MASARYK UNIVERSITY

Faculty of Social Studies

DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND EUROPEAN STUDIES

Foreign policy of Kosovar presidents: cooperative or conflictual? bachelor’s thesis

Name and surname: Jiří Němec UČO: 420584 Supervisor: Bc. Mgr. Vladimir Đorđević, Ph.D. Field of study: Political science – International relations Year of enrolment: 2015 Brno, 2018

“I hereby declare that this thesis is the result of my independent work, all the used sources are mentioned in the references and the content corresponds with all regulations of Masaryk University, Faculty of social studies and with available law.”

Date: ……………… Signature: ………………………

2

Acknowledgement

I would like to express my deep gratitude to my supervisor Mr Vladimir Đorđević for his helpful remarks and comments, precise supervision and overall great communication and engagement during formation of this thesis. Also, I would like to thank Mr Michael D. Young for providing an access to his analysis software and useful advice. Furthermore, I would like to thank all people of Kosovo and Albania I have met who brought me to my study and work interest in the region of the Balkans, therefore, unintentionally, to the topic of this elaboration. Moreover I thank the people of the Albanian Challenge volunteer project in which I have participated in over last several years. Last but not least, I would like to thank all my friends and family members for their warming support.

3

Abstract This elaboration focuses on a research and an evaluation of operational codes of three presidents of the Republic of Kosovo. Its aim is to measure the degree of conflictual or cooperative behaviour in foreign policy executed by themselves. In the first half of the work I introduce the operational code as a methodological instrument, which is then framed by social constructivism and the role theory. In the second half, the evaluation and comparison of operational codes of respective presidents are discussed, then the overall conclusion following evaluation of the stated hypothesis is presented. Keywords: the Balkans, Kosovo, Serbia, security, foreign policy, foreign policy analysis, operational code, president, conflict, cooperation.

Anotace Práce se zabývá výzkumem a evaluací operačních kódů tří kosovských prezidentů a má za cíl změřit míru konfliktnosti či kooperace v jimi vykonávané zahraniční politice. V první polovině práce je přistoupeno k představení operačního kódu jakožto metodologického nástroje, který je následně zarámován sociálním konstruktivismem a teorií rolí. V druhé části práce jsou hodnoceny a komparovány operační kódy jednotlivých prezidentů, z čehož je vyvozen závěr a evaluace stanovené hypotézy. Klíčová slova: Balkán, Kosovo, Srbsko, bezpečnost, zahraniční politika, analýza zahraniční politiky, operační kód, prezident, konflikt, spolupráce.

4

Content

Introduction ...... 6 1. Background and structure of the work ...... 7 1.1 Historical context ...... 7 1.2 Political context ...... 8 1.3 Structure of the work ...... 9 1.4 Used sources and literature ...... 9 2. Methodological framework ...... 11 2.1 Research aim ...... 11 2.2 Research questions ...... 12 2.3 Limitations of the research ...... 12 2.4 Specification of methods used ...... 13 2.4.1 Specification of the calculation of operational code indexes ...... 15 3. Theoretical background ...... 19 3.1 Social constructivism ...... 19 3.2 The role theory ...... 20 3.3 Formulation and constitution of hypothesis ...... 21 4. Individual presidential operational codes ...... 22 4.1 Operational code and its interpretation – Fatmir Sejdiu ...... 22 4.2 Operational code and its interpretation – Atifete Jahjaga ...... 24 4.3 Operational code and its interpretation – Hashim Thaçi ...... 25 5. Operational code comparison and its connotations ...... 28 5.1 The nature of politics ...... 28 5.2 Realisation of political values ...... 29 5.3 Strategic approach to political goals ...... 30 5.4 Efficiency in pursuing political objectives ...... 31 5.5 Summarising index ...... 31 5.6 Connotations of the comparison ...... 32 6. Conclusion ...... 34 7. Resources ...... 36 7.1 Primary sources ...... 36 7.2 Secondary sources ...... 41

5

Introduction Independence of the Republic of Kosovo was declared on 17th February 2008 on the second attempt of the former Yugoslav “autonomous province of Kosovo and Metohija” and following the overall breakdown of socialist Yugoslavia. Declaration was preceded by numerous issues from Kosovo conflict of the late nineties through mass unrest during the beginning of the millennium up to the very declaration. As I perceive an evolution of the state of Kosovo to be important for understanding of the context and outcomes of this elaboration, let me reproduce its history briefly, specifically, from the end of The Second World War until the second declaration of independence in 2008.

Aim of this work is to provide an analysis and a description of a position of three presidents of the Republic of Kosovo in a conflict – cooperation relation, as well as to provide a description of how they self-perceive this position and their particular role in context of foreign policy execution.

To reach the aim of the elaboration I will use the instruments and theory of social constructivism and the role theory for theoretical framing; then operational code and Verbs in Context System method for the analysis. By these methods, I will gain and compare data and evaluate aforementioned positions and self-perceiving of the presidents.

6

1. Background and structure of the work

1.1 Historical context

Following both the end of the war against Nazi Germany and the constitution of communist Yugoslavia, the territory of Kosovo was given a status of an autonomous region and then, in 1963, the status of an autonomous province, however, with limited privileges. Adoption of the new Yugoslav constitution in 1974 extended manoeuvring space for the province, allowing, for example, partial self-governance. One of the significant milestones were the student protests from the beginning of 1981 which were the consequence of poverty of the people, but also called for Kosovo to become an independent republic within the Yugoslav federation. Importantly, tensions between two main communities at that time in Kosovo were caused not only by economic reasons or ethnic diversity itself but also by a lack of interest of authorities in Belgrade in the issues of the Serbs in this territory. The change became with Slobodan Milosević coming into power and with adopting a new constitution in 1990 that reduced rights of all provinces including Kosovo and Metohija. Worsening of the situation was catalyzed by firing hundreds of ethnic Albanian workers, withdrawing Albanian education curriculums and by the ban of Albanian-held media. In 1992 Ibrahim Rugova was elected a president of self- declared independent Kosovo, calling for non-violent resistance against the Serbs. However, this independence was not recognized by any country in the world, thus was unsuccessful. Despite Rugova's non-violent intentions, the newly established Kosovo Liberation Army (Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK1) began to practice guerrilla2 strategy. Then, the turmoil between UÇK and Serbian police accompanied by Armed forces of Yugoslavia (Vojska Jugoslavije, VJ3) resulted in notorious open conflict in years 1998-1999. The war ended by NATO bombing of Yugoslav positions followed by signing of Kumanovo agreement which has transferred the province under the United Nations administration secured by NATO-led KFOR mission. A relative and weak peace was disrupted in March 2004 by clashes in the northern city of Mitrovica and which spread over the country, resulting in destruction of more than 30 Orthodox churches and 27 casualties4. In 2006 began negotiations over the final status of the

1 Original denomination in Albanian language and its abbreviation. 2 Fighting for independence whether against foreign occupants or against another ethnic group in own country (Laqueur 1998, 16). 3 Original denomination in Serbo-Croatian and its abbreviation. 4 Often called a “March pogrom” by the Serbs. 7 province with UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari being the main character. But with no bigger solace to any involved side. Finally, on 17th February 2008, the parliament of Kosovo proclaimed independence followed by contradictory reactions of international community (Ismajli 2013, 212-266; comp. Magaš 1993, 3-4, 246-254).

Circumstances following the emergence of the Republic of Kosovo are until now an object of propaganda, intended misinterpretation, and surrounded by, in modern terms, fake news used by both contemporary Serbia and Kosovo.

1.2 Political context

Five presidents have alternated in the office in Kosovo since the independence was declared in 2008. Set of instruments of this elaboration allows me to focus on only those presidents serving regular and full term in office, namely Fatmir Sejdiu, Atifete Jahjaga and Hashim Thaçi. Jakup Krasniqi, as an acting president, and Behgjet Pacolli, dismissed by the constitutional court for invalid elections, are not taken into consideration in this work. Due to the length of their serving in the office, there are not enough sufficient presidential speeches available for the analysis.

The president of the Republic of Kosovo is elected indirectly by a secret vote of the majority of all deputies5 of the Assembly of Kosovo in election which shall be held no later than thirty days prior to the end of the mandate of the previous president. Presidential term lasts for five years with an option for one consecutive re-election. Additionally, the function is irreconcilable with any other public office or function in political party (Law No.03/L-094 2009, articles 4, 5, comp. Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo 2008, article 67).

