DOCSLIB.ORG

Masaryk University

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Masaryk University MASARYK UNIVERSITY Faculty of Social Studies DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND EUROPEAN STUDIES Foreign policy of Kosovar presidents: cooperative or conflictual? bachelor’s thesis Name and surname: Jiří Němec UČO: 420584 Supervisor: Bc. Mgr. Vladimir Đorđević, Ph.D. Field of study: Political science – International relations Year of enrolment: 2015 Brno, 2018 “I hereby declare that this thesis is the result of my independent work, all the used sources are mentioned in the references and the content corresponds with all regulations of Masaryk University, Faculty of social studies and with available law.” Date: ……………… Signature: ……………………… 2 Acknowledgement I would like to express my deep gratitude to my supervisor Mr Vladimir Đorđević for his helpful remarks and comments, precise supervision and overall great communication and engagement during formation of this thesis. Also, I would like to thank Mr Michael D. Young for providing an access to his analysis software and useful advice. Furthermore, I would like to thank all people of Kosovo and Albania I have met who brought me to my study and work interest in the region of the Balkans, therefore, unintentionally, to the topic of this elaboration. Moreover I thank the people of the Albanian Challenge volunteer project in which I have participated in over last several years. Last but not least, I would like to thank all my friends and family members for their warming support. 3 Abstract This elaboration focuses on a research and an evaluation of operational codes of three presidents of the Republic of Kosovo. Its aim is to measure the degree of conflictual or cooperative behaviour in foreign policy executed by themselves. In the first half of the work I introduce the operational code as a methodological instrument, which is then framed by social constructivism and the role theory. In the second half, the evaluation and comparison of operational codes of respective presidents are discussed, then the overall conclusion following evaluation of the stated hypothesis is presented. Keywords: the Balkans, Kosovo, Serbia, security, foreign policy, foreign policy analysis, operational code, president, conflict, cooperation. Anotace Práce se zabývá výzkumem a evaluací operačních kódů tří kosovských prezidentů a má za cíl změřit míru konfliktnosti či kooperace v jimi vykonávané zahraniční politice. V první polovině práce je přistoupeno k představení operačního kódu jakožto metodologického nástroje, který je následně zarámován sociálním konstruktivismem a teorií rolí. V druhé části práce jsou hodnoceny a komparovány operační kódy jednotlivých prezidentů, z čehož je vyvozen závěr a evaluace stanovené hypotézy. Klíčová slova: Balkán, Kosovo, Srbsko, bezpečnost, zahraniční politika, analýza zahraniční politiky, operační kód, prezident, konflikt, spolupráce. 4 Content Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 6 1. Background and structure of the work ........................................................................... 7 1.1 Historical context ......................................................................................................... 7 1.2 Political context ........................................................................................................... 8 1.3 Structure of the work ................................................................................................... 9 1.4 Used sources and literature .......................................................................................... 9 2. Methodological framework ............................................................................................ 11 2.1 Research aim ................................................................................................................... 11 2.2 Research questions ......................................................................................................... 12 2.3 Limitations of the research ............................................................................................. 12 2.4 Specification of methods used ........................................................................................ 13 2.4.1 Specification of the calculation of operational code indexes ................................... 15 3. Theoretical background ................................................................................................. 19 3.1 Social constructivism ...................................................................................................... 19 3.2 The role theory ................................................................................................................ 20 3.3 Formulation and constitution of hypothesis ................................................................... 21 4. Individual presidential operational codes ..................................................................... 22 4.1 Operational code and its interpretation – Fatmir Sejdiu ................................................. 22 4.2 Operational code and its interpretation – Atifete Jahjaga ............................................... 24 4.3 Operational code and its interpretation – Hashim Thaçi ................................................ 25 5. Operational code comparison and its connotations ..................................................... 28 5.1 The nature of politics ...................................................................................................... 28 5.2 Realisation of political values ......................................................................................... 29 5.3 Strategic approach to political goals ............................................................................... 30 5.4 Efficiency in pursuing political objectives ..................................................................... 31 5.5 Summarising index ......................................................................................................... 31 5.6 Connotations of the comparison ..................................................................................... 32 6. Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 34 7. Resources ......................................................................................................................... 