Multi-Level Governance and Decentralization in the Unitary States of the European Union
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The Elevation and Isolation of the Constitutional Status of New Caledonia: a Case Study of French Interim Constitutional Reform
THE ELEVATION AND ISOLATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL STATUS OF NEW CALEDONIA: A CASE STUDY OF FRENCH INTERIM CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM GUILLAUME P. BLANC* INTRODUCTION Constitutional reform is very often needed in order to adapt constitutional rules which govern the distribution or decentralization of powers between different federal and federate entities in federal countries. However, the relationship between constitutional reform and decentralization is not only relevant to federal countries. It can also be relevant to unified or centralized countries which do not have a constitutional federal status, such as France, where sovereign executive as well as legislative powers can be shared between the French central state and the French overseas dependencies. Among these French overseas collectivities, New Caledonia benefits from a special constitutional status and is vested with the most extensive sovereign executive and legislative powers ever transferred from the French state to a French decentralized territory. Following the Noumea Accord of 5 May 1998, the constitutional and institutional status of New Caledonia was entirely modified in order to resolve political conflicts between the Kanak independence movement and New Caledonian political forces opposed to any secession of New Caledonia. This reform resulted in the transfer of sovereign powers traditionally exercised by the French state to the New Caledonian political and administrative authorities, in particular the government, the Parliament (“Congress”), and the Provinces of New Caledonia. The present paper will demonstrate why the transfer of sovereign powers from the French state to the decentralized New Caledonian authorities needed this constitutional reform, and how this reform operates as a progressive constitutional devolution process (1). -
Critical Care Medicine in the French Territories in the Americas
01 Pan American Journal Opinion and analysis of Public Health 02 03 04 05 06 Critical care medicine in the French Territories in 07 08 the Americas: Current situation and prospects 09 10 11 1 2 1 1 1 Hatem Kallel , Dabor Resiere , Stéphanie Houcke , Didier Hommel , Jean Marc Pujo , 12 Frederic Martino3, Michel Carles3, and Hossein Mehdaoui2; Antilles-Guyane Association of 13 14 Critical Care Medicine 15 16 17 18 Suggested citation Kallel H, Resiere D, Houcke S, Hommel D, Pujo JM, Martino F, et al. Critical care medicine in the French Territories in the 19 Americas: current situation and prospects. Rev Panam Salud Publica. 2021;45:e46. https://doi.org/10.26633/RPSP.2021.46 20 21 22 23 ABSTRACT Hospitals in the French Territories in the Americas (FTA) work according to international and French stan- 24 dards. This paper aims to describe different aspects of critical care in the FTA. For this, we reviewed official 25 information about population size and intensive care unit (ICU) bed capacity in the FTA and literature on FTA ICU specificities. Persons living in or visiting the FTA are exposed to specific risks, mainly severe road traffic 26 injuries, envenoming, stab or ballistic wounds, and emergent tropical infectious diseases. These diseases may 27 require specific knowledge and critical care management. However, there are not enough ICU beds in the FTA. 28 Indeed, there are 7.2 ICU beds/100 000 population in Guadeloupe, 7.2 in Martinique, and 4.5 in French Gui- 29 ana. In addition, seriously ill patients in remote areas regularly have to be transferred, most often by helicopter, 30 resulting in a delay in admission to intensive care. -
The Term Decentralization Is Used So Commonly And
Decentralization – Key Issues, Major Trends and Future Developments Lidija R. Basta The term decentralization is used so commonly and Professor at the Institute yet defined so variously that it will be necessary to indicate of Federalism, University its usage in this text with some precision. To begin with, of Fribourg there are two, separable but closely linked themes which cover the issue of decentralization: a) intergovernmental processes, i.e. decentralization of gover- nance between levels of government from federal/central to state/local; b) deregulation, i.e., decentralization from governments to market, quasi-market and non-governmental organizations (the balance of public sector compared with market resource allocation).1 The article will focus on the first dimension and address decen- tralization as a specific concept of state organization and method of governance, including major issues of economic and fiscal decentralization, since this aspect has mainly been understood as decentralization stricto sensu. 28 Decentralization is of itself a relative, rather than absolute con- cept, which can be understood only “against either different nor- mative models or different practical starting points”. When addressing the intergovernmental structures and processes of decentralization, the analytical and empirical approaches are to be combined, taking two facts equally into account: (a) that also when referred to governmental structure and relating functions, the term “decentralization” describes development, (the process of) change from a former to a new institutional set-up; (b) that any categorization of decentralization trends faces the problem of how to conceptually incorporate the influence of the specificity of given local context. The latter has four dimensions: a) the level of economic development, b) the extent of development of representative democracy and experience of democratic systems, c) the structure of the settlement system (urban vs. -