The president of the Republic of Kosovo is given a “role of a head of foreign policy of the country”. To add, the president “receives credentials of heads of diplomatic missions accredited to the Republic of Kosovo, decides on the establishment of diplomatic and consular missions of the Republic of Kosovo in consultation with the prime minister“ and “appoints and dismisses heads of diplomatic missions of the Republic of Kosovo upon the proposal of the government” (Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo 2008, article 84, paragraphs 10, 11, 24, 25). Furthermore, president ratifies international agreements which are not dedicated to 2/3 vote of the Assembly, amends or withdraws such agreements and informs the Assembly about the agreements he has signed (Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo 2018, article 17). The

5 If the president is not elected in two consecutive rounds, a simple majority is required for the third one. 8 presidents’ role in foreign policy is indirectly stated also in presidential oath, in which new president has to swear to commit all her/his powers to preservation of independence and sovereignty of Kosovo. A short description of each president’s personal and political background will be given in analytical chapter below.

1.3 Structure of the work

Firstly, a methodological framework of the elaboration will be introduced, in detail, a method of Verbs in Context System, which will apply raw data from the speeches for consecutive operational code analysis, which will be discussed, followed by the description of operational code analysis itself. Therefore, a detailed guideline for respective operational code indexes counting formulas and evaluation is to be given. In this chapter, the main research goal and particular research questions leading to its solution will be stated, completed by possible limitations of the elaboration. Secondly, to anchor and explain methodological instruments, but also to connect methodology and theory, theoretical background will be introduced. It means, a contribution of social constructivism and the role theory to this elaboration and their understanding will be described, giving an insight to mutual interdependence of an actor and reality in international relations and to concepts of a role and an identity. Then, a discussion of results of the operational code analysis will be held. Therefore, particular values of operational code indexes of respective examined presidents will be given, followed by their evaluation, personal interpretation and comparison and by a brief introduction of personal backgrounds of the presidents. Finally, based on previous results, a conclusion will be deduced.

1.4 Used sources and literature

To examine primary sources, therefore to gain data for the analysis, an official website of the president of the Republic of Kosovo is used, on which an archive of presidential speeches is located. For the analysis 23 speeches of both Hashim Thaçi and Atifete Jahjaga and 15 speeches of Fatmir Sejdiu were chosen. By the last one is the number lower since there are not more speeches available in proper form or language. To elaborate, Sejdiu may have addressed more official presidential speeches, but they are not translated to English or available in the archive. Atifete Jahjaga, on the other hand, has made more than 180 addresses during her presidency, therefore the speeches for the analysis were chosen randomly in the stated amount.

9

As secondary sources, a literature covering social constructivist issues and role theory for theoretical background, and a literature dealing with operational code approach and Verbs in Context System method for the purpose of methodological framing were selected. For the main insight into social constructivist topic, works of Pšeja and Hodulák from Moc a zájmy v mazinárodním systému were studied and compared with Hynek’s contribution in Přehled teorií mezinárodních vztahů. Then, elaborations of Kubálková, Wendt, Guzzini and Checkel were used to go more in depth and detail. Their works framed this research into meanings and instruments of social constructivism. To understand a contribution of the role theory, works of Aggestam as well as Thies were taken into consideration, discussing the role self-perception of an actor in international relations. Methodological basis is taken from a crucial works of Michael, Schafer and Young focusing on operational code analysis, which were supplemented by researches and elaborations of George and Theis, namely Systematic procedures for operational code analysis: Measuring and modelling of Jimmy Carter’s operational code or The "Operational Code": A Neglected Approach to the Study of Political Leaders and Decision- Making were mainly examined to understand the calculation of operational code.

Further details of each work’s contribution to the basis of this research and other relevant authors or works are specified in methodological and theoretical chapter below and also in bibliography.

10

2. Methodological framework

2.1 Research aim

This thesis aims to provide an analysis and comparison of personalities of presidents of contemporary Kosovo, focusing on their self-perception in the structure of international relations, perceiving the „other world“ and using operational code analysis, or rather a Verbs in Context System method and the role theory. The term “personality” refers here to the distinction between cooperative or conflictual aspect of a being. Therefore, I will be able to present a description of evolution of general perception of foreign policy by political leaders, specify whether they incline to be more cooperative or conflictual in exercising foreign policy, and then compare their stands and describe development of those stands in context of the position in the structure, what I consider to be my main research goal.

The difference in perception of “self” and “others” is important for this work, because it describes political actor as either cooperative or conflictual in self-understanding and understanding of the outer world, consecutively, in foreign policy decision making and execution. One can behave cooperatively or in conflictual way in achieving her/his political goals. To describe how respective Kosovar presidents behave and perceive themselves and the world is the aim of this elaboration. Additionally, the author assumes that cooperative behaviour and world-perception may result in more compromises made and generally more positive outcomes from bilateral and multilateral negotiations. And vice versa, conflictual behaviour may lead to unsuccessful outcomes in context of the position of Kosovo in international community.

As was mentioned, the overall available information about such a controversial country as Kosovo is burdened by propaganda, ideology, and self-promotion of both counterparts. Therefore, I believe this elaboration can reveal a true self-perception of key political leaders and provide the description of their personalities in political terms. Additionally, such a work, as far as I know, has never been done so far, so I see this research to be beneficial for understanding motives and world-perception of the mentioned presidents.

11

2.2 Research questions

To achieve the research goal, I am raising two main questions. The first, “What is presidents’ self-interpretation of his/her role in foreign policy and how it is projected into this policy?”, will be answered by portrayal of general perception of foreign policy by each of stated presidents. The second will focus on the change of personalities and role self-interpretation of the presidents and will be answered by comparison of the results given by the first question. Thus, “Is perceiving of the world and self of presidents similar (or same) to each other or is it significantly different?” will be the second research question.

The answer for the first question will display how respective presidents perceive themselves in context of foreign policy execution. Specifically, the answer will place each of the presidents on an axis of conflict – cooperation. This answer, or rather answers, will be then inputs for the second question. By the comparison of results of the first question, the second will be answered. The fact of whether there is a significant shift in presidents’ perception of the “self” and “other” or not will be verified stated hypothesis.

2.3 Limitations of the research

As the main limit of the elaboration, I see the language barrier between Albanian and English language, which, in written and translated form, possibly could not grasp primary meaning precisely, so, this issue can affect the analysis. Indeed, every single language is specific, not only in terms of social constructivism, and is somehow partly constituting particular culture. Still, I want to state I am aware of this issue in this elaboration, referring to Kosovar dialect of Albanian language. Also, the operational code is sometimes considered to be quite subjective instrument of foreign policy analysis. In context of this work it means that two persons can possibly evaluate the same word differently or with a different intensity. For example one can evaluate the same word as -2, the other as -3 in Verbs in Context System method. What means, the first one is labelling the word with lower intensity of negativity than the second one. However, I will use automatized software to analyse the speeches of the presidents, therefore the influence of my personal subjectivity should be minimized.

Other limitations, in other sense of the word, are rather technical and made purposively by me. Firstly, in one case the amount of available presidential speeches several times exceeded speeches of the other ones due to exceptional activity of Mrs president with issues connected

12 to women and employment, so I decided to select the speeches randomly from whole served term. Secondly, I have decided not to use the full spectre of operational code indexes and to focus only on the first two out of five from each branch. All the indexes are hierarchized with the biggest importance given to the first one, so I consider an application of the first one as sufficient for the purpose of this work. First indexes will be developed with the indexes of second-grade as I see them somehow opposing or contributing to the first-grade indexes. I will also work with the summarizing index, so five indexes of operational code in total will be provided by each of the presidents. Further specification of this particular limit and the indexes is given in parts below.

2.4 Specification of methods used

The method of operational code was introduced by the first time by Nathan Leites in 1951 and then developed by works of Alexander L. George, Stephen Walker or Kalevi J. Holsti (George 1967, V; comp. Theis 2009, 17). Operational code “refers to general belief system about the nature of history and politics (…). These general beliefs serve as a prism that influences the actor’s perception of the flow of political events and his definition or estimate of particular situations. The beliefs also provide norms and standards that influence the actor’s choice of strategy and tactics, and his structuring and weighing of alternative courses of action (George 1967, V, comp. 5-53).

This method will help to answer the research questions by providing a data about actor’s self- interpretation of his role in international relations, and afterwards by comparison of this data. Although the operational code will be calculated by automatized system, a description of counting formulas of respective indexes is to be provided to frame methodological basis.

The operational code, as presented by Walker, Schafer, and Young, works with ten indexes divided into two branches – philosophical, linked to identitarian framework of the actor, and instrumental, linked to role concept framework, propensities. Indexes are hierarchized with the biggest value on the first ones because those depict the general perception of conflict and cooperation by the actor at best. The rest of indexes has only a developing purpose (see Table 1). As noted above, first two indexes (P-1, I-1) will be used, amended by the second-grade indexes (P-2, I-2), which are in a way complementary or opposing, therefore developing the first ones. Also, a summary index – S-0 – will be used to depict overall direction of the conflict

13

– cooperation relationship. All indexes might be in labelled by initials of individual presidents to facilitate subsequent comparison.