36 7.1 Primary sources .............................................................................................................. 36 7.2 Secondary sources .......................................................................................................... 41 5 Introduction Independence of the Republic of Kosovo was declared on 17th February 2008 on the second attempt of the former Yugoslav “autonomous province of Kosovo and Metohija” and following the overall breakdown of socialist Yugoslavia. Declaration was preceded by numerous issues from Kosovo conflict of the late nineties through mass unrest during the beginning of the millennium up to the very declaration. As I perceive an evolution of the state of Kosovo to be important for understanding of the context and outcomes of this elaboration, let me reproduce its history briefly, specifically, from the end of The Second World War until the second declaration of independence in 2008. Aim of this work is to provide an analysis and a description of a position of three presidents of the Republic of Kosovo in a conflict – cooperation relation, as well as to provide a description of how they self-perceive this position and their particular role in context of foreign policy execution. To reach the aim of the elaboration I will use the instruments and theory of social constructivism and the role theory for theoretical framing; then operational code and Verbs in Context System method for the analysis. By these methods, I will gain and compare data and evaluate aforementioned positions and self-perceiving of the presidents. 6 1. Background and structure of the work 1.1 Historical context Following both the end of the war against Nazi Germany and the constitution of communist Yugoslavia, the territory of Kosovo was given a status of an autonomous region and then, in 1963, the status of an autonomous province, however, with limited privileges. Adoption of the new Yugoslav constitution in 1974 extended manoeuvring space for the province, allowing, for example, partial self-governance. One of the significant milestones were the student protests from the beginning of 1981 which were the consequence of poverty of the people, but also called for Kosovo to become an independent republic within the Yugoslav federation. Importantly, tensions between two main communities at that time in Kosovo were caused not only by economic reasons or ethnic diversity itself but also by a lack of interest of authorities in Belgrade in the issues of the Serbs in this territory. The change became with Slobodan Milosević coming into power and with adopting a new constitution in 1990 that reduced rights of all provinces including Kosovo and Metohija. Worsening of the situation was catalyzed by firing hundreds of ethnic Albanian workers, withdrawing Albanian education curriculums and by the ban of Albanian-held media. In 1992 Ibrahim Rugova was elected a president of self- declared independent Kosovo, calling for non-violent resistance against the Serbs. However, this independence was not recognized by any country in the world,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Serbian Media and the Dialogue: Has There Been an Evolution in How Serbian Media Perceive Kosovo?
    Policy Analysis - No. 01/2016 The Serbian Media and the Dialogue: Has there been an evolution in how Serbian media perceive Kosovo? The Serbian Media and the Dialogue: Has there been an evolution in how Serbian media perceive Kosovo? ABOUT GLPS Group for Legal and Political Studies is an independent, non-partisan and non-profit public policy organization based in Prishtina, Kosovo. Our mission is to conduct credible policy research in the fields of politics, law and economics and to push forward policy solutions that address the failures and/or tackle the problems in the said policy fields. www.legalpoliticalstudies.org 2 The Serbian Media and the Dialogue: Has there been an evolution in how Serbian media perceive Kosovo? Policy Analysis No. 05/2016 The Serbian Media and the Dialogue: Has there been an evolution in how Serbian media perceive Kosovo? Lowell West* January 2016 For their contribution, we would like to thank the external peer reviewer(s) who provided excellent comments on earlier drafts of this policy product. GLPS internal staff provided very helpful inputs, edits and contributed with excellent research support. © Group for Legal and Political Studies, January, 2016 The opinions expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect those of Group for Legal and Political Studies donors, their staff, associates or Board(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any mean without the permission. Contact the administrative office of the Group for Legal and Political Studies for such requests. Group for Legal and Political Studies „Rexhep Luci‟ str.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo After Haradinaj
    KOSOVO AFTER HARADINAJ Europe Report N°163 – 26 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE RISK AND DEFLECTION OF REBELLION................................................... 2 A. MANAGEMENT OF THE HARADINAJ INDICTMENT ..................................................................2 B. SHADOW WARRIORS TEST THE WATER.................................................................................4 C. THE "WILD WEST" ON THE BRINK ........................................................................................6 D. DUKAGJINI TURNS IN ON ITSELF ...........................................................................................9 III. KOSOVO'S NEW POLITICAL CONFIGURATION.............................................. 12 A. THE SHAPE OF KOSOVO ALBANIAN POLITICS .....................................................................12 B. THE OCTOBER 2004 ELECTIONS .........................................................................................13 C. THE NETWORK CONSOLIDATES CONTROL ..........................................................................14 D. THE ECLIPSE OF THE PARTY OF WAR? ................................................................................16 E. TRANSCENDING OR DEEPENING WARTIME DIVISIONS?.......................................................20 IV. KOSOVO'S POLITICAL SYSTEM AND FINAL STATUS..................................