The Outermost Regions European Lands in the World
THE OUTERMOST REGIONS EUROPEAN LANDS IN THE WORLD Açores Madeira Saint-Martin Canarias Guadeloupe Martinique Guyane Mayotte La Réunion Regional and Urban Policy Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00 800 numbers or these calls may be billed. European Commission, Directorate-General for Regional and Urban Policy Communication Agnès Monfret Avenue de Beaulieu 1 – 1160 Bruxelles Email: [email protected] Internet: http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/index_en.htm This publication is printed in English, French, Spanish and Portuguese and is available at: http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/activity/outermost/index_en.cfm © Copyrights: Cover: iStockphoto – Shutterstock; page 6: iStockphoto; page 8: EC; page 9: EC; page 11: iStockphoto; EC; page 13: EC; page 14: EC; page 15: EC; page 17: iStockphoto; page 18: EC; page 19: EC; page 21: iStockphoto; page 22: EC; page 23: EC; page 27: iStockphoto; page 28: EC; page 29: EC; page 30: EC; page 32: iStockphoto; page 33: iStockphoto; page 34: iStockphoto; page 35: EC; page 37: iStockphoto; page 38: EC; page 39: EC; page 41: iStockphoto; page 42: EC; page 43: EC; page 45: iStockphoto; page 46: EC; page 47: EC. Source of statistics: Eurostat 2014 The contents of this publication do not necessarily reflect the position or opinion of the European Commission. More information on the European Union is available on the internet (http://europa.eu). Cataloguing data can be found at the end of this publication. -
France Background
The World Factbook Europe :: France Introduction :: France Background: France today is one of the most modern countries in the world and is a leader among European nations. It plays an influential global role as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, NATO, the G-8, the G-20, the EU and other multilateral organizations. France rejoined NATO's integrated military command structure in 2009, reversing de Gaulle's 1966 decision to take French forces out of NATO. Since 1958, it has constructed a hybrid presidential-parliamentary governing system resistant to the instabilities experienced in earlier, more purely parliamentary administrations. In recent decades, its reconciliation and cooperation with Germany have proved central to the economic integration of Europe, including the introduction of a common currency, the euro, in January 1999. In the early 21st century, five French overseas entities - French Guiana, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Mayotte, and Reunion - became French regions and were made part of France proper. Geography :: France Location: metropolitan France: Western Europe, bordering the Bay of Biscay and English Channel, between Belgium and Spain, southeast of the UK; bordering the Mediterranean Sea, between Italy and Spain French Guiana: Northern South America, bordering the North Atlantic Ocean, between Brazil and Suriname Guadeloupe: Caribbean, islands between the Caribbean Sea and the North Atlantic Ocean, southeast of Puerto Rico Martinique: Caribbean, island between the Caribbean Sea and North Atlantic Ocean, -
The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: an Overall Assessment
The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: An Overall Assessment Andreas Theophanous Odysseas Christou Since its creation the Republic of Cyprus has had a very turbulent history. From the outset the geopolitical implications of the Treaty of Establishment, the Treaty of Alliance, and the Treaty of Guarantee on the one hand and the particular characteristics of the Cold War on the other were not fully understood. Domestic tensions as well as foreign interventions led eventually to the cataclysmic events of the summer of 1974. Fifty years after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, this island-state faces critical problems and multidimensional challenges.1 The greatest challenge remains the reestablishment of the territorial integrity and unity of the country. Prior to the Turkish invasion of 1974, the basis of the intercommunal negotiations revolved around the establishment of a unitary state with elements of local and communal, self-administration on issues of low level politics. Since the latter part of the 1970s, the model for the solution to the Cyprus problem, according to conventional orthodoxy, has essentially been a bizonal bicommunal federation.2 Yet despite successive and repeated rounds of intercommunal negotiations under the auspices of the UN and the support of the international community there has not been an agreement.3 In fact, the problem remains unresolved while the gap between the two sides is widening. Thus, it is not surprising that to the present day the bizonal bicommunal federation does not yet have a commonly accepted precise definition. Besides it is indeed doubtful whether the implementation of such a model could lead to stability and cooperation.4 Historical Background and Context Cyprus is the third largest island in the Mediterranean, located approximately 70 km to the south of Turkey. -
