The Politics of Criminal Law Reform
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Judicial Law Reform
CHAPTER VI· JUDICIAL LAW REFORM A. JUDGES AS LAW REFORMERS Most members of the judiciary hastily deny any implication that they reform the law. According to Lord Simonds, "heterodoxy, or as some might say, heresy is not the more attractive because it is dignified by the name of reform" and law reform "is the task not ofthe courts oflaw but ofPar liament".) Similarly, O'Higgins, C.l. says in the Norris case that Judges may, and do, share with other citizens a concern and interest in desirable changes and reform in our laws; but, under the Constitution, they have no func tion in achieving such by judicial decision....[T]he sole and exclusive power of altering the law of Ireland is, by the Constitution [Article 15.2.1], vested in the Oireachtas. The courts declare what the law is -- it is for the Oireachtas to make changes ifit so thinks proper.2 Similar views are expressed by Viscount Dilhome in Cassell & Co. Ltd. v Broome,3 by Lord ) ScrutlOns Ltd. v. Midland Silicones Ltd. [1962] AC 446 at 467/8 2 Norris v A.G. [1984] IR 36 at 53. See also Costello l. in Anorney General v Paperlink [1984] ll..RM 373 at 388-9 and Henchy J. in Siney v Dublin Corporation [1980] IR 400 at 420-1. 3 [1972) AC 1027 at 1107: "As I understand the judicial functions ofthis House, although they involve applying well established principles to new situations, they do not involve adjusting the common law to what are thought to be the social nonns of the time. -
USAID Legal Empowerment of the Poor
LEGAL EMPOWERMENT OF THE POOR: FROM CONCEPTS TO ASSESSMENT MARCH 2007 This publicationLAND AND was BUSINESS produced FORMALIZATION for review FOR by LEGAL the United EMPOWE StatesRMENT Agency OF THE POOR: for STRATEGIC OVERVIEW PAPER 1 International Development. It was prepared by ARD, Inc. Legal Empowerment of the Poor: From Concepts to Assessment. Paper by John W. Bruce (Team Leader), Omar Garcia-Bolivar, Tim Hanstad, Michael Roth, Robin Nielsen, Anna Knox, and Jon Schmidt Prepared for the United States Agency for International Development, Contract Number EPP-0- 00-05-00015-00, UN High Commission – Legal Empowerment of the Poor, under Global - Man- agement, Organizational and Business Improvement Services (MOBIS). Implemented by: ARD, Inc. 159 Bank Street, Suite 300 Burlington, VT 05401 Cover Photo: Courtesy of USAID. At a village bank in Djiguinoune, Senegal, women line up with account booklets and monthly savings that help secure fresh loans to fuel their small businesses. LEGAL EMPOWERMENT OF THE POOR FROM CONCEPTS TO ASSESSMENT MARCH 2007 DISCLAIMER The authors’ views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government. CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS..................................................................................... iii 1.0 DEFINING LEGAL EMPOWERMENT OF THE POOR .....................................................1 2.0 SUBSTANTIVE DIMENSIONS OF LEGAL EMPOWERMENT .........................................5 -
As Justice Reform: Protecting the Health and Well-Being of Incarcerated Populations, Their Families, and Their Communities
Roundtable on the Future of Justice Policy Examining Justice Reform and the Social Contract in the United States: Implications for Justice Policy and Practice Hosted by the Justice Lab at Columbia University Generously supported by the Ford Foundation and Charles and Lynn Schusterman Family Foundation Health (Care) as Justice Reform: Protecting the Health and Well-being of Incarcerated Populations, Their Families, and Their Communities Hedwig Lee, Professor of Sociology, Washington University in St. Louis Liza Weiss, Executive Director, Missouri Appleseed Finola Prendergast, Director of Research, Missouri Appleseed The novel coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has brought into sharp relief the expansive nature of community. Many populations who have been invisible (e.g., incarcerated populations, undocumented populations, and families of incarcerated populations) in many communities are now front and center as the United States and the rest of the world contend with a virus that knows no boundaries. Patterns of racial residential segregation, racial disproportionality in mass incarceration, and racial inequalities in healthcare access serve to further amplify risk for all and not just some. To be sure, certain populations remain disproportionately burdened by COVID-19 infection risk, complications, and death, but, as we have seen, the rise in infection in any subpopulations can easily lead to infection in other communities. This new reality requires us to reimagine in a more inclusive way what “community” and “safety” mean. It also requires us to act in a more deliberate and universal way to protect communities. For a community to be resilient, every member of the community must be resilient. In our essay, we suggest that policies to improve the health of communities need to target individuals in prison and jail both during incarceration and after release. -