Terms conflict and cooperation are crucial here because they describe negative or positive perception of actor’s relationship with surrounding outer environment or more precisely the distinction self/other. Authors also operate with the term power which is used in context of written speeches and is meant to be a set of control relations between two actors. Those relations are then categorized to positive and negative, with three subcategories ordered by intensity. Thus, reward, authority, and influence are referred to be of the positive category and punishment, threat and resistance are referred to be of the negative category (Walker, Schafer, Young 1998, 176-179).

Philosophical propensity P-1 the fundamental nature of politics, political conflict, and the image of the opponent P-2 the general prospects for realizing one's fundamental political values P-3 the extent to which the political future is predictable P-4 the extent to which political leaders can influence historical developments and control outcomes P-5 the role of chance Instrumental propensity I-1 the best approach for selecting goals for political action, i.e., strategy I-2 how such goals and objectives can be pursued most effectively, i.e., tactics I-3 the best approach to calculation, control, and acceptance of the risks of political action I-4 the "timing" of action I-5 the utility and role of different means Table 1, Indexes of the operational code (Walker, Schafer a Young 1998, 176). Hence, I use the operational code as an operationalization of social constructivist terms. This method will give me the data with which I can place every surveyed actor into the structure of self/other distinction and describe how she/he perceives the nature of outer world.

As I have stated in the introduction, the Verbs in Context System (VICS) method will be used to generate raw data for the operational code analysis of the three Kosovar presidents. Walker, Schafer, and Young (1998, 183) described the method in following steps:

14

1) identify the subject as “self” or “other”, 2) identify the tense of the transitive verb as past, present, or future and identify the category of the verb as positive [+] or negative [-], appeal, support [+1] oppose, resist [-1] words or or promise benefits [+2] threaten costs [-2] deeds rewards [+3] punishments [-3] Table 2, Verb category values 3) identify the domain as domestic or foreign, 4) identify target and place in context.

In the context of this work, I assume that the term “self” refers to the self of the president or to the Republic of Kosovo, the nation, the Presidency and analogously. And to the contrary, the term “other” may refer to Serbia, Serbs, Yugoslavia, European Union, United Nations, NATO and so on.

2.4.1 Specification of the calculation of operational code indexes To go more in detail of the measurement metrics, I will reproduce description of every index as made by Walker, Schafer, and Young (1998, 178-181).

The P-1 index refers to the nature of politics and is meant as a net attribution of cooperative (+) versus conflictual (-) valences to “others”. Therefore, this index indicates how actor estimates opponents’ approach and pursuit of political goals leading to an image of the character of political environment, political conflict, and an opponent as a leader. Thus, calculation is done as percentage of positive other attributions minus percentage of negative other attributions, scaling ± 1.

P-2 is linked to the realization of political values and actor’s belief of conflict being either temporary or permanent in political universe. Index is calculated as a mean intensity of other conflict/cooperation transitive verb attribution, scale here is consisted of N = <-3, +3>. Fringe values mean punishment and reward as in Table 2. Results are divided by 3 to be more comparable to other indices and a zero value is omitted. The more positive are the resulting values, the more optimistic is political leader supposed to be about realising her/his political goals.

15

Predictability of the political future – P-3 index – means leader’s tendency to set down different types of conflict and cooperative actions aimed to others. “Therefore, the more unpredictable the political actions of others, the greater the variation in other-attributions among different types of cooperative or conflictual acts. And if one believes that all acts by others fall into the same category, then predictability is highest“ (ibid). Calculation, then, is made as 1 minus Index of Qualitative Variation, which „is a ratio of the number of different pairs of observations in a distribution to the maximum possible number of different pairs for a distribution with the same number of cases and the same number of variable classifications“ (ibid). This index varies from 0.00 to 1.00, meaning lowest to highest predictability of political future.

Index P-4 depicts the balance between leader’s self- and other-attributions and describes to which extent can leader control historical developments and political outcomes. „If the leader attributes more words and deeds to others, for example, then the locus of control is in others rather than in the self. The greater the leader's control over political outcomes compared to the control by others, the higher the net attributions assigned to the self“ (ibid). Final result is calculated as self attributions divided by [self attributions plus other attributions] with scale varying from .00 to 1.00, meaning “other” locus of control to “self” locus of control.

Final philosophical index P-5 regards the role of chance in predicting the future of political environment and is derived from P-3 and P-4 calculation. Thus, „if both the predictability of others and the leader's control over political outcomes are relatively low, then the role of chance is relatively high“ (ibid). Formula of P-5 index consists of 1 minus [predictability index multiplied by control over historical development index].

Coming to instrumental indexes, there is I-1 representing a strategic approach of the leader to political goals. This means that the more cooperative this strategic approach is, the higher is the frequency of cooperative ascriptions to the self and it also indicates a vector of leader’s strategy. Then, formula of this index simply means percentage of positive self attributions minus percentage of negative self attributions with results varying from -1, referring to conflictual strategy, to +1, rferring to cooperativity.

If we need to go from long-term strategy to short-term tactics, we use the I-2 index which indicates short-term intensity of leader’s seeking for long-term strategy, or to specify, how can be goals and objectives reached most effectively. Measurement is done as mean intensity of

16 self conflict/cooperation attributions, with N = <-3, +3>, omitting the zero value and in the end divided by 3 to make index more comparable to others. Index can result up to -1, which means a very conflictual tactics is realized by the leader, or up to +1, which refers to a very cooperative behaving.

How can leader calculate, control, and accept the risks of political action is described by index I-3. Foundation of the issue can be seen in concepts of risk acceptance or risk aversion towards diverse political action. Calculation is then done as 1 minus Index of Qualitative Variation6 and outcomes are between values 0.00 referring to risk aversion, but with a low predictability, and 1.00 referring to risk acceptance benefited by high predictability. This, in other words, means that “if a leader’s self-attributions are more predictable and mainly in cooperative categories, then the leader is relatively acceptant regarding the risk of submission to an opponent“ (ibid).

Index I-4 is divided to I-4a and I-4b by the authors and refers to the position of the leader towards the timing of political action. “If the leader’s shift propensity between conflictual and cooperative acts is low, then the strategic approach to goals is more likely to be the dominant strategy no matter what others in the political universe say or do“ (ibid). Thus, the I-4a subindex refers to timing of cooperation versus conflict and is calculated by formula 1 minus the absolute value of [percentage of positive self attributions minus percentage of negative self attributions], resulting in 0.00 to 1.00 variety, therefore, low or high shift propensity. The I-4b subindex describes timing of words versus deeds and is calculated as 1 minus the absolute value of [percentage of words minus percentage of deeds], also varying between 0.00 and 1.00, depicting low or high shift propensity.

Finally, the utility and role of different means in exercise of power is connected to the index I- 5. The exercise of political power here means “the choice of a control relationship between self and other in which self seeks or maintains control of relationships with others by using different types of words and deeds as positive or negative sanctions“ (ibid). Calculation is then made as percentage of transitive verb category; each category refers to division in Table 2. Results are varying on scale 0.00 with low utility to 1.00 with high utility for each category.

Walker, Schafer, and Young have in their work also created a summary index measuring the degree of difference between self and other, revealing the overall nature of “self” – “other” relationship. Crucial here is the sign of the result. The more negative the result is, the more

6 Definition of IQV is the same as specified by the measurement of index P-3. 17 conflictual (or less cooperative) is the relation of self and other. The sign is important in each half of the formula and is included to the final index to state a vector of self-other distinction (+,+; -,+; +,- or -,-). I will label this index S-0 and it has following formula: [(percentage of positive self attributions minus percentage of negative self attributions) minus (percentage of positive other attributions minus percentage of negative other attributions)] divided by two and scaling ±1. To simplify, the summary index is calculated as (index I-1 minus index P-1) divided by two.

18

3. Theoretical background

3.1 Social constructivism

Social constructivism emerged as a reaction to highly polarised debate in international relations between positivist and postpositivist approaches at the end of 1980s and assumed a more or less central position amongst both of them. However, we should consider social constructivism to be rather ontological7 position than a theory or a paradigm of international relations.

Constructivism is a social theory that allows to use a wide scale of research methods, both positivist and postpositivist. So, the main positions of social constructivism are that general knowledge is socially constructed and depends on our interpretation and language, and also, that the reality is not objective, but constructed too. Crucial is a shared sense of the people, which has a constructive effect on social reality, then a role of social communication and lastly a role of particular language that allows us to understand the issues only in a limited way (Pšeja, Hodulák 2015, 95). The role of communication and language is important for this work as specific presidential speeches will be analysed, to add, in somehow specific historical and political context of the nation of the authors of analysed speeches.