Presidential Or Parliamentary Does It Make a Difference? Juan J. Linz
VrA Democracy: Presidential or Parliamentary Does it Make a Difference? Juan J. Linz Pelatiah Pert Professor of Political and Social Sciences Yale University July 1985 Paper prepared for the project, "The Role of Political Parties in the Return to Democracy in the Southern Cone," sponsored by the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and the World Peace Foundation Copyright © 1985 by Juan J. Linz / INTRODUCTION In recent decades renewed efforts have been made to study and understand the variety of political democracies, but most of those analyses have focused on the patterns of political conflict and more specifically on party systems and coalition formation, in contrast to the attention of many classical writers on the institutional arrangements. With the exception of the large literature on the impact of electorul systems on the shaping of party systems generated by the early writings of Ferdinand Hermens and the classic work by Maurice Duverger, as well as the writings of Douglas Rae and Giovanni Sartori, there has been little attention paid by political scientists to the role of political institutions except in the study of particular countries. Debates about monarchy and republic, parliamentary and presidential regimes, the unitary state and federalism have receded into oblivion and not entered the current debates about the functioning of democra-ic and political institutions and practices, including their effect on the party systems. At a time when a number of countries initiate the process of writing or rewriting constitu tions, some of those issues should regain salience and become part of what Sartori has called "political engineering" in an effort to set the basis of democratic consolidation and stability. -
Comparative Analysis Between the Constitutional Processes in Egypt and Tunisia - Lessons Learnt - Overview of the Constitutional Situation in Libya
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION DIRECTORATE B POLICY DEPARTMENT IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESSES IN EGYPT AND TUNISIA - LESSONS LEARNT - OVERVIEW OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL SITUATION IN LIBYA Abstract The 2014 Constitutions of Egypt and Tunisia, though enacted at the same time and as a consequence of very similar revolutionary forces, are different in style and content. Egypt has fallen back to the structures of the 1971 Constitution and will likely experience further restoration of the authoritarian presidentialism. The Armed Forces continue to play a dominant background role in the political and constitutional life of the country. Tunisia seems to have embraced a new constitutional paradigm that is based on a modern approach to human rights protection and a balanced institutional framework that provides for substantial checks and balances between the three branches of government. The constitutional drafting process in Libya is overshadowed by a pronounced lack of security, the absence of functioning state institutions, societal fragmentation, and the uneven distribution of natural wealth. National reconciliation is a key precondition of successful political and constitutional transition but the process has to date been a very difficult one. There are indications, however, that stakeholders in Libya are trying to build consensus on important aspects of the process. The 1951 Constitution, based on a federal framework, offers the best conceptual framework for the recently elected -
Legal Country Mapping
Legal Country Mapping Republic of Mauritius 08/2020 By: Bryan Ramsamy LEGAL COUNTRY MAPPING, Republic of Mauritius TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER 1: WATER GOVERNANCE OVERVIEW ....................................................................... 4 A- Preliminary questions: ............................................................................................................ 4 B- The country is member of a regional integration organisation? ............................................ 5 C- Water governance and administration: .................................................................................. 8 CHAPTER 2: INTERNATIONAL AND REGIONAL TREATIES .........................................................10 A. Regional Multilateral/Bilateral Treaties ................................................................................ 10 B. International Treaties ............................................................................................................ 12 Table 3. ILO conventions .......................................................................................................15 C. Regional/Africa ...................................................................................................................... 16 D. Transboundary freshwater resources agreements ............................................................... 17 CHAPTER 3: DOMESTIC LEGISLATION ON WATER ...................................................................18 A-Water law .............................................................................................................................. -
Economic and Social Council Distr.: General
