TH E CELTIC CH RISTIAN ITY O F CO RNWALL

DIVERS SKETCH ES AND STUDIES

BY

TH O MAS TAY LO R, M A F . S . A .

V I or ST JUST-IN-P N WITH CAR . E “ UTH or TH E LIFE or DR T Y L or ASH B URNE A OR . A OR

L O N G M A N S G R E E N A D , N C O . 3 9 PAT E RNO S TE R R W O , LO NDO N

FOU H V U 3OTH ST T NEW Y O K RT A EN E REE , R BOMB Y C LCUTT AND M D A , A A A RAS 1916

M JO SEPH LO TH .

PROFESS EUR AU COLLEGE DE F RANCE

IN G RATE FUL RECOG NITION O F A F RIENDS H IP FROM WHICH I HAVE REA PE D THE FRUITS O F DISCI PLESH IP

S ed q uamq uam utilitates multae et mag nae consecutae sunt n on unt tamen ab earum s e , s p causae dili endi ro fec e g p ta .

3 5 7 8 0 4

PREFACE

N one of the most b rilliant of modern books its author 1 calls attention to the common fallacy which assumes that “ if you can find a principle which gives an adequate explanation of three different facts it is more likely to correspond with the truth than three di fferent principles which give adequate ” explanations of the same facts severally . This fallacy underlies much that is being urged in favour of a common origin for religious doctrines and r methods of worship . A single source of eligious belief or of religious phenomena is preferred to several sources as being more tidy and more in keeping with what we have learnt to expect in other departments s ma recom of re earch . It y be illogical , but still it is mended as a safe guide to the truth . f l Indeed , it is di ficu t for a modern student to con ceive how any real advance can be made in scientific r pursuits unless the principle , which prefe s one ex r planation of phenomena to many, is favou ed . Before the days of Kepler and of Newton it may have been possible , it may be possible still , to imagine more than one explanation of the fall of a heavy body to the ground and of the action of one inert mass upon another . The law of gravity , as elaborated by Newton , represents what , so far as we know, has

1 me ose S ton es 89 R A Kn o S o o . . . . x, L , p

V II Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

invariably happened and what we believe will in in S variably happen pace between two or more bodies , t namely, tha they will , as heretofore , each attract all t he other bodies directly as their mass and inversely t he n ot as square of their distance . This law is merely preferred before all other laws it is the very foundat ion of t he W hole of what is called Physical

. wit Astronomy It is a law to which there are , hin

its own province , no known exceptions . We accept t his law not becaus e we prefer one ex t he planation to many, but because it meets not only requirements of cases which might conceivably be explained in other ways but also the requirement s of cases for which no other explanation has been sug n ot gested or conceived . Among laws , which are - r received as self evident , the law of g avity is unique . Thi s will be clear to anyone who contrasts the secure position which it occupies with the perilous position occupied by laws which have been formulated within r r ecent yea s . ’ Men do not prefer Newton s explanation to other explanations the evidence in it s favour is so over

whelming that they feel compelled to accept it .

It is far otherwise with other laws like evolution . t r These fascinate or repel from he very first . P efer ence undoubtedly enters into the complex intellectual process which leads us first to accept and then to o defend this or that explanation of an array f facts . r And this preference , admittedly illogical , may a ise from our limited knowledge of the facts or from regard for some particular protagonist of one of many con flictin t g heories ; but , other things being equal , it seizes hold of t hat explanation which claims to cover the most ground and to reconcile the largest number Preface ix

of facts . It only becomes mischievous when it claims l infallibi ity . It is perhaps too readily assumed that in the domain of religious phenomena there is a law by which these t phenomena are bounded and condi ioned . Assuming t such a law to exist , the attemp s to formulate it will t be direc ed in a greater or less degree by preference . i For religious phenomena , by wh ch is here meant r the outwa d manifestations of religions , cannot be w r examined and classified , ithout a comp ehensive r knowledge of the eligions themselves . And if, as a r F ench writer has contended , the man who would write the history of a religion must believe it no ” longer but must have believed it once , it follows t few tha persons , even in this versatile age , can claim to be proficient in more than three or four religions . From which it also follows that lack of knowledge must be supplied by fertility of imagination or by t he exercise of preference on t he part of him who employs the comparative method in order to discover the law . t And yet , it is only by eliminating his personal element and by confining our attention to material which is neither inaccurate nor defective that we can hope to arrive at the truth . It must be confessed that the rough and ready generalisations with whi ch we are so familiar in this connection and the lack of care which is taken in gathering and sifting t he r are mate ials upon which they based , almost lead us t o r despair of useful esults . The attempt to evolve a law from insufficient data is like an attempt to measure volume in terms of two dimensio ns or like an attempt to classify animals without an intimate t u knowledge of hem . A salamander has fo r legs and t : a ail so has a sheep . A zoology based on these x Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

us r far criteria alone would not carry ve y . The biologist might kindly step in with his law of evol u tion and say some soothing words respecting their r o ff common o igin , but we should leave where we began and know no more of those animals than t t we did at the star , namely, tha they each have 1 r t fou legs and a ail . In studying religions those points of resemblance which are most obvious are sometimes the most mis for leading . And this reason . The essence of a religion — — what may be called it s soul is not always revealed r in its methods of wo ship . This is said to be especially h true of Budd ism , at least by those writers who , like Feildin Mr . g, strive to commend it to the Western di world . Certainly it is no sparagement of a true r r eligion that it should have , in the depa tment of

worship , many points in common with a false one . Every religion requires some machinery if it is to do

its work . And it is more true to say of religions that they agree in machinery but differ in what they teach than to say that they agree in what they teach but

ff r . r di er in machine y It would be most unt ue , never t el ess r h , to asse t that these common elements have always been acquired in the same way or have meant

1 A r en of m n e er orm e the sur r s n eat of e ol n an f i d i p f d p i i g f— v vi g n ire s stem— od re i on ors ers an d al l ou t of muc l ess e t y g , l gi , w hipp h t an our l e s an d a t a l . Hi s on m at er a cons ste of a word h f g i ly i l i d , - e t on an d mean in - alf s o ete of un certa n r a . Th e aw one h ob l , i d iv i g j b in the han ds of S ams on w as as n othin g compare d with the magic of t his word in the min d of the vakan t e xp os itor o f prehistori c ns le rea n the a e r in i c he roc a m e his religio . Whi di g p p wh h p l i d to a learn e so c et o n e coul n ot a l to n ote the r o dis covery d i y, d f i p foun d impress ion whi ch it m ade u pon the hearers or t o admi re the t a er t rans p aren t sin cerity of he re d . It will n ot surprise those who read this boo k to learn that its au th or s pen t som e port i on of the wakeful n ight which followed the readin g of the p aper in the compos it ion of a s imple liturgy t o cro wn ’ c e emen t his fri en d s a hi v . Preface xi the same thing or have been used with the same r object . Befo e any deductions whatever can be legitimately drawn the religious phenomena must be

t o r r . submitted the most igo ous scrutiny Dates , c r places , distances ount for more , whethe the pheno r mena be prehisto ic or historic , than almost anything r fi r save accu ate de nition . This will be clea if we take us an imaginary case . Let consider the eagle as an

4000 A . D . r object of worship . In the year a popula arch aeo logist of liberal views notes the immense number of brass eagles which are unearthed from r beneath the sites of ancient chu ches , and inasmuch as no mention is made in history and no rubric is to be foun d l n any of the old service books of the func tion assigned to the image of the king of birds , he comes to the conclusion that the Christians of the r l Victorian era were , in spite of much quar el ing con cerning the point of the compass towards which the priest should stand at the altar and the use of lights — r and incense , united at least on one point the wo ship r r e of the eagle . He reflects that eve ence for the eagl was as clear to the hearts of Roman soldiers as it was abhorrent to the Jews . He recalls the incident at a r C esa ea . He does not forget that long after the Roman Empire had ceased to be an important factor in European politics the Jews were regarded with r r unreasoning hat ed . Putting two and two togethe r in r he comes to the conclusion that Ch istians , orde to emphasise their contempt for Jewish susceptibilities , admitted into their religious system the cult of the eagle and that this cult attained its high -water mark r a in the nineteenth centu y . If it be objected th t such i r r r s r a a not on is altogethe p eposte ous and ab u d , th t it is , in fact , an insult to average intelligence to xii Celtic Christianity of Corn wall attempt to influence human judgment by a fiction s t ffi so tran paren , it ought to be su cient to recall the n erudite expositions of rock basins , sto e circles and t dolmens which , elaborated by men of the highes e minence , were welcomed as brilliant discoveries by a It generation by no means remote . is a common e l nough practice , but it serves no usefu purpose to t o hold up the wisdom of one age the scorn of another . There are two cautions which are needed in all ages e the first , that eminence in one d partment of human

learning does not , of itself, constitute a qualification to pass authoritative judgments in other departments e the second , that as all knowledge , when unhinder d , is progressive the present generation may indeed hope t o have got somewhat nearer the truth than it s r b ut predecesso s , in virtue of the same principle it is

still far from its final stage . Ar chaeology which at the beginning ofthe nineteenth

century could hardly claim to be regarded as a science , had by the end of that century attained to t he highest

rank as a science . It has not outlived the record of past mistakes and some years may yet have t o elapse

be fore its achievements are fully recognised . It is impossible t o discuss the Christ ianity of Corn wall in its earlier stages without devotin g some space t e to its Celtic inhabitants . This is all h more noces sary because in the county there are many monu ments , both pagan and Christian , and in some quarters there has been a disposition t o confound t t he t t o hem . Only by referring pagan monumen s their true place in pre -history is it possible to avoid u this conf sion . For su ch knowledge as he possesses of archaeology ’ t t o Déc ele t t he writ er is largely indeb ed M . Joseph h t e s Preface xiii

’ M anuel d Archéol ie og . There is no work in English e u t t which , bas d on so nd principles , a tempts , as his Princi les does , to cover the whole ground . Like the p o Geolo t M l f gy he an ue stands alone .

When the losses in human life , due to the Great

War, come to be reckoned up and those losses come to b e t analysed , there will be few names to ake prece Déc elett e Revue Celti ue h . dence of that of M . The q , r e after exp essing its profound regret for his d ath , says that aft er honouring France by solid and learned ’ M a uel d Archéolo ie—a works , notably by his n g unique i —at fift - monument of erud tion the age of y three , t hough not compelled to serve in the army, he chose t o r take pa t in the campaign and to die like a hero . ' An order of the day of the French army supplies ul r his e t a t he partic a s of d a h . He was a c ptain in 29th Regiment of infantry and was shot down while leading his company . With his men he had won 800 metres of ground . As he lay dying he asked his r r r colonel whethe they had kept the conque ed g ound , r ffir r and being answe ed in the a mative , he eplied that hi s t o he was happy that death was of service France . l l belle e r B el e vie et n us nco e. The writer finely adds , , fi p t n eces In a small book like the presen , there will sarily be many points which deserve some fuller ex planation than was possible , while here and there some points will seem to be unduly magnified . The ’ at r chapter on St . Michael s Mount might , fi st sight , seem to add little to the main subject , but in this case it was not so much the hope of gain as the fear of loss which had to be considered . Should the reader meet with phrases and expressions whi ch ap pear to him inconsistent with a serious treatment of the subject the writer can only crave his indulgence Celtic Christianity of Cornwall and assure him that they were not altogether nu provoked . Chapter III was in substance contributed to the Truro Diocesan M agazine Cha pter IV was read at a conference of the Kirrier Rural Deanery Chapters V and VI were printed concurr ently in t he Revue Celtique and the Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall e . For p rmission to reprint them their r r author tende s his thanks to those jou nals . ’ Besides the M anuel d Archéologie there are two other works to which he is much indebted , Dom ’ ' ’ Gougaud s Chretientés Celtiques and Miss Clay s H d ermits an Anchorites of England. No better intro duction to Celtic Christianity could be desired than ’ Gou aud s Dom g book . Miss Clay has treated her subject with a particularity which is as rare as it is r valuable , and although her book fu nished little r for mate ial the present work, it was of great value r m in supplying the ca tography of an unfa iliar region .

r F S . A To P ofessor J . Loth and to Mr . H . Jenner , . his obligations are of a more personal character and r r therefore mo e difficult to exp ess . To both of them , in all matters which concern Celtic language and literature , he stands in the relation of pupil to master . As such he acknowledges gratefully their friendly and patient guidance and ever ready help . It should be needless to add t hat in so doing he has no wish to shelter himself behind great names . For all blundering and backsliding he and he alone is t r ad responsible , inasmuch as hroughout the pe ilous venture he has cheerfully bestridden his own beast . CO NTENTS

CH APTER

I C D AND RESEMBLANCE . OINCI ENCE

en The Eu ar t. r stian asso er O ft misleading. ch i s Ch i P v a development of the Jewish and its origi n to b e sought

in r m ti e srael Anc ll ar r st an Fest als. rect p i i v I . i y Ch i i iv Di ’ an d ollateral escent St. atr c s fire. C d . P i k

I I TH CE S . E. LT

re stor c Rema ns in orn all . L ur ans er ans P hi i i C w ig i , Ib i ,

and lts No trace of t nicians. elt c ors . Ce . C i w hip Th e ru Fet c ors . orn s crosses . D ids . i h w hip C i h

III CO RNWA AND B Y . LL RITTAN

’ u ian re n no l es in the o ueror s D mnon Exodus. B to b C nq ’ arm Tristan an d I H h E u . s lt enr t e t s s s y eu . y igh h b idy M a roll . ter a d Moral t l s ys y n i y P y .

IV T11 11: CE IC C N Y o r CO RNWAL . LT HRISTIA IT L

an l Monastic m ua e solati on of orn al . s L g g . I C w i .

urc e cat ons Easter and Tonsure contro ers es. Ch h D di i . v i

V TH E M -B P or CORN A . ONASTERY ISHO RICS W LL

lt c Mon ti i r ac l as e as c sm su ene is . E sco C i i g pi p y. Gi d , Ken and mun el tan m n s el stec Ple d . At s o o s. , g h . B d i G p ’ L fin ' Le o r e o E r . c Se f xete y g f i . .

EVOLUTION O F TH E DIOCESAN BISHO PRIC — Episcopal manors in Domesday Book th eir sources — and t e r al ue T ree m ortant ol n s Pawton St. h i v . h i p h di g , man an a e f o e r s d err ns n en ent o eac t er . G , G . I d p d h h Eac of t em sees of eltic s o s Kerrier and Pe n h h C bi h p . xvi Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

CH APTER PAGE CO RNISH SAI NTS

Not to l cal r e o on mou . I o o s St. a St enn s t. p gi p y , . D i , S

All en . aul an . u St d St r an . es of the Sa nts , P , B y Liv i . Rel on of the rn s igi Co i h .

ANCIENT RELIG IOUS H OUSES

Celtic or English ? Monasticon and Domesday Book exam n e on ers on of elt c mon aster e an i d . C v i C i i s to Norm e l ment w um sta s t Ke . mar of re ul s S . S s ts b i h . y .

IX CO RNI SH H ERMI S . T

St. uron The T ree rot ers St . Neot O rin G . h B h . . g . An re Pau an S an d Ro er Ro r . t . e od d w g S . Philip b g G man e l a and Luc Mo s The H erm c . t of St . C i i y y i . Mar aret O f o m oc e Teat n. R Roc h . g B d i h k .