In the field of foreign policy analysis, social constructivism is considered to be converging the research styles of international politics8 and foreign policy9 analysis, hence, to be appropriate approach towards the study of international relations (Kubálková 2001. 15-17). Social constructivism also terminologically enriches the analysis of foreign policy and provides descriptive instruments further specified by the role theory (Wendt 1995, 81).

As indicated above, reality, under the angle of view of social constructivism, is constructed by the shared sense and norms, which further construct an identity and a concern of the actor in international relations. Also, behaving of this actor is influenced and constituted by the constructed social reality or structure and vice versa. Therefore, we can say that the actor and the social structure are mutually interdependent (Wendt 1987, 338; comp. Pšeja, Hodulák 2015, 96). There is a consensus over this interdependence amongst constructivists, thence the actor and the structure are not perceived as standing opposed but as creating each other in the

7 Ontology is a particular theory about the nature of being or the kinds of things that have existence or a branch of metaphysics concerned with the nature and relations of being. 8 Referring to international relations on systemic level. 9 Referring to international relations as the matter of policymaking “inside“ the state. 19 dialogue. Still, particular roles of the actor and the structure are a matter of disputes within social constructivism (Pšeja, Hodulák 2015, 97; comp. Kubálková 2001, 21). The interdependence can be illustrated also on significant events, which, according to Walker, Schafer and Young (1998, 176) could possibly shift actor’s perception from, for example, cooperative to conflictual position. Mutual interdependence of the actor and reality is substantial here. Personalities of the actors will be analysed, these personalities are then mutually interdependent with the social reality, hence from the analysis of particular actors, we can also assume the character of the reality in which they were exercising the policy.

3.2 The role theory

The role theory entered the field of international relations in 1970 by the work National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy by aforementioned Holsti when being on its rise in sociology, psychology, and anthropology already. Holsti’s work was a first step, then developed by Cameron Thies in his Role Theory and Foreign Policy Analysis and others later. Theis (2009, 24) argues that identity is simply a part of one's personality, while role is a combination of the identity and external forces. This social-constructivist distinction between identity and role is fundamental for understanding the wider context of this elaboration. Additionally, role is a cognitive construct shaped by perception of social reality and reverse influence of the actor on the role. This is rather a sociological point of view specifying terminology of social constructivism. The role is, then, constituted by four interconnected elements, namely role expectation, conception, performance, and role set. This consecutively means what outer environment expects of the role, perceiving of the role by the actor, role practice and finally the set of all actor’s roles together. Additionally, the role helps the actor to distinguish between different options of policies or political goals and to choose the best option to be executed (Aggestam 2006, 13-21).

Issues like language interpretation, the scheme of self-constitution between actor and structure, and the role conception as described by Aggestam are of considerable importance in this elaboration.

20

3.3 Formulation and constitution of hypothesis

According to Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kosovo, it is a full recognition which is the primary goal of Kosovar foreign policy and diplomacy. By now, Kosovo has been recognized by 116 countries even though some recognitions have been withdrawn in retrospect. To clarify, the rising number of recognitions is understood as a particular and most significant part of Kosovar foreign policy conception. Therefore, even though this work focuses on foreign policy in general, the issue of independence recognition is important to state and to anchor this chapter. Situation inside international community has also moved towards other issues since the end of Cold War and the end of millennium and the balance of power has changed as well. Importantly, the region of the Balkans has remained a buffer zone of competing eastern and western interests. Nonetheless there are still unsolved war crimes and post-war issues visible, the security situation seems to be better than ever before. Economic prosperity is on its growth and there is no immediate security threat to the country at the moment, although provocations occur repeatedly from both Serbian and Kosovar side.

Because the actor and the structure are interdependently constituting each other, as presented by social constructivist perception of the world, I preassume that as the timeline evolves, which means there is a lower risk of open conflict or war, better socioeconomic situation, rising amount of bilateral recognitions and so on, actors may tend to be more conflictual, since they are getting more confident about their homeland and themselves in foreign policy execution. So, their role self-perception could have moved from president as a person of compromise, caused by beginning pressure to gain as much recognitions as possible to sustain and fix the country in a net of bilateral relations, to president as a person with a broader room to manoeuvre in foreign policy and diplomacy, therefore with a wider possibility of conflict.

Hence, I presuppose a following hypothesis: We can recognize a significant move of the personality of examined presidents and of the form of their foreign policy execution from cooperative to conflictual positions.

The operational code method should provide me with the data to verify the suggested hypothesis.

21

4. Individual presidential operational codes Below, scoring of operational code of three Kosovar presidents is given, each code elaborated and interpreted in respective section with brief additional personal background of mentioned president. Particular codes in tables and percentages are rounded up, therefore the net sum could have a little nuances. Respective percentages of each presidents’ usage of positive and negative attributions to the “self” or “other” and respective presidential operational codes are stated in tables below. Percentages of + or - attributions to “self” or “other” are used to made raw number comparable. Philosophical indexes are depicting actor’s attitude towards outer political world, instrumental indexes are describing actor’s decision-making instruments and her/his behaving. Summarising index then depicts the degree of overall difference between “self” and “other”. This chapter is answering the first research question.

4.1 Operational code and its interpretation – Fatmir Sejdiu

Fatmir Sejdiu, a law professor at the University of Pristina, became the second president of post-war Kosovo administrated by the United Nations after the death of Ibrahim Rugova in 2006, then the first president of newly declared independent Republic of Kosovo. Sejdiu’s political affiliation leads to Democratic League of Kosovo (Lidhja Demokratike e Kosovës, LDK10), which is a centre-right political party focusing on social conservatism, economic liberalism, and civic Albanian nationalism. Sejdiu also executed a post of the president of the party, what was a reason for his resignation from the position of the president of the republic in 2010, after Constitutional court decided about inconsistency of those functions.

Fifteen speeches of president Sejdiu were analysed, varying from public lectures, national ceremonies, official addresses to public issues like health care or employment, or addresses on diplomatic events. Speeches are dated from September 2006 to September 2010. President Sejdiu scored values adduced in Table 3.

10, 11 Original denomination in Albanian language and its abbreviation. 22

P-1 0,499 P-2 0,226 I-1 0,725 I-2 0,363 S-0 0,113 (+, +) Table 3, Operational code of Fatmir Sejdiu.

Index P-1 refers to the nature of politics, meaning that Fatmir Sejdiu seems to has a friendly rather than hostile view of political universe, therefore, is supposed to be quite cooperative leader. On the other hand, his optimism on realisation of his political values scored low. This could indicate that even though Sejdiu perceives the world as a cooperative network, his belief in his own abilities is influenced by a nonbeneficial and unsatisfactory local historical development or that those abilities are precluded by abilities of others. Low optimism is quite surprising in context of the independence announcement during his presidency and should be further on analysed and compared in division of pre-independence and post-independence speeches. In tactical consideration Sejdiu scored a high value, indicating that the vector of his strategic approach towards political goals is very cooperative. Despite this and similarly to philosophical indexes, the intensity in pursuing this strategy – his tactics – is rather low, scoring only 0,363 points. Therefore, Sejdiu seems to be more conflictual in pursuing tactical political goals to achieve strategic political goal. From my personal point of view, we can also say, that he is more conflictual in achieving short time goals, then in goals which have been set to be achieved in long-term perspective. Summarising index indicates that he is mutually cooperative leader in overall distinction but a relatively low score displays that there is a space for conflict. In total amount of speeches, Sejdiu positively attributed to “other” in 60% of all attributions together and negatively in 20% of cases; the rest of attributions is given to the “self” divided to 17% to positive and nearly 3% to negative connotations.

23

Total amount of + or - ascriptions percentage total 513 100 self+ 88 17,153 self- 14 2,729 other+ 308 60,038 other- 103 20,077 Table 4, Respective percentages of + and - attributions by FS.

4.2 Operational code and its interpretation – Atifete Jahjaga

Atifete Jahjaga progressed from police officer of Kosovo police up to the first and youngest female candidate for the position of the president of the country. Also, Jahjaga was the first president of the Republic of Kosovo elected in the first round. Additionally, she was the first non-partisan but party-consensual candidate. Her experience background is mainly influenced by her police career history and in analysed speeches topics and issues referring to women being victims of (war)crimes, employment of women, human rights issues and so on dominated.

Twenty-three speeches of president Jahjaga were collected, selected randomly out of more than 180 wide-scaled topics. Except from regular state-connected addresses or ceremonial diplomatic speeches, Jahjaga issued a lot of her addresses focusing on empowerment women rights, sexual violence, or entrepreneurship. Selected addresses dated from the May 2011 to April 2016. Values scored by president Jahjaga are stated in Table 4.

