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As Justice Reform: Protecting the Health and Well-Being of Incarcerated Populations, Their Families, and Their Communities
Roundtable on the Future of Justice Policy Examining Justice Reform and the Social Contract in the United States: Implications for Justice Policy and Practice Hosted by the Justice Lab at Columbia University Generously supported by the Ford Foundation and Charles and Lynn Schusterman Family Foundation Health (Care) as Justice Reform: Protecting the Health and Well-being of Incarcerated Populations, Their Families, and Their Communities Hedwig Lee, Professor of Sociology, Washington University in St. Louis Liza Weiss, Executive Director, Missouri Appleseed Finola Prendergast, Director of Research, Missouri Appleseed The novel coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has brought into sharp relief the expansive nature of community. Many populations who have been invisible (e.g., incarcerated populations, undocumented populations, and families of incarcerated populations) in many communities are now front and center as the United States and the rest of the world contend with a virus that knows no boundaries. Patterns of racial residential segregation, racial disproportionality in mass incarceration, and racial inequalities in healthcare access serve to further amplify risk for all and not just some. To be sure, certain populations remain disproportionately burdened by COVID-19 infection risk, complications, and death, but, as we have seen, the rise in infection in any subpopulations can easily lead to infection in other communities. This new reality requires us to reimagine in a more inclusive way what “community” and “safety” mean. It also requires us to act in a more deliberate and universal way to protect communities. For a community to be resilient, every member of the community must be resilient. In our essay, we suggest that policies to improve the health of communities need to target individuals in prison and jail both during incarceration and after release. -
Getting There: on Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform Susan N
Berkeley Journal of Criminal Law Volume 23 Article 3 Issue 1 Symposium: Criminal Justice at a Crossroads 2018 Getting There: On Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform Susan N. Herman Brooklyn Law School Recommended Citation Susan N. Herman, Getting There: On Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform, 23 Berkeley J. Crim. L. (2018). Link to publisher version (DOI) https://doi.org/10.15779/Z389882N0J This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals and Related Materials at Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Berkeley Journal of Criminal Law by an authorized administrator of Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Herman: Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform ISSUE 23:1 SPRING 2018 Getting There: On Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform Susan N. Herman* Criminal justice reform efforts sometimes seem improvisational. Scholars and activists have built a persuasive case that we need to reform the criminal justice system to reduce our reflexive dependency on mass incarceration and to root out bias against the poor, the mentally ill, and racial minorities. We know that actions like revising sentencing laws and eliminating cash bail are steps in the right direction. And so advocates around the country have been using any tools in grabbing distance to achieve those results: legislation, ballot initiatives, administrative or judicial regulations, or direct political action. Strategic discussion of how to prioritize and harmonize those approaches, or how best to build momentum among the states, however, is frequently held behind closed doors when it is held at all. -
Case 2:00-Cr-00291-GJP Document 277 Filed 07/24/20 Page 1 of 19
Case 2:00-cr-00291-GJP Document 277 Filed 07/24/20 Page 1 of 19 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CRIMINAL ACTION v. NO. 00-291-2 ADAM BENTLEY CLAUSEN, Defendant. PAPPERT, J. July 24, 2020 MEMORANDUM Adam Clausen was sentenced to approximately 213 years in prison after a jury convicted him of nine counts of Hobbs Act robbery in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1951, nine counts of conspiracy to commit Hobbs Act robbery in violation of the same statute, and nine counts of using a firearm in the commission of each count in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 924(c). Having served over twenty years in jail, Clausen now seeks a reduction of his sentence to time served and a period of supervision under the “compassionate release” statute, 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(1)(A). The Government opposes the Motion. After careful consideration of the law, the parties’ extensive briefing and Clausen’s appendices, the Court grants the Motion in part and orders a hearing, at which time the parties may present argument supporting their positions on the extent to which the Court should reduce Clausen’s sentence. 1 Case 2:00-cr-00291-GJP Document 277 Filed 07/24/20 Page 2 of 19 I A Clausen and his co-conspirators robbed several businesses in Philadelphia and New Jersey during a three-week span in February of 2000. See United States v. Clausen, 2005 WL 846198, at *1 (E.D. Pa. Apr. -