’ X ST MICH AEL s MOUN . . T

u m a. ul M l Ictis Dinsul . Mon s T t of t c ae S . . . b C i h Pre -Norman ori n of the monaster E am n at on of gi y . x i i mes a e tract on f arters and o s ent ficati o St . Ch D d y x . Id i ’ Menea e ll am r e r M c ael s lan s The of o c ste . i h d . g . Wi i W

APPENDI CES

A EX RAC FROM I TA AMSONIS . T T V S

’ B EDWARD T H E CoNFES SO R s CH AR ER . T

’

C TH E COUN O F MO RTAIN s CH AR ER . . T T

’ R E I O O F MICH AEL s RIORY s v ABBO E C N T . D. T S P T

BERNARD

of Corn wall

an unbeliever and inclined to suicide . He insisted as upon having his rifle by him he lay in bed and , e for the sak of peace , his wife allowed it . A single magpie came and perched daily on t he hedge outside his bedroom window . One day seizing his weapon and steadying it on his knee as he lay there , he shot t he t he magpie . The death of solitary bird brought peace and all thought of suicide was banished and r tt a u t fo go en . The bove are examples of s pers ition in the sense in which the word is here used . ’ But the shepherd s proverb

’ A rai nbow in the morni ng is the sh epher d s warning ’ ” A ra n o at n t is the s e er s el t i b w igh h ph d d igh .

’ and the fisherman s

“ When the wi n d is in the south ’ It l o s our a t n to the fis s m u b w y b i i h o th . are based upon sound observation and contain no taint of superstition they could doubtless be referred to recognised scientific principles .

Again , the study of biology has led men to look , n ot in vain , for resemblances between the gills of a t he fish and lungs of a mammal , between the hands of a man and the forefeet of a quadruped . Postulating t he theory of evolution a common origin is discovered in either case . The prehensile and tentacular movements of certain plant s call to mind the like movements of certain fishes . Whether by means of the same di t of theory , with the aid of the accre ted resul s t h research , hey can be held to ave had a common r e origin ; whether, for example , they . can be ferre d to some such qualit y or instinct as t hat which characterises the Proteus animalcu le is perhaps Coin ciden ce an d Resemblan ce 3

r r an open question . It seems , howeve , quite clea r that these blind , involuntary movements on the pa t of fishes are not derived from the similar movements of plants or vice versa , but that , if a common origin r is to be found , it must be sought in some very ea ly stage before animal and Vegetable became differ ntiat d e e . The evolution hypothesis , whether it be i regarded as proved or unproved , is in any case n it s valuable because stimulates thought , ob ervation , r r and esea ch . By means of it knowledge becomes coherent , articulate , scientific . The application of this principle to religion is b e r coming more and more the vogue , and , p ovided that it s adherents are content to work on the same t lines as the students of physical science , here is no ul t ul reason why usef resul s sho d not be obtained .

There is , however , a tendency to transmute this r hi wo king hypothesis into a superstition w ch , in r point of sanity, is only compa able to that o—f the number thirteen and that of the single magpie the r superstition , in sho t , which notes coincidences and r n esemblances and ig ores their opposites . It is by no means clear that resemblance of rite and ceremonial and coincidence in point of time of calendared festivals furnish the proper material from which to formul ate the law and to determine the r r For sou ce of religious obse vance . example , how e of r ver we may judge the Salvation A my, it is obvious t hat a very different principle underlies and animates ’ Mr . Booth s following from that which inspires the e soldiers of King G orge . Military organisation merely t suggested a useful and convenien form of discipline . thi r di In s case resemblance is utte ly mislea ng, and t he ae a r arch ologist of the dist nt futu e , who should 4 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

the r argue that venerated coat of the Gene al , suppos r ing it to have been prese ved , points to some mad but futile attempt to r epeat the religious conquests of ul t he Mahomet , wo d be quite as wide of truth as he ’ who s hould seek the General s prototype in the militant ecclesiastic of the Middle Ages . ur r A f the danger attends the student of religions . This arises from prepossession rather than from hypo thesis and leads him to mistake deduction for induc tion . He finds , we will suppose , what he takes to be m a latchkey . It is an instru ent considerably the r un t wo se for wear and of a somewhat usual pa tern . r He is quite ce tain it is a key . There is no room for doubt . He determines to find a lock which it will fit . r hi r Sta ting with the key he examines locks pre sto ic , di a me eval and modern , but all in vain , for the simple reason t hat the implement in his hands is not a key t fis at all but he head of a h spear . It is not the critical method of induction but the uncritical method of deduction which is to be repro x bated . When , for e ample , we discover by observa t tion , the prac ical universality of sacrifice as a dis tin i shin gu g mark of religion , we may explain the fact di flerent in a dozen ways , but in every case we are compelled to recogni se the belief in a Go d of some r so t , and when we find that generally, at some stage f of religious development , sacrifice is o fered by way of propitiation , we are led to the conclusion that safety and salvation were held to be only possible by atone We t ment . have before us a mul itude of locks and fit s e one key th m all , and we are therefore led to con clude that au fond offence and sacrifice are related as

t o . poison antidote When, however, we descend to r pa ticulars , resemblances and coincidences are found Coin ciden ce an d Resemblance 5

’ r to be as misleading as the salvationist s tunic . Thei t o evidential value , use a threadbare but useful infinit esimall phrase , is y small and sometimes a negative quantity . R r elying upon resemblance , a pe son might be led to conclude that it was t he spring turnip which sug ’ gested the shape of the watch and the duck s egg the morphology of toilet soaps . Utility and convenience have entered largely into the ritual systems of all religions . The same acces sories are required for the worship of Baal as for the worship of Jehovah . To identify Baal with Jehovah is to beg the question and to fall a victim to the r r ty anny of coincidence and esemblance . ’ When att empt s are made to discover a common for origin the Christian Eucharist , the Aztec com r munion described by P escott , and the ceremonial eating and drinking practised by the worshippers of

Mithras , it is often assumed that the closer the ritual resemblance between them the stronger the argu ment r in favou of a common origin . It does not seem to have occurred to the maintainers of this hypothesis that public worship , of whatsoever kind it may be ,

finds expression in a symbolism of its own , just as thought expresses itself in speech and in written lan u g age . The fact that Christianity expressed itself in symbol and sacrament does prove that from the very firs t it claimed to be a religion and not a mere philo t t sophy or school of hough , but it does not prove identit y of origin or of int ention with the pagan religions which employed the same or similar sym b olism t . It was inevi able that the Christian Pass over should have been singled out in order to illus trate the prepossession that in origin it is essentially 6 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

. r pagan In this case , however , it is not esemblance but coincidence (in point of time) which is supposed ff . at s to a ord the ground of proof One writer , lea t , r who ightly connects it with the Jewish Passover , in 1 hi t r e order to ex bi its sacrificial characte , do s not hesitate to refer its origin to the worship of Attis or - Tammuz , the earth god , on the ground that the time of its occ ur rence roughly coincides with the

solemnities of Attis . No better illustration of the tyr anny of observed coincidence coul d be found than in his ingenious but futile attempt to apply t he r p inciple to Cornwall . His object is to identify the - sur May day festivities , which he conceives to be a vival of Beltane solemnities , with those of the Chris r tian Passover . Unfo tunately for him the latter festival occurs too early ; it can never occur later t t he -fifth han twenty of April . But he has read of e att rib u Littl Easter , which occurs a week later , and t ing to the Cornish a preference for a réchauffé of the — Easter banquet to the banquet itself a preference — for which no reasons are vouchsafed he concludes that Little Easter is the Cornish equivalent of the

Beltane Feast . It might have Occurred to the main t ain er of thi s opinion to test it by means of the same calcul ations which forbade the synchronising of t Easter itself wi h the pagan solemnity . Had he done so he would have found t hat Little Easter (Paskb ian ) or Low Sunday occurs in May only once in sixty or r - seventy yea s , and on May day less than once in a r 2 centu y . A coincidence which occurs once in a centur y does not convince the writer and will har dly

1 R A r n e e l e 1 5 . . . ou t The Hill and th i rc . C y , C , p 3 B et een the ears 1 854 an d 1 930 nclus e ittle Easter w — y , i iv , L occurs on ce on the 2 d of Ma 1 886. n y , Coin ciden ce an d Resemblan ce 7 convince the reader of the identity of the Celtic feast t he t of Beltane with Chris ian Passover , or even with t he Low Sun day celebration at Lost wit hiel described R 1 by ichard Carew, the historian . e t h It is impossibl , withou destroying the c aracter t i of his enqu ry, to consider the Christian Passover in it s t he e b ut fe w all bearings upon subject befor us , a remarks are needed in order to place it in a right relation to the more ancient solemnit y from which incidentally it sprang . The Jewish Passover was kept at t he time of the fu t e e u first ll moon which followed h vernal q inox . a The primitive Christians of Asi Minor , claiming for t S . precedent the practice of John the Divine , com ’ memorat ed our Savi our s Passion on t he same day as the Passover and His Resurrection on the third e t the day after . Thus it fr quently happened hat very event which had led to t he observance of the first day of the week as the Christian Sabbat h had its yearly commemoration on some day which was

t he hr . not C istian Sabbath On the other hand , the R e e Christians at om , following as they beli ved the practice of St . Paul , kept not only the weekly but also the yearly feast of the Resurrection on t he first day of the week and t he anniversary of t he Passion hi t on the t rd day before , in o her words they kept their Paschal feast as we do now on t he first day of t he week which occurred next after t he firs t full t e moon following h Spring equinox . The origin and signi fication of the feast were the same for both n d e It Eastern a West rn Christians . was the Christian Pascha w as Passover ( ) and known by that name . t The ancien Cornish word for it was Pask . In North

1 u ote in the Parochial Hi stor o or wall 1 . 1 75 Q d y f C n , ii , . 8 Celtic Christianity of Cor n wall

a ff hi us St ords re forty years ago it was the c tom, r t he for and it is p obably still custom , bands

of men and maidens t o solicit Pace (Pasch) eggs . t he The use of term Easter , of Saxon origin , is merely a proof of the stubborn independence of t he English character which refused to receive not only the names of the days of the week but also of the r Ch istian seasons from the Latin . The coincidence in O f point time of the Paschal feast wi th a pagan feast , r if such coincidence can be discovered , was pu ely s accidental and the same can be said of A cension , Pentecost and all other movable feasts which are or ancillary to supplementary of it . In this connec tion it is noteworthy that throughout the bitt er con t rovers n y , dati g from an amicable discussion held in 1 62 rn the year when Polycarp , bishop of Smy a , paid R a visit to Anicetus , bishop of ome until the sixth r r t centu y, it neve occurred to either par y to suggest a pagan origin for the feast or to connect the time of t r 1 its celebration wi h natu e or natur e worship. As the commemoration of a notable historical event the Resurrection of Jesus Christ—it was observed

by East and West , just as the Jewish Passover was observed as the anniversary of the self-same day that the Lord did bring the children of Israel out of r rr Egypt by thei armies , and of that hu ied meal of which a lamb of the first year and unleavened bread

were the more important constituent elements . In the Bible and in t he Primitive Church the two feasts are so closely linked together that , in order to demon strate identity of origin for t he Christian Passover e - and the feast of Tammuz the arth god , it will be 1 The Cel tic con tr overs y r es pe ctin g the in ciden ce of the Chr i stian P ass over was oon cem ed s o lely with as tron omi cal cal cul ati ons an d has o f course n o ear n u on the matter ere un er scus s on . , , b i g p h d di i

1 0 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

In the low -lying land which borders Halifax Bay in the colony of Queensland there is to be found an di b ul ar oo hi e ble root called the g w ch , at the time of t the European Spring equinox , af er the heavy rains which begin in the month of February , betrays its presence by sending forth shoots of a bright and tender r r g een colour . For some occult reason this oot is preferred by the aboriginal inhabitants to the choicest delicacies which the white man , notwithstanding his ul c tivated taste in the matter of food and drink , can if supply . Accordingly every year the black man , ’ ’ e employed , s eks his master s permission for a month s b ul aroo sojourn in the land of the g . It is well known to all who have lived in Queensland that the black man is a keen observer of the heavenly bodies and is much distressed by t he sight of an eclipse of the sun or moon, from which it may be inferred that he re joices when the sun and moon are not obscured .

Whether , strictly speaking , he can be described as a sun worshipper has not been determined , but it is believed that the disclosure of these particu lars will help incidentally to solve this as well as the larger problem under discussion . The coincidence of the Sprin g equinox with the resurrection of the said b ul aroo t he g from its dark retreat under earth , and of both events with t he assembling of the aboriginal tribes and of their part aking together of what may n ot u n fitly be described as t he root of ages (for in all probability we have here a vegetable food known ’ to t he black man s ancestors long before t hey emerged - a e from a pre human archetype) ; bov all , the addi t ion t o t he b ulgar oo banquet of hu man flesh when it ma ever y be safely had , and the marked preference for those portions of the human body which , like the Coincidence and Resemblan ce 1 ]

heart , are essential to life, and therefore , as they S are in uppose , the better fitted to stimulate and ’ crease the eater s physical courage and efficiency to which must also be added the attendant dance and song of corroboree and the more secret and mysterious r t r bo a meeting whereat , af e due proof has been given , ’ both oral and experimental of the candidate s forti v tude , he is admitted to the full pri ileges of manhood by a solemn rite o f initiation all these ceremoni al acts , whose significance it is impossible to misinter pret and to exaggerate , strengthened and not weak ened (as might be supposed by a superficial observer) by the fact that at the antipodes Spring synchronises n resum with European Autum , establish a strong p p tion that the continent of Australia affords the verit able solution of the great problem of the origin of r r Ch istian ce emonial observance . Nor is this sur prising when we reme mber that according to an 1 -R r ae . eminent German a ch ologist , Dr Buttel eepen , the Australian aborigines are the direct descendants r i r i i r - - o thecanth o . e . e of the p p p , p ape men or common r r p ogenitors of apes and men , since thei foot had not yet undergone the definite change from a grasping ” r organ to a suppo ting apparatus . Nay more , when we refle ct t hat from the gr eat concourse of pre -men one huge horde poured away in the direction of

Africa , some of its members pursuing their wanderings t u t t through genera ions , n il hey eventually reached Europe across a bridge of land t hat then united the two continents ; being accompanied in their migra - t he Ele has anti uus tion by the pre glacial fauna , p q , Rhin oceros merchii and ot her great beasts whose f r i ossilised emains bear witness of th s emigration ,

1 - - uttel Ree en M an and H is orerunners . 72 3. B p , F , pp 1 2 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall w e are driven to conclude that throughout incal cul ab l e r periods of time , from the Te tiary era at least , r when , according to Dr . Woodwa d , man was already - r emerging from his pre ape condition , down th ough a h r the ages , pal eolit ic , neolithic , b onze , and iron , across continents which have been overwhelmed or t b ul aroo refashioned , his simple meal of g has per sist ently held its ground and won its triumphs in the t w e social and af er ards in the religious lif , pagan and