P-1 0,429 P-2 0,203 I-1 0,623 I-2 0,309 S-0 0,097 (+, +) Table 5, Operational code of Atifete Jahjaga.

The variance of percentage of positive and negative other attributions – P-1 – indicates, that Mrs Jahjaga tends to be quite cooperative leader in general, but also has a relatively low level of optimism dedicated to pursuing her own political values. This relative pessimism could have been caused not only by external international factors but also by internal political situation, in

24 which Mrs president was underestimated and mistrusted by the rest of political establishment and public in general. Instrumental indexes depicting president’s decision-making nature scored 0,623 in strategic approach and 0,309 in tactical intensity. This means that Atifete Jahjaga tends to have more conflictual behaviour in pursuing strategy, or if you like, in executing political tactics, then in strategic approach to political goals, where she seems to be quite cooperative person. Summarising index is also mutually cooperative, as by her predecessor, but scoring a very low value. This means Jahjaga still perceives herself as a little more cooperative then outer environment. Atifete Jahjaga connected circa 57% of all identified ascriptions to positive context of the “other” and 22% to negative context; the rest was attributed by 16% to positive and by nearly 4% to negative “self”.

Total amount of + or - ascriptions percentage total 941 100 self+ 155 16,471 self- 36 3,825 other+ 536 56,960 other- 214 22,741 Table 6, Respective percentages of + and – attributions by AJ.

4.3 Operational code and its interpretation – Hashim Thaçi

Hashim Thaçi is the current president of the Republic of Kosovo who took the office in April 2016. Thaçi has a rich political background as being former first prime minister of independent Kosovo, deputy prime minister or former minister of foreign affairs. Until his election to the position of the president, Thaçi was a leader of Democratic Party of Kosovo (Partia Demokratike e Kosovës, PDK11). PDK is a centre-right political party combining conservatism, economic liberalism, and pro-European orientation. However, Thaçi is also former political director of Kosovo Liberation Army and was allegedly involved in crimes and war crimes as drug or organ trafficking during pre-war and war period. Thaçi is one of the most controversial persons in Kosovar political spectre.

Since the time Thaçi was elected, he has addressed 23 speeches with the last one available being stated on the 10th anniversary of the independence of the republic. Other topics vary from army- linked, through regular speeches in the Assembly up to ceremonial addresses. Attention is also

25 devoted to issues of religious tolerance or women rights. Also, the length of his speeches relatively exceeded addresses of other surveyed presidents. Values describing president Thaçi are reproduced in Table 5.

P-1 0,390 P-2 0,165 I-1 0,631 I-2 0,294 S-0 0,121 (+, +) Table 7, Operational code of Hashim Thaçi. The first philosophical index of president Thaçi describes him as still being cooperative person, but in this regard, the value is not as significant as by his predecessors, therefore we can identify a slight shift towards conflictual position. Optimism about prospects of realisation of his fundamental political values is very low. Background for this minimal optimism could possibly be rooted in the fact that Kosovo is still not fully independent and occasional threats still occur against the country. The net frequency of positive attributions to the self scored relatively high, thus we can say Thaçi holds fairly cooperative strategic direction. On the other hand, the intensity with which he is trying to pursue this strategic approach to political goals is rather low, scoring only 0,294. To explain the summarising index, Hashim Thaçi perceives himself and general “self” dimension as the cooperative pole of the “self “– “other” distinction, others are therefore the causers of conflict. Even though the score is low, Thaçi is still mutually cooperative person. Thaçi attributed positively to other world less than both his predecessors, tangibly in 52% of all ascriptions together, to the contrary we can identify an increase in negative attributions to outer world to 23%. Then, Thaçi talked about himself in positive connotations in nearly 20% of all attributions, but also was quite self-critical, ergo in 4,5% of cases.

26

Total amount of + or - ascriptions percentage total 1063 100 self+ 212 19,943 self- 48 4,515 other+ 558 52,592 other- 245 23,074 Table 8, Respective percentages of + and – attributions of HT.

27

5. Operational code comparison and its connotations When we take a closer look at each of the presidential operational codes, we can identify several trends but also distinctions indicating overall development of the foreign policy direction in context of conflict – cooperation differentiation and social constructivist angle of view.

To remind, the actor and the social reality are mutually interdependent and self-constituent to each other under the constructivist angle if view. Hence, all below stated interpretations should be taken into consideration according to this prism and are stating researcher’s personal opinions and conclusions in the framework of heretofore elaboration. This chapter is answering the second research question.

Fatmir Sejdiu Atifete Jahjaga Hashim Thaçi P-1 0,499 0,429 0,390 P-2 0,226 0,203 0,165 I-1 0,725 0,623 0,631 I-2 0,363 0,309 0,294 S-0 0,113 (+, +) 0,097 (+, +) 0,121 (+, +) Table 9, Operational codes comparison.

5.1 The nature of politics

By all three presidents is the nature of politics perceived in positive way, noting that the political universe is understood as a cooperative network. Despite this fact, we can recognise a slight decrease in this cooperative perception. While the first Kosovar president scored nearly 0,5 in index P-1, the current one scored not even four tenths. Various issues could have caused this downgrade. As stated above, the case of Fatmir Sejdiu is worth further elaboration of pre- and post-independence operational code, nevertheless we can still hypothesise that his relative cooperativeness is caused by the presence of international supervising and security forces in the country. Due to this very fact, he was forced to behave cooperatively, because he had more or less no other option than to correlate with supervising authorities in his own policy.

Consequently, a small decrease in cooperativeness of Atifete Jahjaga could be caused by aforementioned underestimating of her personality by surrounding political and laic environment but to the contrary also by increasing certainty of the republic in the structure of

28 international community, which could have caused a bigger courage not to make compromises and shift to perceiving the world as an area where one can practise conflictual behaving.

Hashim Thaçi then continues in this trend and his P-1 index scored the lowest value. Reasoning may lay in suggested increase of the certainty of Kosovo as such, therefore in a wider space to manoeuvre and therefore in a bigger room for conflictual behaviour. Another implication could be hidden in Thaçi’s guerrilla past, which could have led to his view of the world and political universe being a place of conflict, or better to say, which could have normalised conflictual behaving in his perspective.

5.2 Realisation of political values

The second complementary philosophical index also depicts a decreasing tendency in the line of all three actors. Index P-2 scored more or less a half of P-1, what is quite noteworthy since it indicates that even though the general nature of politics is perceived as a relatively cooperative area, visions of individual presidents about realization of their particular political values are rather pessimistic. To the contrary, the indexes do not have to contradict each other.

Two different issues could have caused the distinction. On the one hand, there is the general perception of the world as a cooperatively deliberating place, on the other, referring to this index, is the belief into own abilities. So, the second issue affecting particularly the P-2 index can be explained by the influence of the reality of the Republic of Kosovo has not been fully recognised yet, occasional security threats from outer neighbourhood or also by internal ethnic- and economic-based tensions. Quite unexpected is the result of Hashim Thaçi, because, despite the fact of the situation of the country leading up to a bigger stability and prosperity, Thaçi sees prospect of possible realisation of his own political values not very optimistic. That could be caused by internal political turmoils which are storming domestic scene on a quite frequent basis. Also, two reasonably important threats to the sovereignty of the republic were made during his mandate from Serbian side – when Serbia sent a train painted in Serbian national colours, orthodox icons and labelled with the sign „Kosovo is Serbia“ in 21 foreign languages including Albanian in a close date to the anniversary of Kosovar independence in 2017 to the northern city of Mitrovica, and then when Kosovar police had to arrest the head of Sebian government’s office for Kosovo when he had entered the territory despite the ban on his presence and previous warnings in March 2018.

29

The second philosophical question is important in context of foreign policy analysis also due to its description of leader’s personal ambitions in political universe. Therefore is quite surprising, that all the surveyed presidents are not that much ambitious as could have been expected.

5.3 Strategic approach to political goals

The value of strategic direction which presidents adopted in approaching political goals is relatively high by all of them, but in this case, does not report decreasing tendency. The net frequency of cooperative attributions to the “self” is the highest in case of Fatmir Sejdiu. From the number 0,725, we can deduce that Sejdiu is highly cooperative in constitution of long-term political strategy. Reasoning could lay simply in fact, that primary strategic political goal at the time of his presidency was the independence and anchoring Kosovo in international relations system.

To compare, his followers decreased in cooperativeness by nearly a tenth and both Atifete Jahjaga and Hashim Thaçi are oscillating above 0,6 value. The decrease of Atifete Jahjaga can be caused also by her surroundings that did not perceived her as a true leader. So, to construct any political strategy going behind the horizon could have been difficult for her and could have affected her approach to political goals. To the contrary, we still have to perceive Atifete Jahjaga as extraordinary cooperative president.