HOW the MANHATTAN DISTRICT ATTORNEY HOARDS MONEY, PERPETUATES ABUSE of SURVIVORS, and GAGS THEIR ADVOCATES Table of Contents
HOW THE MANHATTAN DISTRICT ATTORNEY HOARDS MONEY, PERPETUATES ABUSE of SURVIVORS, and GAGS THEIR ADVOCATES Table of Contents INTRODUCTION S&P NY PERSPECTIVES ON PROSECUTING OFFICES • Prosecutors Are Our Opponents, Not Our Allies • We Will Not Prosecute Our Way Out of Violence PROSECUTING OFFICES HOARD PUBLIC FUNDS AND SABOTAGE SURVIVOR SAFETY • How Prosecutors Accumulate Funds • Where Does This Money Go? • DA Funding Undermines Survivors’ Collective Safety: The Role of Mainstream Gender-based Violence Organizations • Prosecutor Allies: How Did the Anti-violence Movement Lose Its Way? • Relying on Criminalization and Prosection: Protecting White Women, Leaving other Survivors Behind • An Abuse of Discretion: How Prosecutors Criminalize Survivors Acknowledgements WHAT WE COULD EXPECT FROM THE CANDIDATES • Where Do the Candidates Stand on Funding? Deep appreciation for all of our comrades inside NY prisons and jails that • Criminalized Survivor Case Study: shape what we know about criminalization and prosecutors’ everyday Snapshot of the Tracy McCarter’s Story violence. We will continue to fight for your freedom and healing. Love and • Fool’s Gold: gratitude to Tracy McCarter and the #StandWithTracy defense team for District Attorney Candidates and Sex Crime Unit Reform allowing us to share her story. Thanks to Jett George for their beautiful (and swiftly produced!) illustrations and design. Forever gratitude to the abolitionist, Black feminist queer disabled organizers, and survivors before ACTION STEPS TO GET INVOLVED us that promised us that there is another way to bring healing and safety to our communities, without state violence. Introduction The Anti-Prosecution Working Group of Survived & Punished NY exists to Beyond the election, we hope this zine inspires New Yorkers to start or build power and energy toward a future free of all prosecutorial join campaigns to #DefundDAs and imagine safety, healing, and justice for mechanisms in New York. -
Sen. Jeff Sessions's Record on Criminal Justice
Analysis: Sen. Jeff Sessions’s Record on Criminal Justice By Ames C. Grawert This analysis provides a brief summary of Sen. Jeff Sessions’s past statements, votes, and practices relating to criminal justice. Specifically, this analysis finds that: • Sen. Sessions opposes efforts to reduce unnecessarily long federal prison sentences for nonviolent crimes, despite a consensus for reform even within his own party. In 2016, he personally blocked the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, a bipartisan effort spearheaded by Sens. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), Mike Lee (R-Utah), and John Cornyn (R- Texas), and Speaker of the House Paul Ryan (R-Wis.), and supported by law enforcement leadership. As Attorney General, Sen. Sessions could stall current congressional efforts to pass this legislation to recalibrate federal sentencing laws. • Drug convictions made up 40 percent of Sen. Sessions’s convictions when he served as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Alabama — double the rate of other Alabama federal prosecutors. Today, state and federal law enforcement officers have begun to focus resources on violent crime, and away from archaic drug war policies. But Sen. Sessions continues to oppose any attempts to legalize marijuana and any reduction in drug sentences. As Attorney General, Sen. Sessions could direct federal prosecutors to pursue the harshest penalties possible for even low-level drug offenses, a step backward from Republican- supported efforts to modernize criminal justice policy. • Unlike many Republican legislators, Sen. Sessions supports the use of “civil asset forfeiture,” which allows police to confiscate property from people who may not even be accused of a crime. -
Crime and Forfeiture
Crime and Forfeiture Charles Doyle Senior Specialist in American Public Law January 22, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-139 Crime and Forfeiture Summary Forfeiture has long been an effective law enforcement tool. Congress and state legislatures have authorized its use for over 200 years. Every year, it redirects property worth billions of dollars from criminal to lawful uses. Forfeiture law has always been somewhat unique. By the close of the 20th century, however, legislative bodies, commentators, and the courts had begun to examine its eccentricities in greater detail because under some circumstances it could be not only harsh but unfair. The Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act (CAFRA), P.L. 106-185, 114 Stat. 202 (2000), was a product of that reexamination. Modern forfeiture follows one of two procedural routes. Although crime triggers all forfeitures, they are classified as civil forfeitures or criminal forfeitures according to the nature of the procedure which ends in confiscation. Civil forfeiture is an in rem proceeding. The property is the defendant in the case. Unless the statute provides otherwise, the innocence of the owner is irrelevant—it is enough that the property was involved in a violation to which forfeiture attaches. As a matter of expedience and judicial economy, Congress often allows administrative forfeiture in uncontested civil confiscation cases. Criminal forfeiture is an in personam proceeding, and confiscation is possible only upon the conviction of the owner of the property. The Supreme Court has held that authorities may seize moveable property without prior notice or an opportunity for a hearing but that real property owners are entitled as a matter of due process to preseizure notice and a hearing. -