Christian , of man as he has progressed steadily but t t o surely from genera ion generation . f m Absurd as the oregoing present ent of a few , plain verifiable facts will appear to the reader , it is neither more absurd nor more wildly fantastic than much that passes for penetration with t hose who allow themselves to become the slaves of resemblance b ul aroo and coincidence . So far as the g feast is con rn r ce ed , it would be possible to w ite in the same grandiloquent manner and with an equal amount of wisdom of a beanfeast at Blackpool . r To resume . The deductive philosophe having r identified the Ch istian Passover , which in England is commonly known as Easter and which always occurs w in March or April , ith the Celtic feast of Beltane w r which al ays occu s in May, it would be strange if he r did not discover a pagan archetype for Ch istmas . In this case both coincidence and resemblance point to the birthday of Mithras the Persian sun -god whose worship was introduced at Rome in the time of the Emperors . Is it unfair to remark that here conviction is rendered doubly certain by reason of the fact t hat the date of the earliest Christian ob s erv ance of the Christmas festival is somewhat obscure We know that it originated at a very early period Coin ciden ce an d Resemblance 1 3

and that the Alexandrians and the Churches of 428 1 Palestine kept it , until the year , at Epiphany 25t and not on the h of December . Clement of A D 220 r Alexandria, who died about . . , efers to cal ’ culations of the year and day of the Lord s nativity r not to encourage but to caution . It is notewo thy , r however , that he gives no hint of the dange which might arise from the possibility of its being con r r founded with pagan celeb ations of like natu e . It is well known that a festival of the sun was held at the time of the winter solstice (dies n atalis i n vi cti solis ) , but it is equally well known that the early fathers never ceased to warn the people against con 2 fo in isti t un d Chr an . g_ fes ivals with pagan Having satisfied himself t hat the keeping of Christ s mas originated in sun wor hip at the winter solstice , our philosopher would hardly do himself justice did he not discover a similar explanat ion of the com memoration of the birthday of St . John the Baptist at ni r Midsummer . The ordinary u nstructed Ch istian would probably argue, and to better purpose , that if ’ you keep the Saviou r s birthday on the 2 5th of Decem ber you ought to keep the Baptist ’ s birthday on the 24t h of June , because the latter was six months older 3 than the former . It is possible that pagan rites may have become b ut associated with the Christian festival , in Cornwall the Midsummer fires do not appear to have been so associated . Whatever their origin may be , there is

1 e eni ans s t ll ee the Nat t on the 6th of an u ar Th Arm i k p ivi y J y . 1 The subj ect is full y dealt with by Nean der ; Chu rch H is tory ’ — l 41 9 4 8 . B s ed . vo . . . ( ohn ii , pp ’ 3 H e woul d b e led s o t o ar gue by reflectin g that In the Church s Kal en dar As cens i on an d P en tecost are s imil ar ly re late d t o the 1 4 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

no evidence that they have at any time enter ed into t e h Chr istian system . t i c t he n t t it The posi ion for wh h , in i teres s of tru h , s e ems vital to cont end may b e illus trat ed by citing a r — familia episode from the life of St . Patrick the

episode of the Paschal fire . There is indisputable

evidence that , from the days of the Emperor Constan — A . D . 274 337 tine ( ) at least , Easter was distinguished by the Christian Church from other festivals by the lighting of fires or tapers to signify t he rising of r Ch ist from the dead to give light to the world . r hi When St . Patrick a rived at the ll of Slane , in sight

of Tara , on the eve of the Christian Passover , he set r r about p epa ing for that great solemnity . He lighted fire the sacred . But it so happened that the then r t pagan I ish were , at that momen , equally intent own upon keeping a festival of their , and that their festival also involved the observance of a similar t ceremony . They, too , had a fire to ligh , and the act t Leo hair e of lighting by anyone excep King g himself, his i or by one of min sters at a signal given by him ,

was punishable with death . St . Patrick in ignorance fir e of the prohibition lighted his first , and the fire

was seen by the King and his subjects at Tara . He woul d doubtless have acted as he did had he known b ut of the edict it was , as events soon showed , this t particular transgression , insignificant enough in i self, which at once brought about the collision bet ween Leo aire him and gh . ob serv St . Patrick manifestly was not consciously

ing a practice of pagan origin . Whatever thoughts , memories or associations his fire kindled within him are t they were definitely Christian . We not told wha ’ t he him meaning King s fire had for . The casual Coin ciden ce an d Resemblan ce 1 5

onlooker would probably have seen little to choose bet ween the one fire and the other : he might con ceivab ly have regarded t hem as expressive of one

and the same intention . Had a modern philosopher been present he woul d almost i n evitably have di s cerned a common origin and therefore a more or less wr near relationship . Yet both would have been ong r ‘ the fi st , because the motives and intentions of Le hair e Patrick and og were n ot the same the second , because until a common origin has been shown any inference derived from similarity of ceremonial is apt to be misleadi ng however reasonable it may seem . An inference is misleading when it carries with it consequences which are irrelevant to the main facts whiC upon h it is founded . You cannot say that because t he Christians used fir e in their worship at Easter and the pagans also u fire sed in their worship , therefore the Christians adopted the practice from the pagans still less can

you say that Easter originated in a pagan festival . fir e rs All you can say is that , as an accessory of wo hip ,

was used by both , just as prayer was also so used t u by bo h . The paraphernalia ( sing the term in a neutral sense) of two religions may be precisely alike , while t he religions themselves may be as wide as t e h poles asunder . And the complaint one has to make against much that is brought forward as evi for t dence of a common origin cus oms , both religious u at t and sec lar , is that it is not evidence all , and tha t it t it hough be repeated or multiplied a housandfold , follows the familiar rul e of mathematics and amounts t o nothing . Even when legitimate inferences have r been d awn from groups of observed facts , it is by no means uncommon to find them so manipulat ed by 1 6 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall

r r r r write s as to convey w ong and er oneous imp essions . Having regard to the laws of the physical growth and development of organic matter and to other considera tions of a more technical charact er it may be con sidered a legitimate inference that men and apes are r descended f om a common ancestor , but it is a mis representation of the inference to say that it implies that men are descended from apes . For although it may be a source of comfort t o all English -speaking peo ple to believe that their ancestors either came in with William the Conqueror or went out in the M ay ” ower fl , it is clearly impossible for them to believe that they can all trace their descent either from George the r Third on the one hand , or f om George Washington e on the other . A gen alogical enthusiast may perhaps be pardoned for seeking t o embrace as many of the elect as possible in his family tree, because even in his moments of deepest depression he can po int to Adam as the common ancestor . The student of religions in like manner may be pardoned for desiringto express in tabu lar form the successive stages through which doctrines r and ites have passed have been developed , arrested , modified , governed and conditioned . But neither the genealogist nor the religious philosopher can be par doned for mistaking a collateral for a direct ancestor . r r The Christian Chu ch has , with generous and eady her welcome , received into bosom all that could i h produce credentials of k ns ip , holding nothing as common or unclean , however unworthy its associa r t he tions and however perve ted its use in past . s r Painting , mu ic , poetry, d ama , philosophy , archi r tecture , itual , organisation , each has found a place and received a fresh consecration as the result of it s admission to the embrace of t he tru e mot her

TH E CELTS

i T is almost , if not quite , impossible to acqu re a right perspective of the position which the Celts occupy in British history without examinin g t he incidence of that posit ion and some of its relation ships by the light of the results of modern archae e ological res arch .

In Cornwall , as elsewhere , the prehistoric races which inhabited t he county before the Celts appeared e have left abundant evidence of th ir presence . That evidence , however , will be hard to discover in the warp and bent of character and in the physical development which doubtless all Englishmen have t in some measure inheri ed from them , and towards which t hese extremely remote ancestors have t o t t t some slight ex en con ributed . We shall probably never know enou gh about any of them so as to be in a posit ion t o s ay of any one living in t he count y sa h as we might y , for example , of an Irishman t at splendid act of daring or t hat hairbrained escapa de ” t is i t o h . mus be set down Irish breed ng Yet , inas much as no one supposes that an incoming race commonl y extirpates the race it supplants t here is always t he suspicion that the new race may have yielded t o the moral influen ce or to the religious t t t a mosphere of he old . History supplies us wi h 18 The Celts 1 9

instances of this triumph of S piritual over physical

force , Christianity itself being the most striking

instance of all . For t his reason it is necessary to go back to those a ages which have been distinguished as pal eolithic ,

neolithic , and bronze , in other words to those periods

during which unpolished stone , polished stone , and 1 bronze implements were in use , in order to dis cover , if possible , whether as the tide of industrial

progress flowed in , there are indubitable signs of an unbroken tradition of religious thought and practice which became articulate in the historic narrative of a Julius C esar . Mr R . Clement eid , has thought that he detected traces of the pal aeolithic age in the raised 2 beach at Prah Sands , and there is , a priori , no reason to suppose that his discovery will not be confirmed r by fu ther investigation . Quite the contrary ; it is not unlikely that some of the implements which have been found in the county and which are now commonly regarded as belonging to the later stone age will be found to belong to the earlier . This consideration , however , has only a very indirect ui bearing upon the present enq ry, for it has not yet been shown that the men of the earlier period had any religious belief at all . On r r resum the other hand , there is a ve y st ong p p tion that the races of the later period had , towards or the end of it , religious beliefs more less definite . In this connection there is no need to call attention

1 A s t ll earl er a e the e ol t c c in S ussex has s i i g , i hi , whi h upplied o o on te or r Dr Sm t o o ar o m s c l c m a . A. f the r y h p y, i h W dw d B itis h us eum t at he el e es t o b e a l n et een man an d hi M , wi h wh b i v i k b w s re - uman an cest or is n ot r e resen te in Corn all p h p d w . ’ 3 eolo o the and s E n i strict 79- 8 G gy f L d D , pp . 0. 20 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall t o the different kinds of stone implements which have been foun d in Cornwall and which have been — — identified with this the neolithic period . It will be useful , however, to consider , very briefly, the more striking of its monuments , found chiefly in the west and, by reason of their size , styled megalithic . They are distinguished as dolmens sometimes but incor rectl y termed cromlechs , cists (stone chests) , circles , hi r r men s or long stones , and alignments of which the e r l l are compa atively very few in the county . A belong to the same period all appear to have been erected c r by the same ra e . They are all found in g eater numbers and of larger dimensions in Brittany . The r ae general Opinion of competent a ch ologists is that , t he with the exception perhaps of menhirs , they are all sepulchral in character and with the exception of some of the cists that they all belong to the neolithic or else to the earlier half of the Bronze Age . The Chfin dolmens , of which Quoit and Lanyon Quoit are a ff good ex mples , di er only in size and detail from the cists which are abundant in Cornwall , and which have been proved to be depositories for the dead by their r contents . The circles probably performed the ve y useful function of marking and protecting either t he are single graves , as many of smaller ones still found to do , or a more or less large collection of graves like a modern churchyard wall . The fact that some r r of the circles no longer su round human inte ments , or that some cists are found without circles to protect ffi them , presents no di culty to those who accept this r explanation , but who at the same time admit a va iety of use in the disposal of the dead and who have abundant proof of a bygone vandalism which is not -da unknown in Corn wall to y. Stonehenge is not The Celts 1

only larger and more elaborate , but of later date r than most of the large circles , being the only one in

England which is constructed of hewn stone , all the rest being built of undressed stone . Even of this , for which , on that account , there might have been -r presumed a quasi eligious origin , Sir Arthur Evans , r a one of the most eminent of living a ch eologists , can ' only assert that it is one of the large series of primi tive religious monuments that grew out of purely ” l r sepu chral architectu e . Of alignments it is hardly possible to say more than this , that they are usually associated with r circles and may have se ved as avenues to them . hi i The men rs , sometimes isolated and ndependent of other ancient remains and sometimes as , for example , ur Dr carn f at St . B yan and y , su ficiently near to circles to suggest association with them , are even r less easy to explain . Some of them are of eno mous di -er -Hroeck mensions , like the Men at Locmariaquer in Brittany some are so small as to be liable to be

mistaken for the rubbing stones of cattle . The former must have required vast numbers of men to erect , and it is their weight and size whi ch has invested both the smaller and the greater wit h an interest and r t impo tance which would o herwise have been lacking . It is probable that some of them served as boundary stones , some as guide posts , and others as stones of t memorial , like hose reared by Jacob at Bethel ,

Joshua at Jordan , and Samuel at Ebenezer . The r i isolated menhirs of the la gest size , . e . the true r menhirs or great undressed stones , eared by human r instrumentality , wherever no traces of bu ial can be

found either underneath or near them , undoubtedly r r r suggest a eligious pu pose . While the e is nothing 22 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

r 1 to connect them with nature wo ship , as commonly t it f understood , or wi h solar worship , is di ficult to conceive how they came to be erected unless it was either to commemorate a departed chief 2 or to serve R as symbols or objects of religion . everence paid to t he t dead , at cer ain stages of human development , may and probably does imply a belief in life after

death . These monuments are of the late neolithic

age . The transition from it to the Bronze Age took i r place in Europe , accord ng to the best autho ities , t 1 800 r abou yea s before Christ . Bronze gave place 900 to iron about years later . The use of bronze in r t he Co nwall , judging from comparatively small number of bronze implements which have been dis in covered the county , and from the fact that for its manufacture both of its const ituent metals are

abundant , would seem to have been of shorter dura

tion here than elsewhere . Bronze celts have been -in - St found in Lelant , St . Just Penwith , St . Hilary, . -in - t Mawgan meneage , Gwinear and in a few o her t places , but the net result is somewhat disappoin ing . s t ul It is , however , during thi period hat in Ga we

1 Le p retenda caractere phallique de q uelq ues -uns de ces mon u ’ ’ meri ts n est q un e conj ecture chimériqu e q u i a p ermis a certains espr its ‘ ’ s er arriere Déchelette M an u el d Archéolo ie imagin taif de se don n c . , g ,

431 n . 2 . I , , 1 r e N ceni a Corn u bice . 99 W . C. o l as B , , p Wishi n g t o pu t beyon d di spu te the o rigi n an d purp os e of s ome few at le ast of t ese m on ol t s an d t o as cer tain an er e n ee h i h , if y w i d d s ul c ra the au t or e am n e the roun roun some al ep h l , h x i d g d d h f ” t d o z en o f hem .