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo: Background and U.S
    Kosovo: Background and U.S. Policy Updated March 11, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46175 SUMMARY R46175 Kosovo: Background and U.S. Policy March 11, 2021 Kosovo, a country in the Western Balkans with a predominantly Albanian-speaking population, declared independence from Serbia in 2008, less than a decade after a brief but lethal war. It has Sarah E. Garding since been recognized by about 100 countries. The United States and most European Union (EU) Analyst in European Affairs member states recognize Kosovo. Serbia, Russia, China, and various other countries (including five EU member states) do not. Key issues for Kosovo include the following: New Leadership. Albin Kurti is poised to become prime minister for the second time after his left-leaning Self-Determination Party (Vetëvendosje) won a landslide victory in early parliamentary elections in February 2021. The poll was Kosovo’s second snap parliamentary election in less than two years. Once of the new parliament’s initial responsibilities is to elect the country’s next president. Acting President Vjosa Osmani, whose candidacy is backed by Vetëvendosje, is heavily favored to win. Parliament’s failure to elect a president could trigger early parliamentary elections, however. Dialogue with Serbia. The unresolved dispute between Kosovo and Serbia is one of the main threats to regional stability in the Western Balkans. Since 2011, the EU has facilitated a dialogue aimed at normalizing their relations. In July 2020, Kosovo and Serbia returned to EU-led talks after a 20-month suspension. Shortly thereafter, the two parties agreed to new measures on economic cooperation at talks hosted by the White House.
    [Show full text]
  • Statement by Herman Van Rompuy President of the European Council Following His Meeting with Atifete Jahjaga President of Kosovo
    EUROPEAN COUNCIL THE PRESIDENT EN Brussels, 6 September 2011 EUCO 66/11 PRESSE 298 PR PCE 39 Statement by Herman Van Rompuy President of the European Council following his meeting with Atifete Jahjaga President of Kosovo I am pleased to welcome President Jahjaga in Brussels today. Her visit takes place only a few days after the latest round of the Pristina - Belgrade dialogue, so allow me to start on that topic. Let me emphasise that the EU is very satisfied with the latest agreements on Customs Stamps and Cadastre. The agreements reached last Friday are truly European solutions to some very difficult issues. In particular, the agreement on customs stamps is crucial, since it will result in the lifting of the mutual trade embargoes. This is a significant step in improving relations in the region and ensuring freedom of movement of goods in accordance with European values and standards. However, there is more to do. Discussions need to continue and further progress needs to be made on the remaining issues. We need to find equally creative and pragmatic solutions for the issues of telecommunication, energy, and representation in regional fora. Dialogue, compromise and consensus seeking are the European way. Both sides have everything to gain from these deals, as the aim of this dialogue is to bring both sides closer to the EU, to improve mutual cooperation, and to improve the lives of ordinary people. This brings me to the other topic of our discussion today, namely the relations between the European Union and Kosovo, and related developments in Kosovo itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Western Balkans Stability Monitor
    Western Balkans Stability Monitor December 2018 Issue* * The issue is published in December and primarily covers issues occurring in the previous month. Table of contents Regional Overview 4 Albania 6 Government Stability 7 Opposition Activities 7 Regional Relations 8 Security 9 Looking Forward 10 Bosnia-Herzegovina 11 Government Stability 12 Opposition Activities 14 Regional Relations 15 Security 16 Looking Forward 17 Kosovo 18 Government Stability 19 Opposition Activities 20 Regional Relations 21 Security 23 Looking Forward 24 Macedonia 25 Government Stability 26 Opposition Activities 27 Regional Relations 29 Security 30 Looking Forward 31 2 Montenegro 32 Government Stability 33 Opposition Activities 34 Regional Relations 35 Security 36 Looking Forward 37 Serbia 38 Government stability 39 Opposition activities 40 Regional relations 41 Security 42 Looking Forward 43 