immigrants in 1916 decline.' This includes the theories of neu‐ had led to his becoming' so 'Jewifed' . If this thing ropathology developed by Charcot, of criminology continues, I will become exotic Judaism' s adviser elaborated by Lombroso, and of degeneration ad‐ and tutor' (p. 92). vanced by Morel. Drumont also linked the notion Birnbaum also tentatively explores how the of the degenere [degenerate] to Barres's character‐ historical tensions that crystallized in the Dreyfus ization of the deracine [uprooted] thus becoming Afair impacted the shifts in Durkheim' s thought. the exponent of a new, and specifcally French, At the heart of these shifts, Durkheim's notion of scientifc racism. anomie gained central signifcance. Durkheim Having outlined the key discursive elements suggested that a crucial dilemma lay at the heart in antisemitic rhetoric, in Chapter six, 'The Era of of modernity: that modern industrialization and Leagues,' Birnbaum sketches the major groups secularization, which enabled the growth of indi‐ that constituted the radical right from 1870-1914, vidualism and rationalism, simultaneously led to unifed behind the banner of antisemitism (p. the collapse of traditional communal norms, val‐ 120). In the midst of the Dreyfus Afair, the Action ues and social bonds. The paradox is that many Francaise unifed the fragmented and unstable people therefore experienced the liberation of leagues increasingly 'around antisemitism as the modern life as flled with anxiety, disintegration, defning characteristic of a new French Catholic disappointed expectations, and a disoriented sys‐ community, which would otherwise have been tem of values. Since his theoretical emphasis is on deeply divided' (p. 127). the strong state/weak state dichotomy, and per‐ Birnbaum's analysis of the period of the Drey‐ haps because his advocacy of Republicanism mir‐ fus Afair, misses the mark, however, when he in‐ rors Durkheim' s, Birnbaum does not pursue the sists that 'the nationalist public sphere did not co‐ provocative and contextually specifc possibility incide with the republican one' (p. 139). Venita

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Datta' s Birth of a National Icon (1999), which festations of antisemitism by extremist move‐ builds on the work of several other scholars, ments are the result of their determination ' to re‐ shows that there were signifcant overlaps be‐ defne France's national identity in terms of cer‐ tween the nationalist discourse of Republicans tain exclusionary cultural and ethnic criteria' (p. and the Right as they waged a polemic over la na‐ 186). tion and la patrie. These concepts converged in Birnbaum contrasts anti-Italian incidents in their elitism, in their defense of heroism and male the period between 1867-1893 and the racist vio‐ codes of honor, in their use of organic metaphors, lence against North Africans in France today with and in the extent to which Jewish diference was antisemitic demonstrations along geographic, so‐ excluded from their conceptions of the nation. cial and religious axes. He convincingly argues Chapters 7 and 8 form a couplet in which that ' anti-Jewish prejudices are less likely to be Birnbaum examines the sociological distinction acted on in France, whereas the inhibitions between the theory of a strong state versus a against acting out racist prejudices are far less weak state by reinterpreting the Franco-French powerful' (p. 187). In short, Birnbaum maintains conficts of the fn de siecle in terms of institution‐ that those most victimized by exclusionary poli‐ al conficts within the state, showing ultimately tics, which eventually included all Jews during the that 'in contrast to the predictions of the strong- Vichy period, are those who are categorically de‐ state model, outside ideological conficts did fnd fned outside the national community. A point echoes inside the councils of government' (p. 143). that is not stressed by Birnbaum, however, is that He shows that despite the Republican rhetoric, an‐ the Jewish body within the larger body politic was tisemitism did have an impact on the careers of and remains a crucial and vexed site in determin‐ 'state Jews,' focusing primarily on the legal and ing the borderline for inclusion and exclusion prefectoral corps in Chapter 7 and the military in from the French nation. Chapter 8. In Part III, Birnbaum focuses squarely on 'The Birnbaum closes Part II with an exceptionally Unknown Present.' The overriding concern here is important discussion comparing and contrasting to consider the post-1945 stresses resulting from 'Jews, Italians, and Arabs: Public Violence and Pri‐ determined eforts to reshape the French Jewish vate Violence' from the fn de siecle to the present. community and the expansion of its mediating The violence against all of these groups has taken functions between Jewish citizens and the state. place against the rise of nationalism, economic In Chapter Ten, 'On Secularism' Birnbaum ad‐ competition, and crisis. However, Birnbaum ar‐ dresses the rejection by diferent groups, includ‐ gues that xenophobic clashes (i.e. directed against ing some within the diverse Jewish community, of immigrants as opposed to citizens), from brawls ' the idea of unity implicit in the revolutionary to riots, have systematically involved 'private' vio‐ tradition of 1789, which recognizes only identical lence that has led to physical attacks and numer‐ citizens subscribing to the same principles of ra‐ ous murders. On the other hand, he argues that tionality and stripped of their distinguishing char‐ physical violence against Jews is rare (with the acteristics so as to participate in the public sphere notable exception of the pogroms against Jews in in the universalistic mode' (p. 205). In this and Algeria at the zenith of the Dreyfus Afair), al‐ subsequent chapters, he points to several inter‐ though violence against property, and threats, in‐ twined factors contributing to the reexamination sults, tracts, pamphlets and grafti are prevalent. of the Republican model of citizenship: (1) the de‐ He argues, therefore, that antisemitism in France centralization of the state, especially in economic is largely symbolic (p. 188) and that public mani‐ matters and the rise of ' free market liberalism' ;