At the o ot of a men r at Pridden St . ur an he oun a f hi , B y , f d ” t o f s l n te rs of u m an on e At the o o t O f a m en r at dep osi p i h b . f hi ‘ ‘ t f s n te re o n m Tre e St . u r an he oun a e os o es s ar l w , B y , f d d p i pli d b i il Pridden A re c s in q u an tit y an d appear an ce t o that foun d at . p i ely s mi ar i s co er w as ma e at Trenu o San cree . An ot er at i l d v y d gg , d h e n eb ris Tr go . The Celts 23

t r u a e meet wi h two aces , the Lig ri n and Ib rian , occupying lands east and west of t he Rhone res peC tivel t b e e y . These races mus not identified too clos ly t with the countries whose names hey bear . e f t They appear to have follow d di ferent occupa ions , the Ligurians devoting t hemselves to agricult u re and 1 e the Iberians to the keeping of sheep and cattl . It is remarkable that little evidence should have been discovered respectin g the character of t he t i religion of ei her race . A bronze d sc from Ireland and a horse mounted on (not harnessed to) a six wheeled curricle to one of the axles of whi ch is afli xed e a disc , from Denmark , hav been supposed to be emblematic of the Bronze Age sun worship of those e - e countri s . Again , the swan shap d prow of Scan din avian boats has been recognised as a solar emblem , but the freedom with which that ancient bird has been treated for decorative purposes , leaves one somewhat in doubt as to its religious signification . NO evidence of t he use of either symbol has appar r ently been found in Britain or in A morica . If the distinction between Ligurian and Iberian can be sustained is it not possible that the latter if not both emble ms were confined to the Ligurians and were introduced by them along wit h their religious associations as traders engaged in t he overland amber traffic between the Baltic and the Medit er ran ean The same dearth of evidence meets us when we come to consider t he cult of the bull and the sacred horns and that of the axe . Had this cult been peculiar to a pastoral people like the Iberians an irr everent

1 This is s ho wn by the pres en ce of bron z e S ickl es in Liguri an ra es an d t e r a sen ce in er an g v h i b Ib i . 24 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall mind might have been pardoned for suggesting t hat Un they hit upon a very appropriate symbolism . t e r fortunately h Bronze Age of Britain and Armo ica , t whe her Iberian or otherwise , supplies us with very u it few if any ill strations of . Two bronze bulls of small size foun d in Morbihan have been claimed to

represent it in Armorica . The bronze bull found in St the Vicarage garden at . Just , undoubtedly fashioned

for a religious purpose , seems to have an equal claim ; but until more evidence is forthcoming it is

allowable to doubt whether the Minoan beliefs , t z t e ZE ean associated wi h the bron e period in h g , Dé l ett e n . che ever gai ed a footing in Britain . M has with great pains striven to S how that the mythology

and the metal were closely related , perhaps contem 1 — poran eous and coextensive at least this seems to t e t be h general drif of his exposition . While yield — in g to no one in gratitude for his great work a — challenge to English archaeologists it seems to the r present writer that , in dealing with the eligious far symbolism of the Bronze Age , so as North

Western Europe is concerned , he has done little more than to S how t hat the double axe ( bipenne) of the {E ean g has its analogue , perhaps archetype , in the single axe with handle (hache simple et emman chée) which is found inscribed on some of the Ar morican n - dolme s of an earlier age . Nor is it self evident that r r or r eithe the sacred ho ns the axe is a sola emblem, though both appear to have been received into the

Minoan system . When we leave the Bronze Age and come to the o Iron , we enter up n what has been termed proto r a t hi t 300 r histo ic arch eology . Wi n abou yea s of its

1 Arch olo ie A e da B ronze c a . x i . é g g , h p i i

26 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

1 circular temple which they have erected to Apollo . t The passage presents more than one difficul y . The Hyperboreans were known to t he ancient world as the possessors of the sources of amber, a substance which is not found in Brit ain but in t he neighbour of hood the Baltic . Those who would identify the Hyperborean island with Britain and the t emple w e difli cult ith Stonehenge , have to fac the greater y of accounting for the fact that a sepulchral structure - t he erected in pre Celtic times was , in fifth century e befor Christ , being used for sun worship by Hyper b or ean s n ot who may or may have been Celts , but who in the passage are described as having erected it for that purpose . It should be remembered that H ecat wus had been dead for over a century when Pytheas the darin g Greek explorer made his famous t voyage of discovery, and hat if that voyage was , 2 . Déchel ett e t o as M contends , the navigator of the fourth century before the Christian era what a polar

- expedition is to the navigator of to day, it is hardly likely that H ecat aeus could have had very reliable information concerning either Britain or its Celtic inhabitants .

It may, perhaps , be allowable to hazard an Opinion t he Li ur which after all is only an opinion , viz . that g ians who dwelt along the transcontinental amber r hi a t he oute were sun wors ppers , but th t until days a of Julius C esar we know very little , if indeed any t r t he t he hing for ce tain , of religion of Celts who t ~ inhabited western Gaul and Bri ain . Whether Stone henge was the temple referre d to is very doubtful ;

1 uote Déchele tte Archeolo i e . 4 1 3 567 or Q d by , g , II , pp , ; by L d A e ur Pr is tori c Ti es 1 2 Gou au d hréti en tés eh m . 3 . v b y , , p ; by D g , C , 1 3 p . . 1 Archéolo ie 30 g , II , p . . The Celts 27 whether it was orientated with respect to t he sun is r a matter which , as P ofessor Oman justly observes , 1 need not be taken seriously . o But what of the Ph enicians , and where do they come in It is a cruel thing to say to a generation which can ill afford to part with any fragment of its di ni a b ut mi shed arch eological patrimony , it must be said without reserve or qualification the Phoenicians do not come in at all .

It would be comparatively easy, as some have already found , to provide Celtic Britain with all the elaborate machinery of sun worship if it could be shown that there were direct and close relations b etw een Brit ain o t e _ and Ph enicia ei her befor or after the Celtic invasion . No one , of course , doubts or denies t The the glory of the Ph oenician halassocracy . Bible is only one of many witnesses . Hiram King of Tyre supplied Solomon both wit h craftsmen for the brass work of the Temple at Jerusalem and with sailors for t his trading expedi ions to India . Gades (Cadiz) the Tart essus port of , or Tarshish , was founded by the e 1 1 00 B C Phoenicians b fore . . The ships of Tarshish are rooted in the memory like the bulls of Bashan ’ Li a us and the cedars of b n . Ezekiel s lamentation 2 for Tyre is not only one of the most profoundly pathetic b ut also one of the most illuminating passages in the Old Testament .

Speaking of Tyre , he says , Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of all kind of t riches , with silver , iron , tin , and lead hey traded in thy fairs the ships of Tarshish did sing of thee in thy market : and t hou wast repleni shed

1 E n la nd b e ore the N orman on ues t . 9 . g f C q , p 1 E e e an d z ki l , xxvii xxviii . 28 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall and made very glorious in t he midst of the seas . r r was Neve theless , g eat , extensive and varied as r r o the comme cial enterp ise of the Ph enicians , scholars are now generally agreed that they never got beyond t Gades in their Atlan ic voyages . r Cassit erides Mo eover , the or Tin Islands , men tion ed Dio dorus t by , which a former generation s rove to identify with the Scilly Isles , lay undoubtedly to 1 r the no th of Spain . At the same time it must be Dio dorus noted that the same author , who probably had his information from Poseidonius (born circa 1 35 does expressly state in the same passage that tin was conveyed from Britain to Gaul and over r land to Ma seilles . By that time , however , the doom of Carthage , the daughter city of Tyre , situated on t e s le h ca d . Bay of Tunis , had also been This absence of historical evidence respecting r Phoenician intercou se with Britain , supposing such r t intercou se to have existed , migh have been in some — measure explained and not as t he Privy Council explained the Ornaments Rubric of the Church of rohib i England , by arguing that omission implies p —é tion b y assuming that the source of t he tin supply e was kept secret , like that of amb r , by the traders in that commodity . It is the fact that no vestige of t hese Semitic navigators has been found either in hi Gaul or in Britain , w ch decisively excludes the t supposition that they ever visited hose countries . r Dr . Birch in giving his judgment upon the b onze t e t bull found in h garden of St . Jus Vicarage states it as his conviction that no object has y et been found in Britain which can be satisfact orily identified with

1 ir He e a E ar l I ron A e 85 S rcul s Re . . d , y g , p The Cell s 2 9

1 Déc elett e o . h the Ph enicians , and M is equally emphatic respecting the absence of similar Objects in l 2 Gau . What M . Alexandre Bertrand says of Celtic t civilisa ion , namely, that neither the Ligurians , nor oe the Ph nicians , nor the Greeks , nor the Iberians collaborated in that educational work, may with some reservations in favour of the two latter nations be accepted as true of the Celtic religion . From Julius C aesar some useful information is to be gained respecting the religion of the Celts of his own day . He states that they had many gods , the r chief of whom , in Gaul at least , answe ed to the

R . r oman Mercury, patron of arts and crafts Ma s ,

Apollo , Minerva and Dis Pater were represented in CeltiC the system , but it is not easy to equate them R satisfactorily . After the oman conquest the Britons followed the custom of other subject races and iden tified their gods with those of Olympus . Some of their gods found no corresponding analogue , like Nodens rs , whose temple overlooked the Severn othe again were purely local and patronal . During the three centuries while Britain remained a province of the Empire the Romanisation of the r r native eligion had free scope , the spread of Ch is tianit y meanwhile striving with indifferent success w r to keep pace ith it . The larger half of the alta s r r and sh ines , discove ed in Britain are simply set up R ” 3 to honour the ordinary gods of the oman world . r Among these latter were many st ange divinities , who r nor R in origin were neithe Celtic oman , but were those of alien races led to Britain by the hope of pro r r fitab le t affic or by compulsory military se vice .

1 1 A e du B ronze 2 Ar ch. Journ al 8 . . 9 . , viii , g , p 3 man E n land be ore the Norman on uest . 1 07 O , g f C q , p , 30 Celtic Christian ity of Cornwall

t Mi hras , for example , whose worship was intro du ced R r t he er at ome unde Emp ors , found in this

way a place in the British pantheon . There is no evidence to S how that either nature worship or sun worship was the dominant religion of R the Celts either before , during or after the oman r t he occupation . It is , of cou se , possible to say of R omans that they practised both , but it is an abuse of language to say that they were either sun wor shippers like the Egyptians or nature worshippers

like the Phoenicians . The same holds good of the

Celts . Under Roman influence the days of the week r eceived Latin names derived from the plan etary Dies S olis system , all of which except Sunday ( which became Dies Domin ica) continued to be used by our lawyers until English took t he place of Latin in the r t he cou ts of record . In Cornwall , notwithstanding n Saxon invasio , the Latin names were retained until S r Cornish ceased to be a poken and w itten language . Dies S olis Dé Z il Z il Thus Sunday , became , being the Cornish derivat ive of Sol and not a variant of the 1 R Cornish word Houl . Until the oman occupation t n o . the Celts reckoned time by nights , days Thus the first night (of the week if they had weeks) was

the sixth night after new moon , that is when the o - moon was on the p int of becoming half full . Their i year , therefore , consisted of th rteen months . The Celtic mind appears to have revelled in the realm

1 t o om am n e te for t Mr . enr enn er s H y J , wh I i d b d hi ’ r n at t c ae s Moun t is en in s tatemen t h as em e m e t S . , i d d h Mi h l giv o Cadoc as Dinsul Mons s ol s an d t at Tre as eal In the Life f S t. ( i ) h g = = t us t m a b e a com oun o f c s eal Z il sol . o t are S . J y p d whi h B h e R om an n tercourse t the e t reme es t o f Corn a possibl . i wi h x w w ll ro e t e R oman m les tone t H ar i is h a St . c s t n p v d by i il y , whi h wi hi as s tance o ot aces e y di f b h pl , The Celts 31

r of mystery . The p actice of magic ; the prevalence u e of human sacrifice ; the numero s local diviniti s , with strange n ames preserved t o us only in t he i ded cations of their shrines , whose attributes and powers remain unknown the hidden virtues of t he e mistletoe and the selago ; abov all , the secrets of t he — — un Celtic priesthood the Druids suggest , but t a ff for unately only suggest , religious di erentiation which carries us back to a period more remote t han

that ofany religious system with which we are familiar. Professor Sir John Rhys has attempted to show - t e that Druidism was a pre Celtic survival , h religious r system, in sho t , of some race which preceded the t Cel s in Britain, and his judgment would doubtless have been' accepted had there not been good evidence t o show that the system was not pecul iar to Britain ut t t e b to the Celts hemselves . It prevailed among h continental Celts just as it prevailed among those of ffi t Britain and Ireland . On the other hand , its a ni ies wit h classical mythology are not sufficiently pro n oun ced at the t ime when it is first encountered to ZE ean indicate an g origin . When the original home of the Celt has been determined it may be possible e to discover the home of his r ligion . The Druids 1 were the interpreters of divine things t e S t to h Celtic conscience . They hared with he f knights the administration of public af airs , expounded the ceremonial law and determined the times and ae modes of its application . C sar states , but not on

1 Gou au d Chr étien tés . 22. The er at on of the g , , p d iv i word cert a n T ere a e ars to b e n o ou t t at the D rui d is un i . h pp d b h D ru ids prac tise d a form of divin ati on foun ded n ot on the flight b u t on t he s on o f r s t at O f the r en in art cul ar . ren is r s for g bi d , h w p i D I i h n r om t s s om e a e nferre t at ru is er e r wre . F hi h v i d h D id d iv d f om -eu T ere is an ot er r s or dr ui en t dren dr ui . h h I i h w d (g i ive dru ad)

c eant a ma c an An w l elti Reli ion . 5 whi h m gi i . y , C c g , p 5, 32 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall

good authority, that Druidism originated in Britain , and Tacitus , who lived towards the end of the first r century of the Ch istian era , that Anglesey was its religious centre . An impressive picture is given of A D 60 the scene ( . . ) which was presented to the army of Suetonius Paulinus preparing to attack that r r venerable sanctua y . Along the sho e was seen a r dense line of armed warrio s , while women were rush o r r ing ab ut between the anks ga bed like the Furies , t in black gowns , heir hair flowing loose , and torches r r in their hands . The D uids we e visible in the rear f t t of ering sacrifices to heir gods , raising heir hands i r to heaven , and calling down d re imp ecations upon ” 1 the head of the invader . Of Druidical worship in Cornwall there is no direct 2 r evidence . The kinship and intercou se and close r r elations , however , which subsisted between Co nwall , Wales and Ireland leave no room for doubt that i It Druid sm was its religious system . should be need r less to observe that its megalithic emains , dolmens , t circles , and the like , which were erec ed many cen t uries t before the Celts appeared in Bri ain , had originally no connection with Druidism and that t here is no evidence to S how that they ever became identified

with it . Without stopping to compare Irish and Gaulish Druidism with that of Britain there is one point

which claims attention and which , whether Druidical o e or essentially primitive and sp radic , b ars witness r to the existence of a cult which, occu ring in Ireland ,

could not have been introduced by the Romans .

’ 1 ro Oman s transl at on E n land be ore the N orman on uest P f . i , g f C q ,

74 . p . 1 See o e er c a , h w v , h p . iv .

3 4 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall monished them that they ought not to forsake the Go d r one who created all things and wo ship an idol . And when they pleaded as excuse that it was not wr ong to keep the festival of their progenitors in a i play, some being furious , some mock ng but some of saner mind strongly urging him to go away, straight Go d way the power of was made clearly manifest . For a certain boy driving horses at full speed fell from a swift horse to the ground and twi sting his t head under him as he fell headlong , remained , jus t as he was flung , li tle else than a lifeless corpse . t o Then St . Sampson , speaking the tribesmen as t they wept around the body , said , You see tha your image is not able to give aid to the dead man . But if you will promise that you will utterly destroy this ’ t idol and no longer adore it I , with God s assis ance, ’ will bring the dead man to life . And they consent t r ing , he commanded them to withdraw a lit le fu ther off and aft er praying earnest ly over the lifeless man for two hours he delivered him , who had been dead , e alive and sound b fore them all . t Seeing this they all wi h one accord , along with e t the aforem n ioned chief, prostrated themselves at ’ ”

f t e t . St . Sampson s eet and ut rly des royed the idol It will have been noticed t hat t he writer does not state whether the idol was of stone or of wood nor is it quite clear whet her it was itself the object of

“ od worship or the representation or symbol of a g .