Degressive trend is then eroded by the score of Hashim Thaçi, as we can see a very slight move towards absolutely cooperative pole on the axis. Still, one must have in mind, that these moves are being executed in the degree of hundredths. Therefore, even though the increase is observable, its real impact is rather insignificant and overall level of cooperativity is high. Reasoning of using a more cooperative strategy can lay in bigger political experience and knowledge, therefore bigger confidence in policy-making process of Thaçi, in comparison with for example Jahjaga, who was politically more or less inexperienced when entering the run for the office.

One issue have all the persons in common and that is a joint goal of full independence of Kosovo, which can be perceived as strategic political goal. The measures that need to be taken to achieve this goal are by all three approached from the positive pole of the axis.

30

5.4 Efficiency in pursuing political objectives

Quite remarkable is the total score of the intensity with which actors are determined to pursue prior mentioned strategy. The value oscillating around 0,3 indicates that even the presidents are cooperative in longterm strategy, in exercising short-term political tactics they do not hesitate to use relatively more conflictual measures. Second instrumental index depicts a decreasing tendency again.

The score of Fatmir Sejdiu can be explained by the proclamation of independence as stated above. When we perceive the reality under the prism of social constructivism, this, without a question, is a crucial event which has been projected to Sejdiu’s perception of the world and his abilities. Or in other words, the press on him to behave cooperatively to achieve the strategic goal has influenced scoring in I-2 index.

The decrease in president Jahjaga’s score may mirror increasing certainty of the situation of Kosovo in international field, followed by further shift of Thaçi to more conflict positions. More conflictual tactics can be also a result of Jahjaga’s preferred topics in her addresses. As she was focusing mainly on women’s issues (sexual or domestic violence, employment etc.), she may have projected to her behaviour her emotionality and therefore more hidden aggression. This particular role of emotionality should then influence interdependent self-constitution of the reality-actor relation.

If we take a closer look at Hashim Thaçi we can identify further decrease in second instrumental question. Thaçi’s political tactics is even more conflictual than by his predecessors even though still staying on the cooperative side of the relation. This relative decrease could be a result of his violent past, as aforementioned. This issue could have been then multiplied by increasing certainty of the country, therefore, allowing Thaçi to move to more conflictual positions.

The vision how goals and objectives can be pursued most effectively is perceived positive way by all three presidents, however, relatively low numbers indicate that the intensity of this pursuit is rather on descending direction.

5.5 Summarising index

Finally, summarising index S-0 indicates the overall degree of difference between self and other. To elaborate, index is labelled with mathematical signs determining the direction of the

31 relationship between those two elements. The value itself then indicates how big is the difference between “self” and “other”.

Index of all three examined leaders has +, + specification, which means they are mutually cooperative persons. In detail, they are cooperative in both halves of counting formula – in both instrumental strategic approach to political goals and philosophical perception of the nature of politics. Also, all presidents see “self” as more cooperative than “other”. Despite this mutual cooperativeness, presidents scored very low values. Low scoring in S-0 indicates, that even though in respective indexes they may have scored relatively high, depicting them as cooperative individuals, their general personality has conflictual pointing.

The least scored Atifete Jahjaga with the number 0,097. This is notably low score bordering with conflictual dimension of the axis. On the other hand, this low score describes the approach to the “self” and “other” as a balanced relationship. In other words, Jahjaga perceives these dimensions as almost identically cooperative. To the contrary, the biggest score was reached by Hashim Thaçi, who gained 0,121. This means that Thaçi perceives the „self“ as more cooperative than all the elements constituting the „other“ dimension. Comparable result was given by Fatmir Sejdiu, so a speculative reasoning may lay simply in a male nature of their personality or bigger nationalistic feelings. Notably to say, even if there is a distinction between particular S-0 scores, the overall value level describes all the leaders to be perceiving the „self“ and the „other“ as comparably cooperative. The number should be closer to +1 to depict that the leader attributes more positive ascriptions to the „self“.

5.6 Connotations of the comparison

Presumed hypothesis stated that examined presidents will shift towards more conflictual positions in world and self perceiving in the timeline. Background for the statement was taken from the assumption that the more relatively stable and fixed to the network of bilateral international relations Kosovo is, the more courage its presidents will have for conflictual behaviour and will tend less to make compromises in foreign policy execution, therefore will shift from cooperative positions to conflictual.

The overall comparison indicates that stated hypothesis is invalid and should be analysed more in-depth to explain respective positions of the presidents. Even though some indexes scored relatively low, all of them are in positive part of the axis, indicating cooperative personalities.

32

Despite the realisation of own political objectives is perceived pessimistically, general perception of political nature is quite positive by all the presidents. And even though strategic approach to political goals scored the highest values from all indexes, therefore all presidents see themselves as highly cooperative persons, the efficiency in pursuing such goals is seemed negatively. Failure of the hypothesis is then underlined by S-0 index which indicates increasing tendency in perceiving a „self“ as more cooperative than „other“ by all three persons.

One can say that that is only a self-perception of the self and the world, but in context of mutually interdependent constituting of the actor and the reality, there should be the shift in both dimensions and therefore this self-perception by the actor should describe the state of the reality as well. Therefore, from the above stated, we can say that the hypothesis was invalidated.

33

6. Conclusion How Kosovar presidents perceive themselves in the structure of international relations? Do they see themselves as conflictual persons? What is their view of outer world, is that world cooperative? Is there any significant difference between individual presidents in this self and world perception? Answers to these questions are also answers to the research goal of this thesis. Answers were given by the operational code approach and VICS method.

In methodological background were discussed respective formulas of operational code indexes and how Verbs in Context System method works, giving together a guideline for operational code counting and the analysis. Works of Walker, Schafer and Young were used for qualitative operationalisation of operational code, which works with the relations of power and actor’s understanding of these relations. The methodology was then anchored in the theory of social constructivism and role theory. Social constructivism provided information about how the actor in international relations is interdependent with her/his surroundings and how this outer reality constitutes her/his worldview and vice versa how the actor constitutes social reality. The role theory was used to distinguish concept of the role (combination of identity and external impacts) and concept of the identity (immanent to the actor a priori), what is important to understand this work.

Data to be analysed were counted partly by computerised system, partly mechanically by the researcher, giving the values of five operational code indexes. Indexes were framed with a brief political context of respective surveyed presidents, then interpreted and compared.

The answer for the first research question – “What is presidents’ self-interpretation of his/her role in foreign policy and how is it to this policy projected?” – is presented by the detailed discussion of operational code indexes, but also by the table of the percentage of total ascriptions to the “self” or “other” depicting whether each of these dimensions was commented more positively or in a negative way. The first evaluated president – Fatmir Sejdiu was rated as quite cooperative leader but with a low belief in realisation of own goals in philosophical dimension; and as a leader with highly cooperative long-term strategy, but with short-term tactics indicating possible space for conflictual behaviour. Atifete Jahjaga and Hashim Thaçi showed, in different numbers, analogous tendency. This vertical similarity of all indexes of particular presidents then answered the second research question – “Is perceiving of the world and self of presidents similar (or same) to each other or is it significantly different?”. Even though particular numbers of operational code score may differ by respective presidents, the

34 difference is not that significant to erode adumbrated tendency. When coming to the comparison of operational codes under a horizontal angle of view we cannot identify any similar or significant pattern in respective indexes. This, above all, means, that the tendency presumed in the hypothesis was not validated and the hypothesis is therefore void.

35

7. Resources

7.1 Primary sources

THAÇI, Hashim. 2018a. „The speech of the President of the Republic of Kosovo, H.E.Mr. Hashim Thaçi at the parade of the Kosovo Security Force and the Kosovo Police.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-the-president-of-the-republic-of-kosovo- hemr-hashim-thaci-at-the-parade-of-the-kosovo-security-force-and-the-kosovo-police. THAÇI, Hashim. 2018b. „Remark of Kosovo President, Hashim Thaçi, at the Munich Conference on the topic: ‘In or out? The countries in-between Russia and Europe?’“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/remark-of-kosovo-president-hashim-thaci-at-the- munich-conference-on-the-topic-in-or-out-the-countries-in-between-russia-and-europe-5381. THAÇI, Hashim. 2018c. „President Thaçi’s speech, addressing the Governmental Cabinet upon the occasion of the 10th Anniversary of the Independence.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-speech-addressing-the-governmental- cabinet-upon-the-occasion-of-the-10th-anniversary-of-the-independence-5349. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017a. „Annual Speech of the President Thaçi at the Kosovo Assembly.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/annual-speech-of-the-president- thaci-at-the-kosovo-assembly. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017b. „President Thaçi’s speech addressed to the citizens and the KSF soldiers.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis- speech-addressed-to-the-citizens-and-the-ksf-soldiers. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017c. „President Thaçi’s remarks at the reception of the Embassy of Finland organized in Prishtina in honor of the 100th Anniversary of the Independence.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-remarks-at-the-reception- of-the-embassy-of-finland-organized-in-prishtina-in-honor-of-the-100th-anniversary-of-the- independence. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017d. „President Thaçi’s speech to the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs in Canada.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-speech-to-the-parliamentary-committee-on-foreign-affairs-in- canada. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017e. „President Thaçi’s speech at the promotion ceremony of the five members of the non-majority communities in the First Batallion of the Kosovo Security Force.“ Accessed 2018-03- 01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-speech-at-the- promotion-ceremony-of-the-five-members-of-the-non-majority-communities-in-the-first-batallion-of- the-kosovo-security-force. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017f. „President Thaçi’s speech on the official visit to Kukës.“ Accessed 2018-03- 01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-speech-on-the-official- visit-to-kukes.