About Risk Dimensions 44 War 44 Terrorism 44 Government Instability 44 Civil Unrest 44 Ethnic Unrest 44 About 45 Contact 45 3 Regional Overview Instability across the region remained unevenly spread over the last month in the Western Balkans. While most of the countries of the region remained broadly stable, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo set themselves apart as pockets of real – or possible – instability. In the case of Bosnia, the risk of instability largely derived from the post-election challenge of forming ruling coalitions at different levels of government. The process of ethnic coalition building can be challenging enough at the best of times. However, this time around it is compounded by the lack of a legal basis for forming part of the Federation entity’s Parliament (the upper House of Peoples), without which the Federation entity government cannot be formed.
    [Show full text]
  • Protection of Author's Moral Rights in Kosovo 1. Introduction
    JURIDICA (Lack of) Protection of Author’s Moral Rights in Kosovo Armend Ahmeti1 Abstract: In Kosovo we have many young artists, writers, singers, actors, photographers, architects, painters and sculptors, who are young, talented and special, which amaze you with their works. The applicable law recognizes the aforementioned authors certain rights over their works (thore are property, moral and other rights). But the problem is that the protection of the moral rights of the author is problematic in Kosovo. This protection is missing or is very pale. As a hypothesis of this paper I have decided: the differencies between the moral and property rights of the author, the non- implementation and reasons of non-implementation of the moral rights of the author in Kosovo, the need for a deeper legal reform in this regard. The scientific methods I have used to come to conclusions are the method of research, analysis, especially the method of analysis of legislation, the method of comparison etc. Keywords: author; property rights; moral rights; other rights; legal reform; non-implementation of moral rights 1. Introduction Kosovo, in terms of legal infrastructure, we can say that it has progressed far since its declaration of independence in 2008 by the Assembly of Kosovo. Kosovo now has a modern constitution, there are many laws and sub-legal acts that regulate different fields, in this regard also the field of intellectual property, namely the field of copyright. Kosovo protects the right of intellectual property by constitutional provisions (article 46 of the Constitution of Kosovo, approved on 09 April 2008 and entered in to force on 15 June 2008).
    [Show full text]
  • Report Between the President and Constitutional Court and Its Influence on the Functioning of the Constitutional System in Kosovo Msc
    Report between the President and Constitutional Court and its influence on the functioning of the Constitutional System in Kosovo MSc. Florent Muçaj, PhD Candidate Faculty of Law, University of Prishtina, Kosovo MSc. Luz Balaj, PhD Candidate Faculty of Law, University of Prishtina, Kosovo Abstract This paper aims at clarifying the report between the President and the Constitutional Court. If we take as a starting point the constitutional mandate of these two institutions it follows that their final mission is the same, i.e., the protection and safeguarding of the constitutional system. This paper, thus, will clarify the key points in which this report is expressed. Further, this paper examines the theoretical aspects of the report between the President and the Constitutional Court, starting from the debate over this issue between Karl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen. An important part of the paper will examine the Constitution of Kosovo, i.e., the contents of the constitutional norm and its application. The analysis focuses on the role such report between the two institutions has on the functioning of the constitutional system. In analyzing the case of Kosovo, this paper examines Constitutional Court cases in which the report between the President and the Constitutional Court has been an issue of review. Such cases assist us in clarifying the main theme of this paper. Therefore, the reader will be able to understand the key elements of the report between the President as a representative of the unity of the people on the one hand and the Constitutional Court as a guarantor of constitutionality on the other hand.