Probably it was the latter . Whatever its nature and character the saint decided upon its destruction and marked t he Sign of the cross it s t not upon it but upo n a stone standing in vicini y . It does n ot seem likely that t he word abominable ( simulacru m abominabile) would have been employed The Celts 3 5

- to describe a wheel headed stone . The idol was probably a fetich pure and S imple or possibly a symbol u o of nat re w rship . What ever may have been t he purposes for which menhirs were erected during t he neolit hic period and whatever adoration may have been paid them by — succeedi ng races —we have no evidence that such adoration was paid it appears certain that they had nothing to do with sun worship . The Minoan sym b olism or r , as such , which included the cross rathe t he wheel with four spokes (in this connection a better and more accurate description because it explains the t most beautiful form which it assumed as the swas ika) , is entirely absent from the prehistoric monuments of 1 Western Europe . The stone crosses of Cornwall are not of an earlier date than the S ixth or seventh t t century of our era , and by tha ime not only was the county actively Christian but the Minoan sym b olism was dead , buried and forgotten .

Stones may be , and in many ages and in many s land have been, venerated for their supposed powers and virtues . Such stones , especially in Brittany, have received Christianisation , that is , have been marked wit h or surmounted by a cross within com arativel p y modern times . There is no reason why some such cou rse may not have suggested itself to the Cornish Christians of the seventh and succeeding t B ut t e cen uries . h golden age of Celtic Christianity was during the latter half of the seventh and first half of the eighth century, and at that time Cornwall was in constant communication with Ireland , the 2 centre of Christian learning .

1 Déchelette Archéolo ie Pr histori u e 441 , g é q , p . . 1 Oman E n l e t N orman u t , an d b or e he Con es . 30 . g f Z q , p f~ 36 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

o 2 70 r un r Ab ut stone c osses are to be fo d in Co nwall . They are mostly of granite and have been fashioned n by means of iron implements , in some i stances with

considerable taste and skill . ui They are too well known to req re description . To suppose them to have been erected by sun worshippers in the S ixth and succeeding centuries is t o suppose the prevalence of a religion in Cornwall which at that time prevailed nowhere else in Europe

and concerning which history is silent . On the other a h nd , to suppose them to have been originally con n ected with nature worshi p of a peculiarly revolting charact er and to have been Christianised by Signin g them with the S ign of the cross is highly improbabl e t t if, as the maintainers of this hypothesis assert , ha

sign was regarded as pagan . A much simpler and more convincing explanation is t hat the stone crosses were erect e d in order to disaffect and sanctify places which from time im memorial had been devoted to old pagan super 1 stition s at t he e . This any rate has merit of b ing in accordance with the facts disclosed by t he Sampson r episode . Moreover , it avoids the anach onism which

connects them with sun worship , while at the same time it disallows the charge of incredible folly which must otherwi se be imputed to the founders of Cornish Christianity if we suppose those earnest men to have retained a degradin g symbol of nature worship wit h it s c e t little or no modification of stru tural f a ures .

1 An ato e l e ra La n u it des eux. l B z , f CORNWALL AND BRITTANY

LTHOUGH much good work has been done and A useful resul ts have been obtained in many fields of research both by individual Cornishmen and by of societies like the Royal Institution Cornwall , there is one department at least which has been somewhat. neglected by those for whom it might have been expected to possess a S pecial attractive ness . The interest whi ch of late years has been awakened in the Cornish language and in Celtic Christianity has not been the result of an y re vival in Cornwall t itself. Mr . Whi ley Stokes is an Irishman by birth

r r . and extraction , P ofesso Loth a Breton , Mr Henry

Jenner a Cornishman . In fact no Cornishman except the last - named has so far thrown himself wholeheartedly into the movement which has for its object the critical study of t he language and -S religion of the Celtic peaking nations . This is much b e r to egretted , because both of these subjects were assigned a place in the comprehensive scheme of

. h o e an d at Dr Borlase , w ich , as c nc ived elabor ed by him t t o t e u e n , en itled him rank among h leading E rop a t o wn . an iquaries of his day Although Dr . Borlase achieved little of permanent value in the way of e exposition , he gath red much valuable material for e which, but him , would have b en lost , and by his 37 38 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall sagacity and di ligence succeeded in riveting the t his a tention of compatriots . t he a He was , like all leading arch eologists of his t di ime , a resolute believer in the Drui cal origin of the prehistoric remains of the county, a theory which he advocated with consummate skill and r pa ticularity . Since his death the theory has been

found to be untenable without any serious injury , r however , being done to his high eputation . r - - t he The brilliant essay of his g eat great grandson , A e o late Mr . William Copeland Borlase , on the g f the S aints fir 1 878 , st printed in , has been one of the very few original works accomplished in the county having for its object the exposition of Celtic Chris tianit hi w r y . In t s work its rite attempted too much . Subsequent research has shown that many of his identifications of the Cornish saints are untrust r r wo thy, and that his arbitra y delineation of the s sphere of influence of the respective groups of Irish, Welsh and Breton saints is Often fanciful and mis

leading . S i Given leisure and the pirit of enqu ry, the two subjects which ought to appeal most strongly to a Cornishman are the ancient religion and the ancient

language of the county to which he belongs . Bot h subjects are n ow well withi n his reach owing . t to the immense amount of material which has , wi hin e n t he u t n rec nt years , bee made available by p blica io Cou ncils an d E cclesiasti cal of ancient records . The D o me ts a E isco al cu n of H ddan and Stubbs , the p p R e isters t Hin est on -R t he Parish g , edi ed by g andolph , Re isters Phillimore g , edited by and others , the p ublications of the Record Commissioners and of t he Revu e Celti ue Royal Institution of Cornwall , the q , Corn wall an d B rittany 39

A D t e ncient Cornish rama . the , edi d by Mr Edwin Mr Norris , the critical works of . Whitley Stokes , of Gou aud Cornish Professor Loth and Dom g , the Gram r Mr r ma of . Jenne ; these are a few of the many sour ces whence valuable information may be

derived for the comparative study of these subjects . In thi s connection it may be observed t hat little satisfaction will be gained from facts and statements t which are obtained at second hand . Facts mus be sought out in t he original documents and examined

in their original settings . The context is often more illuminating than the

fact which it enshrines . Not documents only ; the

towns , villages , hamlets and homesteads , with their ' an cient n ames , address silent appeals to the hearts

and understandings of those who live among them . An interesting illustration is supplied by the t hree E los Ecclesia Esco E isco u s Cornish words , g ( ), p ( p p ) — and Pleu (Plebs ) interesting because the final judg ment must be held in suspense until a survey has e m r b en made of their ra ifications . All th ee words - E l os are found in the place names of this county . g t is found in Lanteglos , Egloskerry and in some o her Es Tr sc b eas places ; cop is found in e o in Budock , ’ formerly appendant to the bishop s manor of Penryn , ’ Main en EscO R also in p (Bishop s ock) , in the Isles Plun ent of Scilly Pleu is found in , the ancient name t Pl u vathack of Pelyn , in (Budock) and possibly in

Bleu Bridge in Gul val . Names beginning or ending in Egl os are numerous in Cornwall those having Pleu a few for the first syll ble are very in number . In Brittany very few place -names are composed of E l os Esco g and p, whereas Pleu enters into many . Why does Pleu rather than Eglos lend itself so 40 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

readily in Britt any to the exigencies of ecclesiastical nomenclature ? Were it not that Lan (monastery) u is eq ally distributed in the two countries , we should be tempted to say that in Cornwall a Celtic word (Ian ) was preferred to a Latin word (plebs) to describe a f the ecclesiastic l unit . Some dif erence of condition or of association there must have been to account r r for it . That which most eadily occu s is that Armorica was thoroughly Latinised before the r insular Celts arrived there , whe eas Cornwall was probably n ever brought into close contact with Roman civilisation as such except on and near the

coast in other words , that Plebs was in use in the former country before it became Christian and acquired aft erwards a specific ecclesiastical significa it tion , whereas in Cornwall was introduced along with Chr istianit y or aft er Christianit y had taken few R root . Very traces of oman civilisation are to i R be found in th s county . The oman milestone at R St . Hilary is almost unique . oman coins , of which n u many have been fou d in the co nty, do not prove R t oman se tlement . It is certain , however , that a n Brit in had become Christia , at least in name , before t he R t d oman legions were wi h rawn , and it is there E l os ES CO fore probable that the words g , p and Pleu had been received into t he Cornish language before t t t t t he ha time . And the rue explana ion of per sistence of Pleu in the place -names of Brittany seems t he n u to be that i s lar Britons , who had acquired the t he R word Plebs during oman occupation , con r u ve ted it , for ecclesiastical purposes , into Ple and t t e t t o r took it wi h h m when hey emigrated A morica , where very soon it had to give place t o t he word r Pares (from the F ench Paroisse) , though not before

42 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

e It was , doubtless , owing to the pr sence of these Breton knights that Cornwall came t o play so t r r i important a par in the A thu ian romances , wh ch , soon after the Conquest , became known throughout

western Europe . There has been much controversy r respecting their o igin . They have been attributed to England , Wales , Cornwall and Brittany . That of Tris tan an d Iseult t was , until quite recen ly, com monly referred to an English ar chetype which assumed literary form at the hands of British and

Welsh minstrels or jugglers . r r It has emained for P ofessor Loth to demonstrate , e beyond the possibility of doubt , that it originat d in r Cornwall at a time when Celtic , Saxon and No man S r were all poken languages . Those who are familia with the romance will have been puzzled by the

presence of two Iseul ts in one and the same story . “ On this point M . Loth says , in my opinion it is

from the juxtaposition in Cornwall of two legends , r r the Cornish and the A mo ican , and from a com promise between the two that the creation of the ” 1 two Iseults has originated . No better proof could be found of the friendl y spirit which existed between the two nations than their mu

tual consent to share the tales and traditions of both . t 1 1 77 t he It was a Bre on who , in , carried away

body of St . Petrock to the monastery of St . Mewan t in Brittany . As a canon of Bodmin he had learn t t he t th to venera e saint , and doub less considered at he could confer no great er boon upon his own country ’ men t han to presen t t he m with t he saint s relics . t e R At h instance of Henry II , oland de Dinan r restored them to the Prio y .

1 R s de la Table Ronde . 1 10. oman , p Cor n wall an d Brittany 43 The trade b etween the two countries was con i erab l e R s d . The Patent olls supply ample evidence 1 343 of this . In we find an inquisition respecting certain mariners of the county of Cornwall who had been received into t he service of the Duchess of

Brittany, but who had turned pirates and plundered the vessels of both countries . More convincing still is the evidence supplied by r the fi st subsidy roll of King Henry VIII . The roll

r 1 523 . is undated , but the date cannot be late than In it are given the names of all those who were required to contribute to the subsidy and the several n amou ts of their assessment , in land and goods , for t e r h purp ose . The oll for the hundred of Penwith is almost complete , only the parishes of Crowan , l R r r Camb om e I logan , ed uth and a pa t of being 1 five missing . In all the Penwith parishes , save of the r smaller ones , are found B etons who are described as nati in partibus B ritanni a; su b obediencia Regis c t Fran orum. These Bretons cons itute more than one -sixth of the total tax -paying population of the r hund ed of Penwith . They are described as tinners , fis hermen , smiths , servants , labourers and cooks the

- occupations of twenty nine of them are not given . Although the several amounts to be contributed by them are in every case in respect of goods and com ar ativel u p y small , there is fort nately reliable evidence t o pro ve t hey were not mere sojourners b ut pers ons t o who had come stay . The order t o keep parish registers issued by Thomas

1 The Roll was prin te d by the R oyal Ins t it u ti on o f Corn wall in

1 887. E tracts rom e f e r ro are n r H s om o th l ate s e M . . x f ll giv by J . att e s in his H istor o S t I ves Lela n t Towednack and Z en nor M h w— y f . , , , . 1 33 2 and Dr . J. Ste ens in his ollections or a pp 4 ; by W . ph C f H is tor o rantoc y f C k. Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

1 537 t he 1 597 Cromwell in , and further order , in , requiring a transcript of t hem to be made on par ch ment , would have provided future generations with r an invaluable sou ce of information , had those orders been generally obeyed and the records carefully preserved . r Unfo tunately, few parishes can claim to possess an t t unin errup ed record of baptisms , marriages and burials from the year 1 53 8 up t o the present time .

In Penwith only Camborne enjoys this distinction . Al l the rest of the registers begin after t he accession t he of Queen Elizabeth . The earliest of Madron 1 577 t registers , which begins in , has been prin ed and is accessible : the Camborne marriages have also t it been printed . From hese two registers will suffice to give extracts which bear upon Breton u settlement in the county . Camborne s pplies the following marriages

C rt w e s 1 538 a ho hi . . John , brito , and Nora wife 1 540 o . Stephen Bryt n and Jane his wife . ’ 1 540 G u a t . Bryton and Margare his wife .

1 540 b r t t n o . . Uden John , y , and his wife

1 540 B r tt on t . Gregorie y and Margare his wife .

1 546 Gerecrist e Willm b r tt on s . John and Margar t , y .

68 B r 1 5 tt on . . Peres y and Alson his wife

t he If above list is compared with the subsidy roll , it c to which reference has been made , will be lear t hat Bryton is n ot a surname b u t a des cript ive e u a epith t . The list , in fact , s pplies only four surn mes , Cart ow e ill r rist t h W m Ge ec . he , John , and Of these first and last are interesting : the firs t survives in Corn wall as Cart hewe and in Brittany as Car zou ; Cor n wall an d B rittany 4 5

- — r the last is a Breton place name Kergrist , nea t 1 Pon ivy . As showing that t he Breton immigrants did not ret u rn t o t heir own count ry t he following entries 2 t he n ot from Madron register will be helpful , if s e t he e conclu iv . Among burials we hav

1 582 B ritt a n e . Jane , wife of John y .

1 58 5 za t he B ritt on n . Eli beth , wife of Oliver , .