Reparations and Asset Forfeiture at the Extraordinary African Chambers
Journal of African Law, 63, 2 (2019), 151–161 © SOAS, University of London, 2019. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0021855319000159 First published online 24 June 2019 RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Victims’ Justice? Reparations and Asset Forfeiture at the Extraordinary African Chambers Daley J Birkett* Walther Schücking Institute for International Law, University of Kiel Amsterdam Center for International Law, University of Amsterdam [email protected] Abstract This article critically analyses the reparations and asset forfeiture framework at the Extraordinary African Chambers and its application in the case against Hissène Habré. It identifies obstacles to implementing the reparations awarded and calls for states and international organizations to support their realization for the sake of Habré’s victims, without whose efforts the tribunal might not exist. It argues that international(ized) criminal tribunals should more readily utilize fines and forfeit- ure as penalties to alleviate the pressure on trust funds to implement reparations awards, particularly in cases where convicted persons possess substantial assets. Lastly, in light of the requirement that assets susceptible to forfeiture orders be derived directly or indirectly from the crime(s) of which a person is found guilty, the article questions the failure of the prosecutor to charge Habré with the war crime of pillage, despite its availability in the tribunal’s statute and the finding that the suffering of many of Habré’s victims entitled to individual compensation resulted from pillage. -
Forfeiture and Compensation for Victims of Crime
Chapter 12: Forfeiture and Compensation for Victims of Crime Forfeiture has become a critical tool in the recovery of illicit gains arising from financial crimes such as fraud, embezzlement, and theft. Prior to the enactment of the Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act (CAFRA) of 2000, Pub. L. No. 106-185, 114 Stat. 202 (2000), non-owner victims of crime could recover through remission only in criminal forfeitures and civil bank fraud forfeitures. In other civil forfeitures, victims could be compensated only where they were named in a criminal restitution order arising from the prosecution of a related offense. In 2000, CAFRA amended 18 U.S.C. § 981(e) to broaden the Attorney General’s authority to restore forfeited assets to the victims of any offense that gave rise to the forfeiture. Accordingly, remission authority now exists for all offenses for which a related civil or criminal forfeiture order is obtained. In concert with this expanded remission authority, the Criminal Division initiated a procedure in 2002 called “restoration.” This procedure enables the Attorney General to transfer forfeited funds to a court for satisfaction of a criminal restitution order, provided that the victim named in the order otherwise qualifies for remission under the applicable regulations. While remission and criminal restitution are not directly related, they may serve similar functions. Remission is discretionary relief intended to reduce the hardship that may arise from forfeiture for persons who have incurred a monetary loss from the offense underlying the forfeiture. Restitution is an equitable remedy that is intended to make crime victims whole and prevent unjust enrichment to the perpetrator. -
Ideas for the New Administration: Criminal Justice | Manhattan Institute
Rafael A. Mangual Senior Fellow; Deputy Director, Legal Policy With the sharp uptick in violent crime in and around many American cities, the new government should seek to better protect public safety while fostering a fairer legal system. Three areas, in particular, are ripe for bipartisan action: • Policing • Civil asset forfeiture • Criminal justice reform 1. Policing Congress and the Biden administration should help fortify America’s dwindling local police forces. Violent crime—homicides and shootings, in particular—was on the upswing in many American cities in 2020. In New York City, for example, murders were up 38.2% through November 29 and shootings were up almost 96%. In Chicago, murders and shootings were up 55% and 53% through November 29. In St. Louis, through the end of November, murders were up 39%, compared with the same time in 2019. In Los Angeles, year-to-date shootings and homicides were up 33% and 29%, respectively, as of November 28. Through November 29, homicides in San Francisco were up 43%. In Atlanta, murders were up 48% through November 28, while shootings jumped 39%.1 The rise in the number and intensity of antipolice protests may be playing a role not just in the crime uptick2 but also in police officer attrition. New York, Chicago, Minneapolis, Milwaukee, and Atlanta are among the cities where officers have left their jobs in higher than usual numbers this year. The struggle of police *This issue brief was completed before the inauguration and updated as of January 26. departments to retain and recruit officers -