36

THAÇI, Hashim. 2017g. „President Thaçi: The cathedral, a religious temple and confession of our history.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president- thaci-the-cathedral-a-religious-temple-and-confession-of-our-history-5159. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017h. „President Thaçi's speech at the Adriatic Charter Summit 'US-Adriatic Charter' (A5).“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-speech-at-the-adriatic-charter-summit-us-adriatic-charter-a5- 5145. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017ch. „President Thaçi's speech at the conference of the Research Institute for Development and European Affairs (RIDEA).“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-speech-at-the-conference-of-the- research-institute-for-development-and-european-affairs-ridea. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017i. „The speech of President Thaçi at the Women’s Week 2017.“ Accessed 2018- 03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-president-thaci-at-the- womens-week-2017 THAÇI, Hashim. 2017j. „Speech of President Thaçi at the Regional Conference on the Safety of Journalists“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech- of-president-thaci-at-the-regional-conference-on-the-safety-of-journalists. THAÇI, Hashim. 2017k. „President Thaçi's address at the consultative meeting on the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-address-at-the-consultative-meeting-on-the-establishment-of- the-truth-and-reconciliation-commission. THAÇI, Hashim. 2016a. „The complete address of the President Hashim Thaçi to the Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-complete-address-of-the-president-hashim-thaci-to-the-parliament-of-the- republic-of-kosovo. THAÇI, Hashim. 2016b. „President Thaçi’s speech at the 93rd Rose Roth seminar of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-thacis-speech-at-the-93rd-rose-roth-seminar-of-the-nato- parliamentary-assembly. THAÇI, Hashim. 2016c. „Speech by President Thaçi at the inaugural ceremony of the “Beau Biden” street.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-by- president-thaci-at-the-inaugural-ceremony-of-the-beau-biden-street. THAÇI, Hashim. 2016d. „Speech by President Thaçi at the memorial dedicated to the youth killed the village of Gorazhdec in Peje.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-by-president-thaci-at-the-memorial-dedicated-to-the-youth-killed-the- village-of-gorazhdec-in-peje. THAÇI, Hashim. 2016e. „Speech by President Thaçi at the memorial dedicated to the fourteen Serbs killed Gracke of Lipjan.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-by-president-thaci-at-the-memorial-dedicated-to-the-fourteen-serbs- killed-gracke-of-lipjan.

37

THAÇI, Hashim. 2016f. „The speech of the President of the Republic of Kosovo, Hashim Thaçi, on the occasion of inauguration of the Centre for the Promotion of Women’s Rights in Drenas.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-the-president-of- the-republic-of-kosovo-hashim-thaci-on-the-occasion-of-inauguration-of-the-centre-for-the- promotion-of-womens-rights-in-drenas. THAÇI, Hashim. 2016g. „Speech by President Hashim Thaçi at the inauguration ceremony.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-by-president-hashim- thaci-at-the-inauguration-ceremony. THAÇI, Hashim. 2016h. „The speech of President Hashim Thaçi at the ceremony of taking the oath before the members of the Assembly of Kosovo.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-president-hashim-thaci-at-the-ceremony- of-taking-the-oath-before-the-members-of-the-assembly-of-kosovo. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2016a. „President Jahjaga’s address at the “Sexual violence in conflicts and beyond” Forum.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-address-at-the-sexual-violence-in-conflicts-and-beyond- forum. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2016b. „President Jahjaga’s speech at the KSF and Kosovo Police Ceremonial March in honour of the eighth anniversary of the Independence of the Republic of Kosovo.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-at- the-ksf-and-kosovo-police-ceremonial-march-in-honour-of-the-eighth-anniversary-of-the- independence-of-the-republic-of-kosovo. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2015a. „President Jahjaga’s speech at the reception held in honour of the US Independence Anniversary.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-at-the-reception-held-in-honour-of-the-us- independence-anniversary. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2015b. „Speech of the President of the Republic of Kosovo, Mrs. Atifete Jahjaga, at the fourth meeting of the National Council on the Survivors of the Sexual Violence during the War.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-of-the- president-of-the-republic-of-kosovo-mrs-atifete-jahjaga-at-the-fourth-meeting-of-the-national-council- on-the-survivors-of-the-sexual-violence-during-the-war. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2015c. „President Jahjaga’s speech at the opening of the global interfaith conference in Prishtina.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-at-the-opening-of-the-global-interfaith-conference- in-prishtina. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2015d. „President Jahjaga’s speech at the eighth meeting of the National Council on European Integrations.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-at-the-eighth-meeting-of-the-national-council-on- european-integrations. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2014a. „Speech of the Preisdent of the Republic of Kosovo, Mrs. Atifete Jahjaga, on the occasion of the marking of the Kosovo Police Day.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-of-the-preisdent-of-the-republic-of-kosovo-mrs- atifete-jahjaga-on-the-occasion-of-the-marking-of-the-kosovo-police-day.

38

JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2014b. „Speech of the president of the Republic of Kosovo at the United Nations Security Council meeting on Kosovo.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-of-the-president-of-the-republic-of-kosovo-at-the-united-nations- security-council-meeting-on-kosovo. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2014c. „President Jahjaga’s speech at the reception held in honour of the sixth anniversary of the Republic of Kosovo.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-at-the-reception-held-in-honour-of-the-sixth- anniversary-of-the-republic-of-kosovo. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2013a. „President Jahjaga’s speech at the fifth meeting of the National Council on European Integrations.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-at-the-fifth-meeting-of-the-national-council-on- european-integrations. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2013b. „President Jahjaga’s speech at the reception organised by the Embassy of Croatia in Prishtina.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-at-the-reception-organised-by-the-embassy-of- croatia-in-prishtina. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2013c. „Speech of the President Jahjaga at Oxford University.“ Accessed 2018- 03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-of-the-president-jahjaga-at- oxford-university. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2013d. „President Jahjaga’s speech at the Memorial Academy held in tribute to the First President of the Republic of Kosovo, Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, on the occasion of the seventh anniversary of his death.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-at-the-memorial-academy-held-in-tribute-to-the-first- president-of-the-republic-of-kosovo-dr-ibrahim-rugova-on-the-occasion-of-the-seventh-anniversary- of-his-death. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2012a. „The Speech of the president of the Republic of Kosovo, Madam Atifete Jahjaga in the Kosovo Assembly.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-the-president-of-the-republic-of-kosovo-madam-atifete-jahjaga- in-the-kosovo-assembly. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2012b. „The Speech of the president Atifete Jahjaga to mark the Day of Kosovo’s Security Force.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the- speech-of-the-president-atifete-jahjaga-to-mark-the-day-of-kosovos-security-force. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2012c. „President Jahjaga’s speech on the occasion of laying of foundation stone of the new Mosque in Prishtina.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-jahjagas-speech-on-the-occasion-of-laying-of-foundation-stone-of- the-new-mosque-in-prishtina. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2012d. „Speech of President Jahjaga in the solemn session of the Assembly of Kosovo on the occassion of ending the supervised indepedence.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-of-president-jahjaga-in-the-solemn-session-of- the-assembly-of-kosovo-on-the-occassion-of-ending-the-supervised-indepedence. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2012e.: „The word of the President of the Republic of Kosovo, Madam Atifete Jahjaga, at UNICEF.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-word-of-the-president-of-the-republic-of-kosovo-madam-atifete-jahjaga-at- unicef.