1 587 . . Joane , wife of John Britton i 1 599 B r tt a n e . . Peres y

Unfortunat ely the Madron baptisms are missin g t 1 592 e t 1 5 im un il and the marriag s un il 77 . It is e h t t he possibl , owever , wi h Camborne marriages and t he r e t c Madron bu ials befor us , to resis the con lusion that in the first half of t he sixteent h century Bret ons

e e t he t . e arrived , married and wer buri d in coun y Th y t t t It a e doub less lef descendan s . is remark bl , however , t at e t t he h whereas , at the pr sen time , in Cornwall B ridden surname Britton or is rare , in the Midlands , e where Breton influence was never considerabl , it is e comparativ ly common . The explanation appears to be that the Christian names of the Breton immi a gr nts became surnames , and in this way the number r t t of Ch is ian surnames , which in Wes Cornwall now amounts to little short of 30 per cent of t he whole number , was vastly increased . For how long the tide of Breton immigration had

1 I am in debted t o P rofessor Loth for the iden tification of these m e s urn a s . 1 S om e fu rt her light woul d dou btless b e thr own on the su bj ect if the Cam b o rn e r egis ters were s ear ched for the chi ldren of the above m arr a es an d r th r o f e r aren ts It is n ote ort t at i g fo e bu ial th i p . w hy h Cart e m arr a es ere s o emn se at am orn e in 1 583 an d 1 588 h w i g w l i d C b . ’ Th e n a a e een an d ro a l ere t ose of o n Carthow e s y h v b , p b b y w , h J h c i grgn h l . 46 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

w been flo ing , when we meet with it in the sixteenth r a centu y, it is impossible to s y . Its persistence in the first half of that century is not more noteworthy t 1 than its arres in the second half. Brittany had become a French province in 1 495 r t by the ma riage of Anne , Duchess of Brit any , to r u Charles VIII . The to tuous foreign policy of Q een t t Elizabeth of England , no less han the poli ical and t religious complica ions of her protracted reign , could t r hardly have been favourable o Breton immig ation . The reformed religion and the decline of the Cornish language have prevented a renewal of close relations between the two countries . The mystery and miracle plays constituted another t link between Cornwall and Brit any . Whether written in Cornish or Breton they could be under f stood by the inhabitants o both countries . They were acted on both sides of the Channel in The — the open air . subject matter sacred history r — and religious biog aphy was the same for both . r The trilogy called the Ordinalia , which , in th ee plays , covered roughly the same ground as the Old and r r t New Testament , epresents the Cornish t eatmen , by means of the Cornish language , of the mystery , r which , in the fifteenth and sixteenth centu ies , was B ut common to western Europe . the miracle play M M riasek B eu nan s eriasek . e of , the life of St , was

Celtic in origin and treatment . The Cornish version , wr H adt on 1 504 itten by Dom , in , had probably a r Meriasek B eton archetype . St . or Meriadec , who r r sha es with St . Ma tin the patronage of Camborne ,

1 As l ate o e er as 1 599 we m eet t ret on s at Re rut , h w v , wi h B d h , o co n tr ute an s om e to the su s of t at e ar Six m a wh ib d h d ly b idy h y . y b e n ote in the S t es s tr ct in 1 571 b ut n on e in 1 593 or a ter d . Iv di i , f t at ate La u s es 87 21 8 h d ( y S b idi , ( ) Cor n wall an d B rittany was unquestionably a very important personage in e Brittany . He gave his name to a tr ve of Plumergat , 1 - : t he Pluvigner , Pluneret and Noyal Pontivy he is H e patron of Stival and of Plougasnou . was also numbered among the early bishops of Vannes , though , 2 according to M . Loth , mistakenly . It is significant that in the Cornish B eunans M eriasek hi s elevation to that see forms an importa nt h of episode . T is fact , itself, would suggest a Breton Mr r origin for the play . . Thurstan Peter has , on othe 3 r . g ounds , arrived at the same conclusion The mystery and miracle plays were still in vogue S urve o or l when Richard Carew wrote his y f C nwal . There is no need to quote the well -known passage in

' which he describ es the degradation of what had once u been a val able means of instruction , but which , in his day had become a questionable form of popular entertainment . -in - ul At St . Just Penwith and Perranzab oe the -an - r plain gware , place of the play , is mo e or less r u r ca ef lly prese ved . The populous district of Plain an gwarr y in the parish of Redruth also reminds the inhabitants of the days of old and the years that

. r for are past In mo e than one manorial extent , as , example , in that of the manor of St . Buryan , the r r w ite has found a tenement , described as Plain an ware g , the site of which is now unknown . It is not improbable that every considerable Cornish parish had formerly a space reserved for the mystery and miracle play .

1 The t reve is des cribed by Dom Gougau d as a par ochi al sub ’ division st ill recogni sed in cert ain can tons of B rittan y Chrénentés ( , 1 24 p . L ’ 1 Loth s Les S aints breton s 2 9 93 . , pp . , 3 ete r Old orn ish Drama 34 P , C , p . . 48 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

No attempts have hitherto been made to revive 1 t ur these plays in Cornwall . A gradua e of Misso i

t n - an - University, visi i g the Plain gware at St . Just , t t informed the wri er tha in New York, with the t t he assistance of weal hy patrons , Cornish plays had been successfully rendered by members of the t t University . In Brit any here has been of late years a not able revival of t he mysteries on modern lines in t he Breton language . Under the direction of an n t enlightened clergy, encouraged by emi ent Cel ic t he t t he scholars , plays are attrac ing attention of t e r many besides those for whom hey have b en w itten . The e st t t he t mark d hi rionic abili y of players , mos , if n ot e t t he t all , of them simpl coun ry folk, a mosphere n of reverent adoring faith , and of robust inspiri g tt a e hi t patriotism , the u er bs nce of anyt ng like vani y t t e e t or pre ence , the in ens r ali y of the Gospel story t oo t in n en which , of en , the case of ordinary E glishm , t he t a e has , under soo hing influence of an inimit bl u c t a t horised version of the Holy S rip ures , become an e t e idyllic , poetical and idealistic pres n m nt of Scrip t t c t he n ural ruth , but whi h , as proclaimed by livi g voice and the impassioned fervour of believing hearts ami d circumstances not very dissimilar t o those which gave it birth : all this is irresistibly pat hetic an d convin cing . ’ t ura No on e who has been present a St . Anne d A y e e and who has followed , v n by means of a French t n at n t he e -er - e the a the ra sl io , Bo h go d ( C ll of Blood) , in which the parable of t he Prodigal Son is unfolded

1 ter the a o e w as r tte n Mr . T urs t an ete r res en t o f Af b v w i , h P , P id a ns t t u t on of Corn a an n ou n ce t at un er the ae s t he R oy l I i i w ll , d h d gi o f that i n s titu ti on the B eu n ans M eri a s ek would b e perform ed in 1 1 Th e r eat w ar has n ecessar caus e the ost on e the ye ar 9 5 . g ily d p p n of t he en ter r se m e t p i .

TH E CELTIC CH RISTIANITY OF CORNWALL

Y comparing the development of Christian in stitutions in the various portions of the Celtic world and observing those elements which were , for h r t ree centu ies at least , characteristic , common and permanent , it ought to be possible to arrive at some r t very definite and useful esults . It ough to be pos t sible to supplement the evidence , supplied by wri ers r like Gildas and the venerable Bede , and , f om the r common store of Celtic learning , acqui ed in Wales , r I eland and Brittany, to remedy our defective n r ni knowledge of Cornwall and of Cor ish Ch istia ty . Obviously the closer the relations between the four Celtic families the stronger the presumpt ion in favour t of an identity of ecclesias ical organisation . s h 428 Until the Saxon raid , w ich began in the year , Cornwall and Wales were integral portions of Great

Britain the inhabitants , though differentiated into r kingdoms , were bound together by a common eligion and by a more or less common language . The Roman occupation which in Armorica had changed the vernacular from Ga ulish to Latin (which t he t t r in fifth century was , in tha coun y, already giving ris e to a romance language ) achieved no such a t S e m rked result in Bri ain . Latin may have been pok n in the centres of popul ation and in places where the 50 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall 51

Roman influence was exceptionally strong ; it may Haverfield have been spoken , as Professor contends , in the eastern counties ; b ut the absence of any ' trace of a romance language goes to prove that it was never the vernacular . r The Saxon invasion which , du ing the fifth and r sixth centu ies , reduced the Britons to a state of r se vitude , or drove them to the more inaccessible ' t he and remote regions of Wales and Cornwall , was r immediate cause of a great exodus to A morica . No event in British history proved more fruitful in results : no event is more suggestive for t he purpose of elu ci t dating Cornish Church his ory . How large was the share taken in that emigration by the people of Dumn onia (Cornwall , Devon , Dorset and Somerset) may be gathered from t he fact that the langu age — which the emigrants introduced into Ar morica a language which speedily superseded Latin just as — Lat in had superseded Gaulish was Cornish rather t han Welsh , the language , in short , which survived in some parts of Cornwall until the eighteenth cen t an d t ury which is , with some slight modification , s ill spoken in Finist ere and to some extent in Morbihan C6t es du and Nord . Professor Loth , whose eminence t u as a Cel ic scholar no one will disp te , has written , “ it is certain that linguistically t he Britons of Corn wall were nearer of kin to the emigrants than the Welsh : they doubtless occupied the nearer neigh b ourhood umn n i of ancient D o a . The Breton language forms wit h Cornish a closely compacte d t uni y as opposed to Welsh , although the three languages were assur edl y very near neighbours at 1 this period (the fifth century) .

1 Lee N ome des S ai n ts br eton s . 1 43. , p 52 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

Armorica itself became known as Brittany in the

sixth century . Cornwall (Cornouaille) was adopted as t he name of that portion of it between the Elorn Ell é t e Dumn on ia and the soon af rwards . was the name given to the northern portion be tween the El orn ni r and the Cuesnon in the nth century . The settle s h in Armorica introduced their own form of C ristianity, pand the object of the British and Irish missionary t r saints who flocked thither soon af erwa ds was not , r as ancient w iters have supposed , in order to convert I the pagan Gauls , but rather to administer to the

spiritual needs of their compatriots . To these mis sions our Dumn oni a contributed little in comparison

with Wales . Cornwall after the foundation of the kingdom of Wessex in 51 9 be came isolated : its relations with Brittany were doubtless closer t han

with Saxonised Britain . But it never became , like

Wales and Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries , a

great missionary centre . The founders of the Breton

- — monastery bishoprics Pol Aurelian , Lunaire , Mag Tutwal loire , Mewan and Malo were all Welsh only, Dumnonia r e . the founder of T guier , was of British Of the Brit ish saints whose names are found in the

parishes , fractions of parishes and holy places of a 80 90 are e 60 Britt ny, from to W lsh about appear in Cornwall from 30 to 40 appear only in Brittany t 1 and in Cornwall and Devon , and a few in Somerse . The British refugees remind us of ZEn eas whom tradition represents as bringing with him his Lares Dumn onian i and Penates to Italy . The imm grants brought with them the cult of t heir own insular t e t a e saints . A a later p riod Brit any was ble to mak t u a a re urn in kind . Pol A relian , S mpson , Columba ,

1 ot are . 124 n . 1 L h , , p , . Celtic Chris tian ity of Corn wall 3

e B Meriad c , Corentin and others of reton fame were t received into the devo ional system of Cornwall . Not only were the Breton and Cornish people one t in origin , tradi ion , language and religious sentiment , they were one in their Celtic ideal of the priestly and e e t religious lif . Th irs no less han that of the Welsh t e t and Irish was h monas ic ideal . Every Cornish

- lan place name bearing the prefix , together with - t he n an some p lace names bearing prefix , implies a i a t t . Lan sl e Lan dith mon s ic founda ion y , y , Lan drock Lan hern e Lan de l hy , and gy , Nancekuke and Nan sl adron are a few examples whi ch S how that t he qu asi - monastic foundations of Domesday Book were only modified survivals of what was in the sixth t t he e a t t cen ury acc pted ecclesi s ical ype , a type which continued t o exist apparently long aft er the parochial it s system made appearance . A body of celibate c lergy, living in community , observing a religious r ule and entrusted with the care of soul s over an ill defin ed w r area ill probably epresent the normal , just as an anchorite living solitary with a view to the perfecting of his soul in holiness will represent the

abnormal development of the monastic ideal . We have no means of estimating the number of monks whose e t t It s gregation cons i uted a Cornish lan . is probable that t he commu nities were small as compared wit h

those of Wales and Ireland . The great monastery of Iscoed Dec a n t e Bangor on the had , ccordi g to h Vener e at t he e n n t he able B de , b gin i g of seventh century no 21 00 n a less than mo ks . Clon rd , in the count y of l t St . Fin ni an t t he e 520 Mea h , founded by abou y ar , e It is said to have been larg r . may be extravagance t t St on he par of the biographer of . Patrick to state that the saint enjoined a levy of a t ithe of t he men as 54 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall well as a tithe of the land for the support of the 1 t Church , but there can be no doubt hat a very con siderab l e fraction of the Celtic population embraced t h the religious life . At the same ime we s all probably arrive at a false economic inference unless we bear ’ in mind the tripartite di vision of t he monk s day which required one -third of it to be spent in manual labour . r u Professor Loth , as the es lt of a careful study of t o on omastic Breton p , has arrived at the conclusion that t he Armorican parishes were placed as early as t he sixth and seventh century under the invocat ion — t e of the saints na ional , emigrant , or otherwis 1 It e whose names they still bear . is therefore possibl ,

I think probable , that the Cornish parish is older t e han the English . The reforms of Archbishop Th o — dore ( 6 68 6 90 ) which resul ted in the subdivision of i d oceses and the formation of parishes , were begun though not completed a little less than a century e later . Cornwall and Wales were unaffect d by these ’ t he r t reforms , Archbishop of Canterbury s ju isdic ion not being acknowledged by Cornwall until t he days of Egbert ( 803 or by Wales until the beginning t he t t of twelf h cen ury . In the absence of clear historical evidence it woul d b e t e a rash to assert hat every d velopment in W les , Britt any and Ireland was followed by a corresponding e the dev lopment in Cornwall , but where same religious influences were at work in every other Celtic -speaking count ry it may be assumed t hat those influences were at t t he work in Cornwall , and the receptivi y of Cornish t he in the matter of religion , when influence was held

1 u ote Dom Gou aud Les hr t/ient s celti u es . 82. Q d by g , C é é q , p 1 Go au d b 1 u i id . . 07 g , , p . Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall 55

r r to come from the ight qua ter , is witnessed by the readiness wherewith they admitted Welsh , Irish and

Breton saints into their hagiologies . At the time under discussion it will be borne in mind that the saints reverenced in Cornwall were i almost if not wholly Celtic . Even at the present time , in S pite of the Saxon conquest and the submission to S e t he t s Canterbury , in pit of at empt to sub titute saints from t he Roman Kalendar for the Celtic patrons ' or r r of C nish chu ches in the fou teenth century, and in S pite of the ignorant perversion of S pelling and the abortive attempt s at identification on the part of the English registrars who conducted the business of the ’ e bishop s court at Ex ter , it is a matter for wonder and gratitude that so many Corni sh churches S hould ’ still be known by their ancient saints names . If we compare the dedications of Derbyshire with those of Cornwall we find that of the 1 68 ancient t he 2 churches in former county , 7 are under t he 1 8 invocation of Scriptural saints , under St . Michael , 2 8 3 4 i under All Saints , under h storical saints like

Martin , Lawrence and Giles and about 1 6 under .

English and Saxonised saints , like Edmund , Oswald , r Wilfrid , Werburgh and Cuthbe t . t he 200 On other hand , in Cornwall , of the dedica 30 t 30 tions are Scrip ural , less than are strangers e a - - ( ither historic l and non English like Martin , Ger l man and Clement , or aggressively English , like Morwenn a or , Werburgh , Swithun and Neot , Saxon t Odul h ised like Cuthber , Olave , p and Hugh) and the r - ir r est , more than two th ds of the total numbe , are Nor f ul u r Celtic . is it di fic t to acco nt fo the presence of the Saxon element . The monastic ideal presented by Werburgh the abbess and by Cuthbert the abbot 5 6 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall bishop would appeal to the prevailing monastic r temper , while the ea ly settlement of Saxons in the t - t nor h eastern por ion of the county, of which we have t o ti M rwen o m s c e . o abundant proof in its p no a ( g. in ldest ow Neot s ou stow, Jacobstow, A and t ) and in the will of King Alfred ( 871 —90 1 ) whose possessions in Tricon shire (the hundred of Trigg which at t hat time probably embraced t he hundre d of Stratt on) are t t expressly men ioned , will accoun for saints like n Morw en n Neot , Swithu and a who probably dis of placed the Celtic saints an earlier period . Before passing to what is of greatest interest—the — Celtic episcopate a few words are required respect t he t wo e ing great controv rsies , which , however rn trivial in themselves , served the purpose of fu ishing records of a period concerning which records are very scarce . The Easter no less than the Tonsure cont roversy was one of the result s of t he isolation of Celtic Chris tia it t o t e R n y . In order find Easter h oman Church r 457 t e had , until the yea , used h old Jewish cycle of 8 4 532 rs years . In that year a cycle of yea was adopted . The Welsh and Cornish , who had received their Christianity during the Roman occupation of t 457 Great Britain , and herefore long before , con u d tin e to use the Jewish cycle . They refused to conform to t he Roman use and persisted in their refusal for a very considerable period . Ireland , which 457 r had also become Christian before , was the fi st to t e 633 adop the Roman East r in . Cornwall followed ’

u 70 5 St . in or abo t , as the result of Aldhelm s famous

t Gerunt ius Dumn on ia . r le ter to , prince of No th 1 e 777 Wales held out until 76 8 and South Wal s until .