Critical Criminal Justice Issues
U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs National Institute of Justice CriticalCritical CriminalCriminal JusticeJustice IssuesIssues TaskTask ForceForce ReportsReports FromFrom thethe AmericanAmerican SocietySociety ofof CriminologyCriminology toto AttorneyAttorney GeneralGeneral JanetJanet RenoReno FOREWORD There is a discernible urgency to the crime issue. Crime and the fear of crime rank as the most important issues in public opinion polls. Some communities resemble war zones where gunshots ring out every night. Other cities struggle to create islands of civility amid threats to public order posed by low-level criminal behavior that eludes traditional measures. Appropriately, public policymakers and administrators in the criminal justice system are responding to the issue of crime in all its complexity. Every aspect of the infrastructure of our traditional criminal justice policy is undergo- ing fundamental rethinking. Our approaches to policing, adjudication, sentencing, imprisonment, and community corrections are changing in significant ways. Indeed, communities that are suffering from crime are changing their interactions with the agencies of the criminal justice system as the concepts of community policing, community prosecution, and community justice take on real meaning in cities and towns around the country. This combination—a sense of urgency on the part of the public and a rapidly changing policy response—creates a compelling need for policy-relevant research. When Attorney General Janet Reno addressed the American Society of Criminology at its annual meeting in November 1994, she challenged Society members to translate their re- search findings into recommendations that would benefit the practitioners and policymakers who confront the issues of crime and justice. The reports presented in these pages are the response to that challenge. -
The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform
University of Colorado Law School Colorado Law Scholarly Commons Articles Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship 2018 The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform Benjamin Levin University of Colorado Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Law and Race Commons, Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons, and the Legal Writing and Research Commons Citation Information Benjamin Levin, The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform, 117 MICH. L. REV. 259 (2018), available at https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles/1205. Copyright Statement Copyright protected. Use of materials from this collection beyond the exceptions provided for in the Fair Use and Educational Use clauses of the U.S. Copyright Law may violate federal law. Permission to publish or reproduce is required. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship at Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CONSENSUS MYTH IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM Benjamin Levin* It has become popular to identify a “consensus” on criminal justice reform, but how deep is that consensus, actually? This Article argues that the pur- ported consensus is much more limited than it initially appears. Despite shared reformist vocabulary, the consensus rests on distinct critiques that identify different flaws and justify distinct policy solutions. The underlying disagreements transcend traditional left/right political divides and speak to deeper disputes about the state and the role of criminal law in society. -
Criminal Justice Reform
Criminal Justice Reform America’s overcrowded jails and prisons, disproportionately populated by African Americans, Latino’s and other minorities, is one of the greatest civil rights issues of our time. More citizens are incarcerated daily in the United States than in any other country in the world. Over 2.2 million people are currently incarcerated for a range of offenses, many of them non-violent. The criminal justice system has strayed from its function as a rehabilitative institution and must be reformed. Racism and classism are keenly felt by those living in inner city areas in America – a reality that is institutionalized through “racial profiling” by urban police forces. Stop and frisk policies, routine traffic stops that escalate to arrest, as well as the hundreds of civil fines written by police officers are just a few of the examples of the disproportionate po- licing in communities of color. Many police officers abuse the power of their badges and use it to justify excessive use of force on the very citizens whom they are sworn to pro- tect. Far too often, innocent civilians in low income areas are the victims of violent crime. These individuals’ resources and means of survival are already challenged, resulting in higher rates of violence and crimes in these areas. One reason for the increase in prison populations is the enormous incarceration rate for low risk, first time offenders of nonviolent drug offenses. Another major cause is the lack of support systems to make a smooth transition back into society. This causes many people to be return to a life of crime and often to return to prison.