Getting There: on Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform Susan N
Berkeley Journal of Criminal Law Volume 23 Article 3 Issue 1 Symposium: Criminal Justice at a Crossroads 2018 Getting There: On Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform Susan N. Herman Brooklyn Law School Recommended Citation Susan N. Herman, Getting There: On Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform, 23 Berkeley J. Crim. L. (2018). Link to publisher version (DOI) https://doi.org/10.15779/Z389882N0J This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals and Related Materials at Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Berkeley Journal of Criminal Law by an authorized administrator of Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Herman: Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform ISSUE 23:1 SPRING 2018 Getting There: On Strategies for Implementing Criminal Justice Reform Susan N. Herman* Criminal justice reform efforts sometimes seem improvisational. Scholars and activists have built a persuasive case that we need to reform the criminal justice system to reduce our reflexive dependency on mass incarceration and to root out bias against the poor, the mentally ill, and racial minorities. We know that actions like revising sentencing laws and eliminating cash bail are steps in the right direction. And so advocates around the country have been using any tools in grabbing distance to achieve those results: legislation, ballot initiatives, administrative or judicial regulations, or direct political action. Strategic discussion of how to prioritize and harmonize those approaches, or how best to build momentum among the states, however, is frequently held behind closed doors when it is held at all. -
Case 2:00-Cr-00291-GJP Document 277 Filed 07/24/20 Page 1 of 19
Case 2:00-cr-00291-GJP Document 277 Filed 07/24/20 Page 1 of 19 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CRIMINAL ACTION v. NO. 00-291-2 ADAM BENTLEY CLAUSEN, Defendant. PAPPERT, J. July 24, 2020 MEMORANDUM Adam Clausen was sentenced to approximately 213 years in prison after a jury convicted him of nine counts of Hobbs Act robbery in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1951, nine counts of conspiracy to commit Hobbs Act robbery in violation of the same statute, and nine counts of using a firearm in the commission of each count in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 924(c). Having served over twenty years in jail, Clausen now seeks a reduction of his sentence to time served and a period of supervision under the “compassionate release” statute, 18 U.S.C. § 3582(c)(1)(A). The Government opposes the Motion. After careful consideration of the law, the parties’ extensive briefing and Clausen’s appendices, the Court grants the Motion in part and orders a hearing, at which time the parties may present argument supporting their positions on the extent to which the Court should reduce Clausen’s sentence. 1 Case 2:00-cr-00291-GJP Document 277 Filed 07/24/20 Page 2 of 19 I A Clausen and his co-conspirators robbed several businesses in Philadelphia and New Jersey during a three-week span in February of 2000. See United States v. Clausen, 2005 WL 846198, at *1 (E.D. Pa. Apr. -
United Nations Reform and Supporting the Rule of Law in Post-Conflict Societies
United Nations Reform and Supporting the Rule of Law in Post-Conflict Societies David Tolbert* with Andrew Solomon** I. INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW The reform of the United Nations ("U.N.") is a priority both for the or- ganization itself and for its member states. In recent years, a multitude of reports exploring the future path of the organization and its role in a trou- bled world have been published.' While all of these documents stress the importance of reforming the U.N., questions remain as to how reforms will be implemented and what impact they will have. One area that is repeatedly mentioned both in terms of U.N. reform and the future role of the organization is in building the "rule of law" in devel- oping countries in general and post-conflict societies in particular. This Ar- ticle discusses what is meant by the "rule of law" and which aspects of the rule of law are relevant to the U.N.'s current and future work. This Article also explores how the organization can use its resources and expertise, in coordination with other actors, to help build the rule of law in societies dev- astated by armed conflict. While post-conflict societies differ from each other in significant respects, they all encounter common problems, including addressing crimes committed * Deputy Prosecutor, International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia [hereinafter ICTY]. Executive Director, American Bar Association Central European and Eurasian Law Initiative [hereinafter ABA-CEELI], 2000-2003. Deputy Registrar, Chef de Cabinet to the President and Senior Legal Adviser, ICTY, 1996-2000, and Chief, General Legal Division, United Nations Relief and Works Agency, 1993- 1996. -