1 Ha an an d Stu s ouncils etc . 201 . dd bb , C , , i ,

TH E MONASTERY -BISH OPRICS OF CORNWALL

HE chief interest of Celtic Christianity gathers around the monastery -bishopric and t he abbot bishop who ruled it . In the sixth century the religious life had become much more than a counsel of perfection . In Ireland the Church was almost t exclusively monas ic . In Wales St . German is said t r to have founded a monas e y during his second visit . Iltut r , whom he o dained priest, was the founder of wi r Llant t, the g eat school of monks whence came n r Sampso , Paul Au elian and possibly Gildas and

David . At the outset it is necessary to guard against the undercurrent of t hought which connects Celtic monasticism with one or ot her of t he great religious — orders . The earliest of these orders that of St . — A D . 529 Benedict was not established until about . , and was not introduced into Britain un til St . Augus ’

A D 597 . tine s arrival in . . At the interview between Augustine and the Welsh bishops in 60 3 Din o ot abbot of Bangor Iscoed was among the strongest opponents of compromise . Celtic monasticism owed

or . . nothing to St . Benedict to St Augustine When t herefore we read the statement of a shre wd an d t et learned writer like Sir John Maclean t hat S . P rock founded his monastery at Bodmin adopting the rule 58 Monastery- Bishoprics of Corn wall 5 9

r of St . Benedict and when we ecall an admission by the same writer t hat Petrock was educated at the great monastery of Clonard t owards the end of t t at t he fif h or the beginning of the six h century , i 0 e u 490 A . D . 51 . . pres mably between and and t e t he h refore before Benedictine order was founded , we realise how mischi evous this undercurrent of

thought may prove . There is no evidence that any early monastic foundation in the Celtic world was established in n t accordance with the Benedicti e discipline . Cel ic e i monasticism was quite definit ly su gen eris . The 429 44 mission of St . German in and 7 probably laid t e n h fou dations of it in Britain . It had achieved some of its greatest victories before n t St . Augusti e of Can erbury was born . Paul Aurelian , t he - Welsh monk , established the monastery bishopric 53 é A D . 0 : of L on in . Sampson , a compatriot , the t ] A D 565 : Tutw al similar founda ion at Do in . . of British Dumn on ia was abbot before he became abbot e I bishop of Tr guier in the same century . In reland the monastery of Clonard was founded before the

a . Benedictine order c me into existence . St Patrick r was a contempo ary of St . German . Celtic Chris tianit hi y, w le it was practically independent of R 1 ome , became intensely monastic . There is nothing

therefore to lead us to regard the canons of St .

Petrock , St . Piran , St . Stephen , St . Keverne and

St . Probus , mentioned in Domesday Book , as t o t subject he discipline of St . Benedict Such

1 ’ Corn wall s in depen den ce of Rom e impli ed n eith er repu di ation of n or seces s on rom the R om an C ur c It w as merel the i f h h . y te mp or ary sus pens ion of ou tward comm uni on with L atin Chris tian i ty as the r es ul t of political even ts which had placed Corn wall in a st ate of so at on i l i . 60 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

evidence as we possess tends to con firm t he contrary

. t he St opinion What has been said of order of . i t t Bened ct applies wi h greater force to hat of St . u t e fou n da Aug s in , the Black Canons , whose earliest t in n A D 1 1 0 8 t t 22 ion Engla d dates from . . , ha is , years after Domesday Book was compiled . Cardinal t u e e u c Gasquet r ly says the cl rgy of every larg ch r h , n u u as bei g s bject to r le , were called canons . The e n ot t rule of St . Augustin was in roduced at Bodmin u nt il the time of Bishop William Warel wast ( 1 1 0 7 Under the strong pressure exerted by monastic expansion the governmental character of episcopacy t t e became a tenuated . This was especially h case in Ireland and in those churches whi ch owed t heir u t t foundation to Irish missions . The m l iplica ion of f bishops tended to degrade the o fice . It is impossible to read the account s of monastic rule as developed by at t e at St . Bridget Kildare and by h Irish mission a t Ion , and of the mechanical and subsidiary par which the bishops were called upon t o play in t he

1 Th e s t atem en t is b as e d u pon the as sum pti on that th e decre es of P ope Leo III wer e as in operat ive in Corn wall as the y were in al es an d I an It s oul b e n ee ess t o arn t he r ea er a a n s t W re l d . h d dl w d g i n u n in Au u st n e of an ter ur t the s o o f i co fo d g g i C b y wi h bi h p H pp o . The l atte r is s aid t o h ave s an cti on e d cert ain r egul at i on s for th e r e ligi o us life which s u bs e q u en t ly becam e kn own as t he ru le o f t Au st n e In the e n ni n o f the n n t cen t o e Le o I S . u ur g i . b gi g i h y P p I I m ade thi s rul e obligat ory u pon all the clergy w h o had n ot em b r ace d m ot er e ad t he m on f t et r o c en in o u t ar H s o S . e s o e h ru l . k P k b w d commun i on with wes te rn Chri sten dom they wou ld pr ob ably have ar c r t Au t n e an d in t at e com e can on s re u o r s e u a of S . us b , g l l , g i , h ’ case an d in t at s ens e onl Sir o n ac e an s s t atem en t m t h y , J h M l igh n a e B u t In t at s en se the or s had n o mean n have bee e xcus bl . h w d i g the t en tur en t et roc oun e the Co rn s com in s ix h c y wh S . P k f d d i h u t n e of Can te r ur w as a en edi c t n e m on an d mun it y . A gus i b y B i k the can on s re u ar n t ro u ce is o W arelw ast n o w n as g l i d d by B h p , k ac Can ons e on e t o on e o f t he t r ee re at o r ers i c Bl k , b l g d h g d wh h s prang from the rul e attribu te d t o hi s great n am esa ke the bishop o f

Hippo . Mon as tery - Bishoprics of Corn wall 6 1

drama, without being aware of the subversion of one of the fundamental marks of episcopacy . The present writer has found but S light evidence of this disastrous policy in Wales and Brittany . There the abbot -bishop is seen as the ruler of a monastery or e of a tribe . Innumerabl monasteries had no bishop t at all . The presence of a bishop gave to the monas ery

the elements of permanence and priority . The Breton and Welsh monastery-bishoprics have in many instances survived as bishoprics up to the present

time solely , as it would seem , owing to their early

episcopal character . The distinction between the Irish and British conception of epis copacy must be borne in mind when we attempt to reconstruct the ecclesiastical S institutions of Cornwall . It has been hown that the relation between Cornwall and Brittany was that of t mo her and daughter . Between Wales and Cornwall

the relation , though probably less close , was far closer

t han that between Ireland and Cornwall . It is there fore more than probable that while the abbot -bishop was everywhere a distinguishi ng feat ure of Celtic Christianity there was here (in this county) no such perversion of the episcopal office as to give rise to a body of episcopi vagan tes o f whom we read in 1 connection wit h Ireland and Irish missions . e r That Cornwall possess d bishops is ce tain, and t e l r tha th y ru ed monasteries is equally ce tain , e diocesan bishops b ing , during the period under t t t o considera ion , prac ically unknown the Celtic t e l t e world . His ory h lps us it le as r gards Cornwall . A D 66 4 t w o t duob us We know that in . . Bri ish bishops (

1 Dom Gou gaud s pe aks of them as Evéques déclas sés cl err ants

hrétientés . ( C , p 6 2 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

B ri tt on um e isco is . de gente p p ) , whom Mr Haddan t he considers to have been Cornish , assisted Wini , t Saxon bishop of Wessex , in the consecra ion of St 1 . Chad . De E acidi o Gildas , the Jeremiah of Britain , whose ur is stated to have been written in the sixth cent y, introduces us to an ecclesiastical system which , in r e ff r esp ct of its main features , di e s hardly if at all from that with which we are familiar , but which both surprises us by the evidence of it s progr ess and alarms us by the extent of its perverseness . Gildas “ S peaks of the clergy intruding themselves into t he r e t he preferments of the Chu ch , yea, rath r buying same at a high rate and “ after the example of Simon Magus buying the office of a bishop or of a ” t priest . There was , therefore , already in the six h De B asidi o century , if the traditional date of the be t accepted , a gradation not only of digni y but also of ’ office and emolument , for which , without Gildas evidence , we should hardly have been prepared . The denunciations of Gildas have been held to apply to 2 r b ut the civil rulers and the secula clergy only , there seems to be no good reason for accepting this hypothesis unless we read into the sixt h century conditions which are found at a later period . It is important and sufficient for us to know that the British Church was highly organised and compara tivel y wealthy at this time .

To suppose , however , that Celtic monasteries were t e r efec large , solid structures of stone with clois rs , dort ors t e t he c tories , and the like is to mis ak economi conditions of the period and of the countri es under

1 a an an d S tu s Councils 1 24 . H dd bb , , I , 1 Gou au d hr tien tés . 67. g , C é , p Mon astery-Bishoprics of Cornwall 63

review . To associate the Celtic bishop with a durable and spacious cathedral chur ch is almost as grotesque an anachronism as to represent St . Lucy (who died ’ in the year as they do in the sailors church at r n r r Naples , appa elled in a moder cou t d ess with a f l tiara of gems and a necklace of beauti u pearls . The Celtic monastery has been compared to a r pioneer settlement . It consisted of a conge ies of detached cells , each suitable for the habitation of one , or r more monks . The cells , like the chu ches of the

r . pe iod , were commonly of wood , sometimes of stone r t It is therefo e , af er the lapse of so many centuries , usually futile to seek for traces of them . Of existing Christian remains of the Celtic period in Cornwall the most noteworthy and interesting are the gr anite crosses and those monuments especially which bear - r Perr an z a the Chi rho monog am . The chapels at w are buloe , at G ithian and at Madron also of this date , the two former probably owing their preserva tion to the sand which buried them and t he latter t o t he healing virtues of the waters of the holy well r it 1 which flow th ough . Having S hown that the Celtic conception of i episcopal jurisd ction was definitely monastic , as t o R opposed the oman which , at an early period , had t become diocesan , it is necessary to fix approxima ely hi t he the date at w ch , in Cornwall , former gave place t o t he t he latter . Upon solution of the problem depends the character to be assigned to the four t Ken st ec Comoere Cel ic bishops , , Conan , Daniel and , whose names are disclosed in certain authent ic docu are a ments and given in the Truro Dioces n Kalendar .

1 To t s er o enn er oul als o as s n the ell n t hi p i d Mr . J w d ig dw i gs a ’ s Ch aus te r h c ma n ee as he su es ts a e een St . Gulval s y w i h y i d d , gg , h v b 64 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

r r In Brittany, a mo e prog essive country and less the t isolated than Cornwall , change was violen ly ff Nomin o e t e 8 49 e ected by the patriot in h year . In Ireland the di ocesan syst em was n ot adopted until Wales submitted t o the jurisdi ction and

1 20 7 . t discipline of Canterbury in It is cer ain , there t fore , hat Cornwall , more Opposed to Saxon influence than any of the others , did not accept the diocesan system until the days of Egbert There is good reason t o believe that the change took place much ’ t Ken st ec s t r Ceol n ot h la er . let er to A chbishop ( 833—8 70 ) states explicitly that his bishopric was monastic (Ego Kenstec [ad] episcopalem sedem in gen te Corn ubia in monasteri o qu od lingua B rettonum a ellatur Dinuuri n electus pp , e t t The next bit of historical evid nce is ha of Asser, r t o 8 84 the adviser of King Alf ed , whom Alfred in committed Exeter cum omni parochia quae ad se 3 i r bia pertinebat in S aaon a st in Co nu . The precise e natur e of the commission is unc rtain . If the gift was made after Asser became bishop of Sherborne it probably involved t he oversight of Devon and of ’ e f that portion of Trigg , in Cornwall , wh re Al red s t t n t o possessions were si ua ed . There is nothi g lead us to conclu de that the Celtic Christianit y of Cornwall was to be affected by it . i t A very d stinc advance , in intention if not in a 90 9 chievement , was made when , in , Archbishop t e Eadul f Pl egmun d consti uted the see of Cr diton . To t e e r r h bishop wer given th ee vills in Co nwall , Pollt on Coellin Lan duuit han , g and from which

1 Sto es I relan d and the Celtic Church . 347. k , , p

1 a an an d Stu s Cou n cils 6 75 H dd bb , , I , . 1 6 Ibid . , 1 , 76 ,

6 6 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

as coming from a writer who lived 600 years after

the event , had not Bishop Conan been found signing r r t e cha te s , undoubtedly authentic , between h years 93 1 934 r and . Moreove , the name Conan is Celtic t - and occurs frequen ly in Cornish place names . I am inclined to think t hat the Bishop Don an whose name t is appended to the St . Buryan charter is a ran ’ r 1 t sc iber s mistake for Bishop Conan . The ques ion it naturally suggests itself, how was possible for a people smarting under recent defeat to accept the religious ministrations provided by their conqueror Close upon a century had elapsed since the decisive H en estisdun battle of g , and during the interval doubtless a considerable portion of the Cornish had ’ t e come to accept h Saxon supremacy . Athelstan s

mission may have been , generally speaking , pacific though involving punis hment to the disaffected and r ebellious .