    [Show full text]
  • Albania's Foreign Policy an Outlook for the Future.Pdf
    1 2 INTRODUCTION TO THE PUBLICATION: “Albania´s bilateral relations: foreign policy challenges and opportunities” outheast Europe and especially its part of the so-called “Western Balkans” is in public opinion generally regarded as a key geostrategic region, but still also perceived as some area of remain- ing open or hidden local tensions and neighbor- hood-conflicts due to the continuity of diverse political or religious identities, ideologies and in- terests. Such obvious political or mental factors, mainly caused Sby partial still existing intolerant mind-set, misperception and prejudice-pattern, could lead to some further stagnation or delay of some necessary reconciliation and cooperation pro- cess and could over this provoke the danger of maintenance or recurrence of populism or nationalism. In consequence such a possible scenario would have decisive influence on regional stability of the “Western Balkans”. Basic precondition for development and peace in that frag- ile region are communication and cooperation between all relevant Western-Balkan-6 neighbor-states (WB-6), such as Albania, Serbia, North-Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina, as it is manifested and proclaimed in the “Berlin-Process” agenda. Such an interactive approach obvi- 3 ously corresponds to the renewed “Enlargement-Strategy” of the European Commission from February 2018, to guarantee the “EU-Thessaloniki-promises form 2003”, if the Western Bal- kan States are really ready to solve their problems in a cooper- ative consensus also by themselves in “Regional Ownership”. According to the processes of political decision-making there should not be any doubt about the fact, that construc- tive neighborhood-relations and regional cooperation of the WB-6-states need as basic pillars mutual understanding and widely common interests.
    [Show full text]
  • The Letter of Support to the Initiative For
    President of Kosovo, Mrs. Atifete Jahjaga Member of Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mr. Bakir Izetbegovic President of Serbia, Mr. Boris Tadic President of Slovenia, Mr. Danilo Turk President of Macedonia, Mr. Djordje Ivanov President of Montenegro, Mr. Filip Vujanovic President of Croatia, Mr. Ivo Josipovic Member of Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mr. Nebojsa Radmanovic Member of Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mr. Zeljko Komsic Subject: Establishment of RECOM Sarajevo, Belgrade, Prishtina, Zagreb, Skopje, Podgorica, Ljubljana October 2011 Your Excellencies, Presidents and Members of Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, We believe that citizens of the countries of the former Yugoslavia have a need and the right to know all the facts about war crimes and other massive human rights violations committed during the wars of the 1990s. They also have the right and a need, we believe, to know the consequences of those wars. This is why we are writing to you. For over a decade, since the weapons have been muted, post-Yugoslav societies have not been able to cope with the heavy legacy of the war past, largely because the fate of a number of those killed, forcibly disappeared, tortured, and persecuted – the people who suffered in so many different, horrible ways – remains unknown to date. Only a few names of those who died are known, but more than 13,000 families of forcibly disappeared persons are still searching for their loved ones. On top of this, there is no organized, systematic mechanism for the victims to seek and obtain fair reparation; and the lack of reliable facts about the victims is continually used for political manipulation, nationalist promotion, hatred and intolerance.
    [Show full text]
  • 10 Years of Impunity for Enforced Disappearances and Abductions in Kosovo
    BURYING THE PAST 10 YEARS OF IMPUNITY FOR ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES AND ABDUCTIONS IN KOSOVO Amnesty International is a global movement of 2.2 million people in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion – funded mainly by our membership and public donations. Amnesty International Publications First published in 2009 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Amnesty International Publications 2009 Index: EUR 70/007/2009 Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for re-use in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. cover photo : Kosovo Albanian relatives of the disappeared demonstrate with photographs of their missing relatives, Pristina, Kosovo. © Courtesy of the Kosovo Government Commission on Missing Persons and Mr Shkelzen Rexha. back cover top : Petrija Piljević, a Serbian woman, abducted in June 1999, with her son. © Private back cover bottom : Daka Asani, a Romani man, abducted in August 1999.