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(2) diminished infuence of institutions of republi‐ undiferentiated fashion and firts dangerously can socialization, especially public schools, but with reiterating the Israelite castigation of East‐ also the military; (3) decline of ' universalistic' ide‐ ern European Jewry. He projects onto this particu‐ ologies of political emancipation, especially Marx‐ lar Hasidic group much of what he fnds discon‐ ism; (4) the revisionist and post-revisionist inter‐ certing in the Jewish community writ large today: pretations of the French Revolution; (5) the re‐ a questioning of the Republican social contract, birth of regional sensibilities; (6) decolonization afrmation of 'American' models of multicultural‐ and the return of many French citizens, including ism and the 'right to be diferent,' a greater visibil‐ North African Jews and Muslims to the metropole; ity of Jews and their Judaism in the public sphere, and (7) Europeanization and France's role in the and a resurgence of spiritual values and religious‐ European Union. ly inspired norms that for him are the antithesis Birnbaum's focus in Chapter Ten is on public of rational, secular, modern and 'universal' val‐ education since this has proven to be a key by ues. which Jews "joined modern society" (p. 194), Chapter Eleven, 'Identity and Public Space' which for him means the Jewish path to cultural continues the discussion begun in the previous integration and upward social mobility. He traces chapter by tracing the major events that have led the dramatic rise in choosing private, often reli‐ to a signifcant reorientation of ' Franco-Judaism.' giously inclined schools, by Jews, Catholics and The Franco-Jewish synthesis was radically rup‐ Muslims, which he sets against the backdrop of tured when both the politicians and the bureau‐ the historical debates on the secularization of ed‐ crats of l'etat Francais under Vichy betrayed the ucation from the mid-nineteenth century and the Jews. Susan Zuccotti has shown that the relatively recent revival of . high percentage of Jews who survived in France He stresses, in particular, the role of Lubavich did so because of luck, ingenuity, and help from communities in this return to Jewish traditions, a many courageous members of French society. role that Birnbaum seems to fnd rather discon‐ Michael Marrus and Robert Paxton also show that certing since the 'Lubavitchers have imported the murder of the approximately 75,000 Jews dur‐ from the United States pressure-group tactics ing World War II was signifcantly connected to alien to French Jacobin tradition. They have made the indigenous policies of the Vichy government. the Jewish community visible in a new way, quite According to Birnbaum, the experience of de‐ diferent from the dialogue that used to be carried pending upon the assistance of French individuals on between the state and citizens of various con‐ rather than the state has lead Jews in the postwar fessions' (p. 204). In addition, Birnbaum stresses era to raise questions about state-centered no‐ that their ' strict traditional codes of behavior are tions of citizenship and infuenced the establish‐ constantly inculcated in all students. The study of ment of distinct organizations to represent them French, on the other hand, is virtually 'clandes‐ in their relations with the state, for example the tine' and 'since the Lubavitchers have little inter‐ Comite Representatif des Institutions Juives en est in French political traditions per se, they feel France (CRIF), and the Fonds Social Juif Unife no compunctions about adopting such a position, (FSJU), formed in 1944 and 1949, respectively. The at odds though it may be with traditional Franco- arrival of large numbers of North African Jews in Judaism' (p. 205). the wake of decolonization contributed to the de‐ velopment of a more variegated and visibly dis‐ Birnbaum's treatment of 'the Lubavichers' tinctive Jewish community. and of orthodoxy in general is troubling, since he discusses the constituent orthodox groups in an