39

JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2012f. „The speech of President Atifete Jahjaga at the parade of the Kosovo Security Force on the day of the fourth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-president-atifete- jahjaga-at-the-parade-of-the-kosovo-security-force-on-the-day-of-the-fourth-anniversary-of-the- declaration-of-independence. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2011a. „The speech of President Atifete Jahjaga at the Regional Meeting of the Ministers of Defence.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-president-atifete-jahjaga-at-the-regional-meeting-of-the- ministers-of-defence. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2011b. „The speech of President Atifete Jahjaga in the Ohrid Summit of the presidents of Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro and Kosovo.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-president-atifete-jahjaga-in-the-ohrid- summit-of-the-presidents-of-macedonia-albania-montenegro-and-kosovo. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2011c. „The speech of President Jahjaga at the official ceremony held on the occasion of Europe Day.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-president-jahjaga-at-the-official-ceremony-held-on-the-occasion- of-europe-day. JAHJAGA, Atifete. 2011d. „The Speech of the president of The Republic of Kosovo, Madam Atifete Jahjaga in Kosovo’s Assembly.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-the-president-of-the-republic-of-kosovo-madam-atifete-jahjaga- in-kosovos-assembly. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2010a. „Speech by president of Kosovo Fatmir Sejdiu at UN Security Council, New York, 22 September 2006.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-by-president-of-kosovo-fatmir-sejdiu-at-un-security-council-new-york- 22-september-2006. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2010b. „The speech of the president of Kosovo, Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu, for the traditional ceremony ‚Darka e Lamës‘.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-the-president-of-kosovo-dr-fatmir-sejdiu-for-the-traditional- ceremony-darka-e-lames. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2010c. „The Speech of the President of Kosovo, Prof.Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu on the occasion of World AIDS Day.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-the-president-of-kosovo-profdr-fatmir-sejdiu-on-the-occasion-of- world-aids-day. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2010d. „The speech of the President of Kosova, Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu, at the Assembly of Kosova.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech- of-the-president-of-kosova-dr-fatmir-sejdiu-at-the-assembly-of-kosova. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2010e. „Speech by president of Kosova Fatmir Sejdiu at the Vienna meeting, 10 March 2007.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-by- president-of-kosova-fatmir-sejdiu-at-the-vienna-meeting-10-march-2007. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2010f. „The speech of the President of Kosova, Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu.“ Accessed 2018- 03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-the-president-of- kosova-dr-fatmir-sejdiu.

40

SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2010g. „The Speech of the President of Kosovo, Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu, in the reception organized on the occasion of 12 June, the Freedom Day.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/the-speech-of-the-president-of-kosovo-dr-fatmir-sejdiu- in-the-reception-organized-on-the-occasion-of-12-june-the-freedom-day. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2010h. „President Sejdiu’s address at the solemn session marking the second anniversary of the independence of Republic of Kosovo.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-sejdius-address-at-the-solemn-session-marking- the-second-anniversary-of-the-independence-of-republic-of-kosovo. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2007a. „President Sejdiu’s speech at the event. celebrating the start of construction of Vërmicë – Prishtina merdar high way.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-sejdius-speech-at-the-event-celebrating-the-start-of-construction-of- vermice-150prishtina-merdar-high-way. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2007b. „President Sejdiu’s speech at the WIEF Foundation Conference, held in Kuala Lumpur.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president- sejdius-speech-at-the-wief-foundation-conference-held-in-kuala-lumpur. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2007c. „President of Republic of Kosovo Dr. Fatmir Sjdiu’s address to the Parliament of Malawi.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-of-republic-of-kosovo-dr-fatmir-sejdius-address-to-the-parliament-of- malawi. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2007d. „President Sejdiu’s speech at the ceremony marking the 4th of July, The United States Independence Day.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/president-sejdius-speech-at-the-ceremony-marking-the-4th-of-july-the-united- states-independence-day. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2006a. „Speech held by the president of Republic of Kosovo Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu at the KFOR Change of Command Ceremony.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president- ksgov.net/en/speeches/speech-held-by-the-president-of-republic-of-kosovo-dr-fatmir-sejdiu-at-the- kfor-change-of-command-ceremony. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2006b. „President Sejdiu’s speech at the Mother Theresa Cathedral Inauguration ceremony.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/president- sejdius-speech-at-the-mother-theresa-cathedral-inauguration-ceremony. SEJDIU, Fatmir. 2006c. „Lecture held by the president of the Republic of Kosovo, Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu, at the Harvard University Republic of Kosovo – a confirmed independence.“ Accessed 2018-03-01. Available at: http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/lecture-held-by-the-president-of-the- republic-of-kosovo-dr-fatmir-sejdiu-at-the-harvard-university-republic-of-kosovo-150-a-confirmed- independence.

7.2 Secondary sources

AGGESTAM, Lisbeth. 2006. „Role theory and European foreign policy.“ In The European Union's Roles in International Politics, edited by Ole Elgström a Michael Smith, 11-29. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0415390931

HYNEK, Nikola. 2005. „Sociální konstruktivismus.” In Přehled teorií mezinárodních vztahů, edited by Pavel Pšeja, 129-143. Brno: Masarykova univerzita, Mezinárodní politologický ústav, ISBN 80-210- 3837-3.

41

Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. 2008. Pristina. Accessed 2018-02-20. Available at: https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Kosovo_2016?lang=en

GEORGE, Alexander L. 1969. „The "Operational Code": A Neglected Approach to the Study of Political Leaders and Decision-Making.“ International Studies Quarterly [online]. 13(2), 190-222. Accessed 2018-03-12. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3013944

GUZZINI, Stefano. 2016. „A Reconstruction of Constructivism in International Relations.“ European Journal of International Relations [online]. 6(2), 147-182. Accessed 2018-03-05. Available at: http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354066100006002001

ISMAJLI, Rexhep a Mehmet KRAJA. 2013. Kosova: a monographic survey. Pristina: Kosova Academy of Sciences and Arts. ISBN 978-9951-615-10-5.

KUBÁLKOVÁ, Vendulka. 2001. „Foreign Policy, International Politics and Constructivism.“ In Foreign Policy in a Constructed World, edited by Vendulka Kubálková, 15-37. Armonk: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 0765607883

LAQUEUR, Walter. 1998. „Guerrilla warfare: a historical & critical study.” New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, ISBN 9780765804068.

Law No. 03/L-094: On the President of the Republic of Kosovo. 2009. Pristina: Official Gazette of the Republic of Kosova. 47(4). Accessed 2018-02-20. Available at: http://president- ksgov.net/repository/docs/LAW_No__03L_094_ON_THE_PRESIDENT_OF_THE_REPUBLIC_OF _KOSOVO.pdf

LEVINE Nick and Michael D. Young 2014. “Leadership Trait Analysis and Threat Assessment with Profiler Plus.” Proceedings of ILC 2014 on 8th International Lisp Conference, Montreal, QC, Canada. Association for Computing Machinery

MAGAŠ, Branka. 1993. „The destruction of Yugoslavia: tracking the break-up 1980-92.“ London: Verso. ISBN 086091593X.

PŠEJA, Pavel and Vladan HODULÁK. 2015. „Teorie mezinárodních vztahů.”. In Moc a zájmy v mezinárodním systému: procesy, aktéři a problémy v mezinárodních vztazích, edited by Pavel Pšeja, Petr Suchý, Oldřich Krpec and Zdeněk Kříž. 94-97. Brno: Centrum pro studium demokracie a kultury. ISBN 978-80-7325-409-4.

SMITH, Steve, Timothy DUNNE a Amelia HADFIELD, ed. 2008. „Foreign policy: theories, actors, cases.“ New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-921529-4.

THIES, Cameron. 2009. „Role Theory and Foreign Policy.“ Information Technology Services The University of Iowa. Accessed 2018-03-12. Available at: http://myweb.uiowa.edu/bhlai/workshop/role.Pdf WALKER, Stephen G., Mark SCHAFER a Michael D. YOUNG. 1999. „Presidential Operational Codes and Foreign Policy Conflicts in the Post-Cold War World“ [online]. 43(5), 610-625. Accessed 2018-03-14. Available at: http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0022002799043005004

WALKER, Stephen G., Mark SCHAFER a Michael D. YOUNG. 1998. „Systematic procedures for operational code analysis: Measuring and modelling of Jimmy Carter’s operational code.“ International Studies Quarterly [online]. 42(1), 175-189. Accessed 2018-03-12. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2600822

42

WENDT, Alexander E. 1995. „Constructing International Politics.“ International Security [online]. 20(1), 71-81. Accessed 2018-03-06. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2539217

WENDT, Alexander E. 1987. „The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory.“ International Organization [online]. 41(3), 335-370. Accessed 2018-03-05. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2706749

ZULFAJ, Jeton, Brikena MULLIQI, Mentor SHALA and Petrit TAHIRI. 2008. „Political parties in Kosova: Profile and ideology“ [online]. 1. Pristina: Çelnaja. Accessed 2018-04-02. Available at: http://www.fes-prishtina.org/pdf/final_draft_en.pdf

43