    [Show full text]
  • The Issue of the New President Is Looming Over the Election Results
    Policy Notes No. 01/2021 The issue of the new President is looming over the election results February 2021 1 Group for Legal and Political Studies is an independent, non-partisan and non-profit public policy organization based in Prishtina, Kosovo. Our mission is to conduct credible policy research in the fields of politics, law and economics and to push forward policy solutions that address the failures and/or tackle the problems in the said policy fields. 2 legalpoliticalstudies.org Policy Note 01/2021 THE ISSUE OF THE NEW PRESIDENT IS LOOMING OVER THE ELECTION RESULTS Author: Mehdi Sejdiu* February 2021 © Group for Legal and Political Studies, February 2021. The opinions expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect those of Group for Legal and Political Studies donors, their staff, associates or Board(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any mean without the permission. Contact the administrative office of the Group for Legal and Political Studies for such requests. Group for Legal and Political Studies “Rexhep Luci‟ str. 16/1 Prishtina 10 000, Kosovo Website: www.legalpoliticalstudies.org E-mail: [email protected] Tel/fax.: +381 38 234 456 * Group for Legal and Political Studies 3 THE ISSUE OF THE NEW PRESIDENT IS LOOMING OVER THE ELECTION RESULTS Introduction The President is the head of state and represents the unity of the people of the Republic of Kosovo, states Article 83 of the Kosovo constitution. The next President who shall embody this unity has to be appointed no later than April 6-th, as the six-month mandate of the current Acting President Vjosa Osmani will come to an end.1 Ms.
    [Show full text]
  • Behgjet Pacolli - Mgr Ceo Ma Bet Ex Group EXECUTIVE OFFICE of the SECRETARY-GENERAL
    behgjet pacolli - mgr ceo ma bet ex group EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ACTON Secretary General Kofi Annan (MAJlpS Executive Office of the Secretary General UN Headquarters #3-3800 New York, NY 10017 USA Lugano, the 21st of February '05 BP/sb Your Excellency, As you know on 28 October 2004JhjreeJUN employees assigned to the UN Mission in Afghanistan^ onejgfthem JfTCSso^ 30 "Octob'ef," after having received Jess than satisfactHry"el^laHaTi67islfom representatives of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo, I was contacted by the family of one of the hostages. I subsequently went to Kabul arriyjng there_on 6 November. I immediately^asked for a meeting with your representatives believing thaFan exchange of information was important. Between 6 and 12 November, when I finally met briefly with representatives from the UN „ y^TTJr^ ,-u.-Tf-_ - ^ -rrjjij j^-j ^n.^.tj.-.-.^.^.rr-^vM.j^n.i.v-Tr- • iv-ti' jrvii i^TOWmn*—«LHT*-LVL^-i>J0«-Bt-**"*'*':il*>—"""~'^*~~"'^"''^'^™'1^*-"'^"*~^*'0&n-«^i.cW7^i>JM^ws^ *»«i«*<« «»wra-u. Mission,_l_sp_oke_witfj f h six AfghanJWimstriesg , had aj]^^i£ncej/v[th^ The^Khig^and^jreceiveM ftr d considerable supporTfronTWe local W"Statiori and numerous other pTivatelndividualsrbne of _—— —•-*-«*ft. «. - ...—ij*^^,^»..«r^^ .-»9t -^-^-^-"-^-««*'««™'»"^^^ "••*•.."«.•. IJ...H ™—-—.y»*—• ^«^«^^^^-<-~ .- t »««-*w:*»'je^ iw'.*. who3 m walB sJ w able to >rforganizb i e a meeting in Peshawar with representativeT T Wt s ofr the hostage takers. The meeting that I h^dh/vithjfour representatives on IgJJQvernbejLwasi both brjef and less than_.s.ubstantive. TrTeNTwere a Mr. Kabir. and a^ Mr. Manuel. Mr.
    [Show full text]