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If Vichy marked the point of rupture in the this threat, especially compounded by a signif‐ Franco-Jewish synthesis, then a series of events cant Muslim North African minority in France, have continued to reorient the relationship be‐ are unsatisfying. tween Jewish citizens and the state in the post- Axiomatic for Birnbaum is his claim that the war period. These include the response of the 'challenge to the universalist principle of 'one cul‐ French state to the Arab-Israeli confict, encapsu‐ ture for all' has 'the unintended consequence of lated in de Gaulle' s remark that the Jews were 'an encouraging the 'diferentialist' racism of Jean- elite people, sure of themselves and domineering,' Marie Le Pen' s radical-right National Front' (pp. and the subsequently 'pro-Arab tilt' (p. 218) on 220-21). The philosophical, ethical and political is‐ conficts in the Middle East; a series of antisemitic sues here are complicated. However, Birnbaum' s events in the 1980s; and most dramatically, the concern that asserting 'la droite a la diference' fa‐ Carpentras Afair, which he discusses in Chapter cilitates eforts ' to cast Jews and Muslims as 'anti- 12, 'Carpentras, or the Toppling of Clermont-Ton‐ France' (p. 226) depends upon his own failure to nerre.' think through a politics of cultural diference that Birnbaum shows that Carpentras was far neither reiterates the defects of universalism nor from an isolated assault, recounting an almost ' those of American multiculturalism. endless, albeit incomplete, list of similar anti‐ While aware that a key factor in the scape‐ semitic attacks preceding the one at Carpentras' goating of Jews and Arabs is that 'both groups are (pp. 236-39). His focus in evaluating the signif‐ portrayed as unifed and homogenous' (p. 226), cance of the afair is on how politicians, the public Birnbaum does not acknowledge that universal‐ and the press responded. This response, Birn‐ ism ultimately depends upon the exclusion of dif‐ baum contends, consolidated 'the communitariza‐ ference and particularity and an appeal to same‐ tion of the French Jews' (p. 231), by which he ness, which is precisely what underpins the essen‐ means the process whereby Jews are consistently tialism at the heart of both orientalism and anti‐ identifed or reifed as a separate community semitism. Birnbaum' s reafrmation of universal‐ within the national community. He shows that ism, even when it takes the form of Mirabeau' s both Francois Mitterand and Jacques Chirac af‐ liberal Girondiste tolerance, still falls short of the frmed their solidarity with "the Jewish communi‐ afrmation of Jewish diference asserted by the ty of France' (p. 232), as did groups like SOS- Alsatian Jews in the Revolutionary period and Racisme, one of the leading groups advocating ' echoed by some Jews today who maintain that the right to be diferent.' This was reinforced by their Jewish communal traditions contribute to the press who were ' only too eager to dwell on the role they can play as French citizens. the distinctive culture and traditions of the '‐ Symptomatic in this regard is Birnbaum' s ish community' (p. 233). analysis of a provocative and widely discussed ar‐ An overarching concern for Birnbaum is how ticle by Paul Yonnet, 'Machine Carpentras' who ar‐ Jewish 'communitarization' fgured in the twenti‐ gued that the ' self-communitarization of the Jews' eth-century fn de siecle that saw the reemer‐ was ' ' Petainism in reverse,' ' that ' Jews were vol‐ gence of the National Front, which since the eight‐ untarily ostracizing themselves, refusing to marry ies has had considerable success, especially in non-Jews, deliberately segregating themselves in municipal elections, by building an efective grass order to protect their purity and that this ' implied roots political organization and reworking the ex‐ a kind of ' ' racist' antiracism,' to which the re‐ clusionary integral nationalism of the extreme sponse was ' xenophobic ' antiracist' racism' con‐ right. Birnbaum's solutions for how to respond to cerned with avoiding a ' dissolution of national

7 H-Net Reviews identity' ' (p. 247). Birnbaum clearly condemns ' Yonnet' s ofensively one-sided arguments about Carpentras' (p. 250), asserting that ' . . . [they are] utterly devoid of compassion for the fears of French Jews and . . . [show] no sign of compre‐ hending their reactions,' adding for good measure that 'despite Yonnet' s hostility to the National Front, his views have been most warmly received on that end of the political spectrum' (p. 248). Yet Birnbaum is more concerned with attempting to gauge the degree to which French Jews have in‐ deed ' embraced the politics of communitariza‐ tion' (p. 248) than he is with demolishing the un‐ derlying assumptions of Yonnet' s argument be‐ cause he, too, sees communitarization as a serious problem and because ultimately he cannot visual‐ ize another solution to ' the ' be‐ yond the universalist Republican model. Neither his 'Afterword' nor his 'Conclusion' ofers any es‐ cape from the quagmires that he outlines histori‐ cally. Birnbaum therefore ends this troubled and thought-provoking work rather plaintively: ' Car‐ pentras ultimately proves that, for Jews at any rate, it is no small feat to negotiate the arduous path between citizenship and community, assimi‐ lation and identity' (p. 251). Copyright (c) 2001 by H-Net, all rights re‐ served. This work may be copied for non-proft educational use if proper credit is given to the au‐ thor and the list. For other permission, please con‐ tact [email protected].

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Citation: Jonathan Judaken. Review of Birnbaum, Pierre. Jewish Destinies: Citizenship, State and Community in Modern France. H-Antisemitism, H-Net Reviews. February, 2001.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=4903

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.

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