Against Constitutional Theory
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 1998 Against Constitutional Theory Richard A. Posner Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard A. Posner, "Against Constitutional Theory," 73 New York University Law Review 1 (1998). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NEW YORK UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW VOLUME_ 73 APRIL 1998 NurwER 1 AGAINST CONSTITUTIONAL THEORY RIcHARD A. POSNER* In this Madison Lecture, Chief Judge Posner advocates a pragmaticapproach to constitutionaldecisionmaking, criticizingconstitutional theorists who conceal their normative goals in vague and unworkable principles of interpretation. After dis- cussingspecific constitutionaltheories as well as the legal academy's increasingreli- ance on theory in genera Posner demonstrates the ineffectuality of constitutional theory, using the Supreme Court's decisions in United States v. Virginia and Romer v. Evans as examples. He argues not that these cases were necessarily wrongly decided, but that the opinions lack the empiricalsupport diat is crucial to sound constitutionaladjudication. Posnerurges law professors to focus theirschol- arship on forms of inquiry that will actually prove usefid to judges and concludes by asking that judges themselves recognize and acknowledge the limitationsof their empiricalknowledge INTRODUCrION Constitutional theory, as I shall use the term, is the effort to de- velop a generally accepted theory to guide the interpretation of the Constitution of the United States. -
The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform
University of Colorado Law School Colorado Law Scholarly Commons Articles Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship 2018 The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform Benjamin Levin University of Colorado Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Law and Race Commons, Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons, and the Legal Writing and Research Commons Citation Information Benjamin Levin, The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform, 117 MICH. L. REV. 259 (2018), available at https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles/1205. Copyright Statement Copyright protected. Use of materials from this collection beyond the exceptions provided for in the Fair Use and Educational Use clauses of the U.S. Copyright Law may violate federal law. Permission to publish or reproduce is required. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship at Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CONSENSUS MYTH IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM Benjamin Levin* It has become popular to identify a “consensus” on criminal justice reform, but how deep is that consensus, actually? This Article argues that the pur- ported consensus is much more limited than it initially appears. Despite shared reformist vocabulary, the consensus rests on distinct critiques that identify different flaws and justify distinct policy solutions. The underlying disagreements transcend traditional left/right political divides and speak to deeper disputes about the state and the role of criminal law in society. -
Criminal Justice Reform
Criminal Justice Reform America’s overcrowded jails and prisons, disproportionately populated by African Americans, Latino’s and other minorities, is one of the greatest civil rights issues of our time. More citizens are incarcerated daily in the United States than in any other country in the world. Over 2.2 million people are currently incarcerated for a range of offenses, many of them non-violent. The criminal justice system has strayed from its function as a rehabilitative institution and must be reformed. Racism and classism are keenly felt by those living in inner city areas in America – a reality that is institutionalized through “racial profiling” by urban police forces. Stop and frisk policies, routine traffic stops that escalate to arrest, as well as the hundreds of civil fines written by police officers are just a few of the examples of the disproportionate po- licing in communities of color. Many police officers abuse the power of their badges and use it to justify excessive use of force on the very citizens whom they are sworn to pro- tect. Far too often, innocent civilians in low income areas are the victims of violent crime. These individuals’ resources and means of survival are already challenged, resulting in higher rates of violence and crimes in these areas. One reason for the increase in prison populations is the enormous incarceration rate for low risk, first time offenders of nonviolent drug offenses. Another major cause is the lack of support systems to make a smooth transition back into society. This causes many people to be return to a life of crime and often to return to prison. -