United Nations Economic and Social Council Distr.: General E/1990/6/Add.27 25 October 2000 Original: French IMPLEMENTATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS Second periodic reports submitted by States parties under articles 16 and 17 of the Covenant Addendum FRANCE *, ** [30 June 2000] * The initial reports concerning rights covered by articles 6 to 9 (E/1984/6/Add.11), 10 to 12 (E/1986/3/Add.10) and 13 to 15 (E/1982/3/Add.30) submitted by the Government of France were considered by the Expert Working Group of the Economic and Social Council and by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in 1985 (see E/1985/WG.1/SR.5 and 7; E/1982/3/Add.30 and Corr.1), in 1986 (see E/1986/WG.1/SR.18,19 and 21; E/1984/6Add.11) and in 1989 (see E/C.12/1989/SR.12 and 13; E/1986/3/Add.10). ** The information submitted in accordance with the consolidated guidelines concerning the initial part of reports of States parties is contained in the core document HRI/CORE/1/Add.17/Rev.1. GE.00-45320 E/1990/6/Add.27 CONTENTS Paragraph Introduction 1-3 Article 1 4-16 I. Guarantee of the right of peoples in the departments and 11-27 territories freely to leave the territory of the Republic A. Cession of territory by treaty between the French Republic 11-13 and another state. B. Sole instance of territorial integration under the Constitution 14 of 4 October 1958: the islands of Wallis, Futuna and Alofi. -
State Structure and Electoral Systems in Post-Conflict Situations
STATE STRUCTURE AND ELECTORAL SYSTEMS IN POST-CONFLICT SITUATIONS Authors Jarrett Blanc Aanund Hylland Kåre Vollan ii PREFACE In contemporary peace processes, almost without exception, the arrangements that bring about transition from conflict to stability include requirements related to elections. These requirements range in level of detail from general calendars to specific, almost legislative requirement for the nature and conduct of the elections. In either case, the electoral requirements are only very rarely subjected to a thorough process of expert review and public consultation. Unintended consequences often result, such as unrealistic timetables (and consequent postponements) in Afghanistan or guarantees for minority representation in Kosovo which, if implemented literally, could have deepened rather than moderated ethnic divisions. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Dayton accord introduced strong protection of the three major parties to the conflict, but at the same time created a government at state level which has had difficulty passing laws and making decisions in a reasonably efficient way. In addition, the protection of other groups has been weak. Post-conflict elections often bring conflicting groups back to the positions that created the conflict in the first place. If well designed and managed, elections can create legitimate political structures which promote conciliation and lead to controversial issues being solved through negotiations. If poorly designed and managed, they can simply restart passionate disputes and undermine the peace process. Careful consideration of the closely related issues of state structure and electoral systems is therefore essential at an early stage of any peace process. Identifying the requirements of state structure and electoral system design – such as protection of minority groups with separate identity at a national or sub-national level – can help to achieve robust political solutions. -
The Dilemma of Local Participation in the Brazil-France Cross-Border Cooperation (1990-2015)
Dossiê MARTINS, Carmentilla das Chagas; CAVLAK, Iuri. The dilemma of local participation in the Brazil-France cross-border cooperation (1990-2015) 2177-2940 The dilemma of local participation in the Brazil-France cross-border cooperation (1990-2015) https://doi.org/10.4025/dialogos.v24i2.53329 Carmentilla das Chagas Martins https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6308-1096 Universidade Federal do Amapá, Brasil. Email: [email protected] Iuri Cavlak https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5175-8979 Universidade Federal do Amapá, Brasil. Email: [email protected] The dilemma of local participation in the Brazil-France cross-border cooperation (1990-2015) Abstract: From the 1980s/90s, Brazilian foreign policy adopted a more assertive agenda regarding neighboring countries in northern South America. In this context, the celebration of the Framework Agreement between Brazil and France is inserted, an institutional framework that implemented cross-border cooperation between Amapá and French Guiana. At the time, France was interested in projecting itself politically and commercially in South America. On the other hand, Brazil has also achieved success with this new agenda. However, after twenty-four years in force, cross-border cooperation does not show effectiveness regarding the results expected by the collectives on both sides of the Guiana-Amapá border. This article seeks to discuss that the lack of local participation has become a contender in the development of this cooperation, which has not resulted in a political project capable of promoting the aggregation of cultural matrices that stimulate an identity of objectives. To development the reflection, non-participant observation, interviews with residents in the city of Oiapoque were used, as well as the examination of some agreements concluded between Brazil and France and the minutes of the meetings of the Joint Cross- Border Commission-CTM.