Dictatorship Or Reform? the Rule of Law in Russia
Dictatorship or Reform? The Rule of Law in Russia Mary McAuley, Alena Ledeneva and Hugh Barnes Preface by Stephen Twigg June 2006 First published in 2006 by The Foreign Policy Centre 49 Chalton Street London NW1 1HY UNITED KINGDOM Email: [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2006 All rights reserved ISBN-13: 978-1-905833-00-9 ISBN-10: 1-905833-00-8 ii About the Authors Mary McAuley is the author of “Soviet Politics, 1917-1991” (1992) and “Russia’s Politics of Uncertainty” (1997). A former University Lecturer in Politics at Oxford, and then head of the Ford Foundation’s office in Moscow, she is a leading expert on Russian politics and society. Alena Ledeneva is Reader in Russian Politics and Society at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London. She is the author of “Russia’s Economy of Favours” (1998), and co-editor of “Bribery and Blat in Russia” (2000) and “Economic Crime in Russia” (2000). Her new book, “How Russia Really Works” is forthcoming. Stephen Twigg is the Director of the Foreign Policy Centre. After being General Secretary of the Fabian Society from 1996 to 1997, he was elected as a Member of Parliament for Enfield Southgate in 1997, which he represented until 2005. He was Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the House of Commons, the Rt Hon. Robin Cook MP, from 2001 to 2002 and then a junior minister in the Department for Education and Skills between 2002 and 2005, reaching the post of Minister of State in 2004. Hugh Barnes is the Director of the Russia programme at the Foreign Policy Centre, and the author of “Special Effects” (1994) and “Gannibal: The Moor of Petersburg” (2005). -
Columbia Law Confronts Criminal Justice Reform
The Path Forward: Columbia Law Confronts Criminal Justice Reform Mass incarceration is one of the defining civil rights issues of our time. With 2.2 million people in prisons and jails across the United States, it is imperative that we remediate bias and inhumanity when it encroaches on our system of criminal justice. The passage in late 2018 of the bipartisan First Step Act, a federal criminal justice reform bill, marked significant progress. But meaningful and lasting change cannot be left to legislators and policymakers alone. Through scholarship, litigation, advocacy, and representation, Columbia Law School faculty, students, and alumni are exploring and promoting strategies that will reduce mass incarceration, create safer communities, respect individual rights, and affirm human dignity. Gillian Lester Dean and the Lucy G. Moses Professor of Law law.columbia.edu/criminal-justice-reform Policing What reforms follow the decline of stop and frisk? The steep drop in crime in the United States over the “In some ways, Who gets past 25 years has coincided with the spread of a style you’re asking police arrested?* of policing that aggressively enforces low-level offenses to do things that (turnstile jumping, public urination) to deter more- WHITE serious crimes. The effectiveness of the so-called are inconsistent More than Arrest rates broken-windows strategy is disputed and controversial, with what they 69% by location 10.6 of arrests but such enforcement remains significant: Over 80 are sworn to do, (per 100,000 residents) percent of the 10.6 million arrests in 2016 were for low- 77% of level, nonviolent crimes, according to the Vera Institute which is simply million U.S. -
Abolition K Draft
Abolition K Draft This file is compiled by the NCDA Working group for the Novice packet, with help from NAUDL. Thanks to Michigan, CNDI and GDS for providing some of the cards in this file. Terminology Life without the possibility of Parole = LWOP Death In Prison = DIP ---1NC--- 1NC The aff is a superficial tweak to the criminal justice system that preserves its legitimacy and coopts the movement toward structural change. Karakatsanis 19 – founder and Executive Director of Civil Rights Corps; former civil rights lawyer and public defender with the Special Litigation Division of the Public Defender Service for the District of Columbia; a federal public defender in Alabama, representing impoverished people accused of federal crimes; and co-founder of the non-profit organization Equal Justice Under Law, Alec, 3/28. “The Punishment Bureaucracy: How to Think About “Criminal Justice Reform”.” https://www.yalelawjournal.org/ forum/the-punishment-bureaucracy The emerging “criminal justice reform” consensus is superficial and deceptive. It is superficial because most proposed “reforms” would still leave the United States as the greatest incarcerator in the world. It is deceptive because those who want largely to preserve the current punishment bureaucracy—by making just enough tweaks to protect its perceived legitimacy—must obfuscate the difference between changes that will transform the system and tweaks that will curb only its most grotesque flourishes. Nearly every prominent national politician and the vast majority of state and local officials