In choosing a Cornishman , and one probably

t he . already a bishop, for see of St Germans , he would n t be acti g in a conciliatory spiri , especially if he , at

the same time , recognised the traditional type of n o Cornish Christianity . There is reason to interpret r it his action as involving a depa ture from . An interes ting note is given by Haddan and Stubbs 2 Man can t which calls attention to the signature of one , r r 932 a bishop , to a cha te of to which also Bishop ’ Conan s name is appended . The learned editors rightly conjectur e t hat Man cant was a Cornish Mau c nt Mancant or a . bishop ( , more correctly ) Coeval

1 me see ot Rev Celt on an o e er is a elt c n a . D , h w v , C i ( L h , XXIX , For t he pur p ose of the argu men t which is her e pu t forwar d it wou ld h ave been m ore con venien t to have distin gui shed bet wee n

1 ls 9 79 . nci . Cou , I , Monastery -Bishoprics of Cor n wall 6 7

Cornish bishops are just what we should expect to r find in the tenth centu y no less than in the sixth . Quite the most valuable extant document of M anu Cornish Christianity, however , is the List of missi ons on the B odmin Gospels which dates from the year 9 42 and carries us almost to the middl e of the r r eleventh centu y . F om this precious manuscript we gather t hat there were during that period the or or following bishops in , connected with , C nwall 1 thel ea r d r t 2 ( ) A g [ ] possibly bishop of C edi on , ( ) Comoere contemporary with Edgar ( 9 58 (3 ) Wulfsige of a slightly subsequent Burthwold ’ mentioned in Cn ut s charter and described by William of Malmesbur y as uncle of Living or Lyfing the r r penultimate bishop of Crediton . Cha te s also dis — close two additional bishops Ealdred ( 993 997) and ethelred Comoer e Wulfsi e A Of these , g and t Ealdred are identified by Mr . Haddan wi h Bodmin ’ ol w r Comoere s and Burt hw d ith St . Ge mans . name e t o t he is C l ic the rest f names are Saxon . But the are important point is that they all , except possibly r the first, contempora y with , though not identical t r wi h, bishops of Crediton , in other wo ds , some measure of independence continued to exist between r the Saxon see and the see or sees of Cornwall . The e t o S t t he Wul fsi is nothing how tha , before days of ge i e hi 80 . . until wit n years of Leofric , the fir st r bishop of Exeter , the greater pa t of Cornwall was

not Celtic both in religion and language . The change of ecclesiastical organisation was made at a period 1 much later than is commonly supposed .

1 In the West of Corn wall there are in di cations in Domes day oo 1 086 of the recen t n t ro u ct on of S a on ace -n ames e B k ( ) i d i x pl , . g. in ’ E dwar d the Confess or s t im e it can har dl y b e a coin ciden ce that Alu uar on hodi e Al ert on w as the ol n of Aluuar t ( v ) h di g . 68 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

The charter of King Aet hel red t o Bishop Ealdred 9 94 t o ( ) seems point to a period of transition . He gives to Bishop E al dred episcopal jurisdiction in the province of Cornwall that it (t he province may be u t free and s bject to him and his successors , hat he may govern and rule his di ocese (parochi am) in the same way as other bishops who are in his realm , both the monastery ( l ocus ) and the domain ( regimen ) of St . Petrock being under the control of him and

his successors . If the English conception of diocesan jurisdiction had been generally kn own and allowed in Cornwall there would have been no need to require the stipulations contained in the con n Ealdred t e cludi g paragraph . was to administer h see of St . Petrock on English lines . History does not tell us what was , in the meanwhile , happening at - t 1 0 1 8 St . Germans but twenty four years la er (in )

we meet with a grant of lands , in Landrake and B ur old Tiniel hw . , by King Cnut to bishop of St Germans ; the Landrake lands were to be held by the bishop during his life and after his death they were to be held for the good of the souls of him an d Tin iel t e the King . The lands were to be used as h t o t bishop thought fit . It is interesting note hat these lands were not annexed to the bishopric but

continued to be held by the prior of St . Germans until

the dissolution of the priory in the sixteenth century . ’ At the time of Cnut s grant Cornwall had practically e lost its independence both civil and eccl siastical . r - All the witnesses of his cha ter , twenty seven in

number , bear Saxon names . t A D 1 0 43 L fin B urhwol d died in or abou . . . y g his e t 1 027 neph w, who had become bishop of Credi on in , r r r was , in pu suance of an ar angement made long befo e M onastery -Bishoprics of Cornwall 6 9

between him and King Cnut , allowed to hold both ’ L fin s sees . On y g death , in the third year of the ’ ’ Confessor s reign Leofric the Ki n g s chaplain was appointed to the united bishopric ( episcopatum Cridi onensis ecclesiae atque Cornubiensis provinciae) r and the see transfer ed to Exeter . Papal sanction was

obtained for the transaction three years afterwards . hi s r r 1 0 50 By cha ter of atification , dated , Edward f e hi the Con_ essor transf rs the Cornish diocese w ch had ’ formerly been assigned to a bishop s see ( episcopali soli o) in memory of Blessed German and in veneration e of P trock , this , with all parishes , lands , etc . , he e transfers to St . Peter in the city of Ex ter . The absence of clear definition in the last paragr aph is sufficiently obvious : no clearer definition was pos t e sible . There had been hi h rto no Cornish diocese t e in the English and Roman acceptation of h word . There had been bishops both at Bodmin and at Ge n St . rmans within livi g memory holding lands and

exercising jurisdiction, but the monastic tie was still

probably stronger than the diocesan . r r Yet it was obviously impo tant , now that Exete was to be the seat of ecclesiastical government for the

two counties , that ample provision should be made

for the great bishop who was to occupy it . Exeter n lacked lands , books and almost every church or a ment ; so stated Pope Leo in his letter to King t he n Edward . Accordingly Ki g not only gave to it lands of his o wn b u t he provided for the transfer of all that could u nder an y reason able pretext be claimed u t t it for its s ppor . In effec , he made possible for the Exeter bishopric to derive nearly one -half of its entire revenue from Cornish monastic lands . But the endow ment of the see of Exeter requires a chapter to itself. EVOLUTION OF TH E DIOCESAN -BISH OPRIC FROM TH E MONASTERY -BISH OPRICS OF CORNWALL

HE R T oman and , consequently, the Saxon con ception of episcopal government was territorial and diocesan ; the Celtic conception was tribal and ” r monastic . An ecclesiastical system based upon t ibal r r and monastic p inciples , ecognising no supreme r f di r central autho ity, can a ford to spense with clea ly r defined bounda ies . At the same time a monastic , r r r no less than a tribal o ganisation , equires a cent e of r its own, towa ds which its activities may converge , r and from which its influences may adiate . The present is an attempt to show where the more important of such centres existed in Cornwall before i ul d ocesan was substituted for monastic r e . Doubtless lan r in every rep esented some such centre , however r r significant , just as every caer epresented a fo tified lan seat of civil authority . The justified its existence by the strength and fervour of its prayers and S piritual influence : the caer by the strength of its e natural position and its artificial d fences . A monas a tic settlement with definite amount of demesne land , n it s e correspondi g to siz and importance , upon which n the mo ks worked for the support of the community, will sufficiently indicate what is meant . Some mon — ast eries had bishops ; some the gr eater number 70 Evolution of Bishoprics 71

r r r we e without them . The g eat monaste ies of Lan déven n ec in Brittany , Llantwit in Wales , and Bangor in Ireland , do not appear to have had bishops of their own , or , if they had , their episcopal character was submerged . On the other hand , the monastery bishoprics of all three countries are too well known r to equire demonstration . The isolation of the Church in Cornwall until the middl e of the tenth century encouraged and perpetuated the system in the mot her country which in the fifth and sixth century it had helped to establish in Brittany .

Domesday Book, when studied by the light of earlier and later records , supplies invaluable informa tion upon the subject of Cornish ecclesiastical organ isation even before the Saxon conquest . At the time of the Great Sur vey the bishop of Exeter held the following manors in Cornwall

Treliu el Treluswell ( in St . Gluvias) . M t i e l e h . Matela ( h g in St Breage) . Tre el Trewell g ( in St . Feock) . Paut P on awt on . ( in St . Breock) B urn eir Berner ( in Egloshayle) .

St . German (St . Germans) . Lan ern u L r P r h e ( an he n e in yda ) .

t St . Tin en (Tinten in . Tudy) Lan uitit o t g n (Lawhi ton) . Lan dicl a (Gulval) . i W nn uc . St . (St . Winnow)

r z B ur r vi . nei Of these eleven mano s all except five , , Lanherne Lanisl e , Tinten , y , and St . Winnow, were t he demesne lands , whole of their revenues going R r Tur old direct to the bishop . icha d Fitz held Burneir T r and inten of the bishop , who eceived the 72 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

Fu car d Lan ern e profits of the former . l held h , and

St . r Godfrey Winnow . The services or profits endered to t he bishop in respect of four of the five manors e would be comparatively trifling , except on the d ath of the tenant in demesne an d during the minorit y of t his heir . Consequently hey are not considered worthy Tawati o of mention in the , made by Pope Nicholas IV ’ t t t 1 29 1 of the bishop s emporali ies in he year . In order t o estimat e t he extent and value of t he bishop ’ s possessions in Cornwall it will suffice to com e t e t he par h m with those of clergy , as given in the Tawatio or assessment just mentioned . It must , Methl ei h however , be remembered that g had ceased to be an episcopal manor before that assessment was R made , having been granted by Bishop obert Warel t 1 1 55 1 1 61 was , between and , to the dean and chapter 1 e ] of Exeter . On the oth r hand , the manor of Cargo , 2 in Newlyn , had been acquired in the meanwhile . Trelusw cll Tr e ella Moreover , and g , for civil purposes , f t Camwerris Pen werris had become dif erentia ed into ( ) , Tr evell a Tol vern e Fent on ollen Tr evenn al , , g , , and 3 Trel on k t he , and for purpose of ecclesiastical assess 4 ment had become known as Tr egaher and Penryn . 1 30 6 Tre aher Trocair t he In g , or , was the name of r major po tion of the hundred of Powder , and was ’ di itself regarded as a hundred . The Bishop s hol ngs by military tenure in this hundred were rated at four ’ t Tre aher t knigh s fees . g , the seat of hese possessions , t he e Fal which lay east and west of riv r , is now known ’ Tr e ear R S as g in Gerrans . oughly peaking , the bishop s manors in this district i n cluded the whole of t he

1 r o Gr an di sson . I n ven t o y f B p . l 9 E xeter E i ec. Re i s ters S ta e clo n . 7. p g , p , p 3 eu a A s 1 303 1 306 1 346 . F d l id , ,

E is Re B roneecomb e A . . 473 . p c . g . , pp p

74 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall of Pydar is described in a grant from the Crown as Pet rockshire alias Pidershire alias the hundred of ” 1 r r P d r Pider . Whethe the wo d y ershi e is a sublimated equivalent of Petrocks hire is a question for etymo l o ists r r g . That the two we e not quite ter itorially i conterm nous is evident from Domesday Book itself, in which Nancekuke in Penwith and Forsn ewt h in

r . West are included among the mano s of St . Petrock The important point to grasp is that out of the very ’ r Pet rock s Pawt on hea t of St . province , , and with it what subsequent ly became known as the bishop ’ s decana peculiar jurisdiction , embracing five parishes ( tus de Poltone 90 9 ) , was transferred in from the r monaste y of St . Petrock to the new see of Crediton , 1 0 46 r and in to the see of Exete . The episcopal r evenue from Pawt on in 1 291 may be estimated by

l 6s 3d . comparing its assessment . ) with that of the church (appropriated rectory and Vicarage) of Egloshayle

Lawhitton , given to Crediton at the same time as

Pawt on . co n , was also of considerable extent It 1 0 86 sisted of eleven hides of land in , and was assessed £2 5 1 0 5 1 1 d 1 291 . . in at , while the church or rectory £2 r of Lawhitton was assessed at . F om what source it was obtained for the endowment of Crediton is not r Pet herw n it clea . Along with Lezant and South y ’ was subsequently within the bishop of Exet er s t peculiar jurisdiction . Possibly it had been aken a (in 90 9 ) from the canons of St . Stephen near L unces ton .

The manor of St . German , or , as it is called in the t he Exchequer Domesday , the manor of church of 1 0 86 t - e St . German , consisted in of twen y four hid s

1 aten t R o l 3 W ll am and Mar P l , i i y . Evolution of Bishoprics 75

of land , the whole of which had been held by Bishop

Leofric in the time of the Confessor . At the time of the Survey ( 1 0 86 ) the bishop had twelve hides and

e r e . the canons of St . G man had twelve hid s The hi bishop had one de in demesne , and the canons had one hide in demesne the rest of the land was held by villeins either of the bishop or of the canons . It is 1 066 1 0 86 clear , therefore , that between and a redis t rib ution r hi had taken place, as the esult of w ch the bishop and the canons had been assigned equal shares of the lands . A Sunday market which had fallen to the latter had been reduced to nothing owing to a market on the same day having been established Tr rt r at ematon Castle by the Count of Mo ain . The e had also been taken away by the Count from the r r chu ch of St . Ge man a hide of land which rendered cu a 30 as custom a cask ( p ) of ale and pence , an acre i (Corn sh) of demesne land sufficient for one plough , and a virgate of demesne land which called for no r R Vallet ort emark . Of the usurped lands eginald de r held the two former , and Hamelin the latte , of the ’

. 1 291 Count In the bishop s manor of St . German ’

£1 7 1 6 . 5d . was assessed at s , and the prior s holding £1 4 1 3 4d e £1 for . s at s . for land in St . G rmans , dues Petherw n u £9 l 6s 2d from South y and Land lph , and . . i Tiniel r for lands , includ ng those of and Land ake given to Bishop B ur hwold by King Cnut in the year 0 1 8 1 3 1 . In the Valor ecclesiasticus ( 5 5) to the ‘ revenues of the priory from the above sour ces there ul is added the impropriated tithe of G val , of which i r Lanisle someth ng more will be said when t eating of y . What actually happened shortly after the Norman

. r Conquest in regard to St Germans is not obscu e , although some confusion has resulted owing to a 76 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall

r misapprehension on the pa t of more than one writer . ’ 1 Cn ut s B ur wold gift to Bishop h , as we have seen , only served to augment the revenues of the religious B ur wold community , of which h was doubtless the

. L fin r head Under y g, the nephew and successo of Burhwold of , and before the death Cnut , the see of

St . Germans , such as it was , was united with that of r Crediton , the community still consisting of secula

. L fin canons Leofric succeeded y g, and in his days the see of Crediton and its possessions were transferred

r . r conse to Exete The evenue of St . German was r quently impoverished . Nothing appea s to have been done to repair the loss until after Edward the ’ r 1 0 66 Confesso s death , but , somewhere between and 1 0 73 r , Leofric consented to a partition of the evenue by which the bishop and the canons became possessed 2 of equal shares , as stated in Domesday Book .

1 ee Mon as ter - s o r s S cs u r a . y Bi h p i , p 1 The aten t Roll of 7 R c ar of. als o M on asticon e te P i h d II ( , di d by

O er . 4 s oul b e com are t t he aten t Roll of 9 R c ar liv , p ) h d p d wi h P i h d The ormer s t ate s t at Cn u t w as the oun er o f the r or II . f h f d p i y o f S t . erman i e the l atte r s t ates t at e o r c w as the oun er . G , wh l h L f i f d In as mu ch as the chart er of Cn u t req ui red the l an d o f L an dr ake t o ’ b e en r w old s e at t t erman for the oo of the giv afte B urh d h o S . G g d s ouls o f Cn u t an d B urhw old ( Terram oommendat S ancto Germano ) it follows that bo th s t atem en ts were ( an d were probably un men t o e er ers to o t o b e e al ct on s . The e ar l er ocu d d ) l g fi i i d , h w v , con rms con rmat on ere n ee e the e en ce as t o the fi , if fi i w d d , vid re con st ru ction of the mon as te ry by Le o fric as given in D omes d ay oo t ou it is n ot n ecess ar con clus e as to the su s t tu t on B k , h gh ily iv b i i o f r e u ar r s e ar an n s re H in es ton R an o Ar chitec . g l fo cu l c o . P h . g d lph ( “ H is t o S t Germans 3 1 s t at es t at t ere is n o re as on t o . f . , p . ) h h r o r at t s uppose that Le ofri c t o o k an y s te ps to fo un d a p i y S .

G erm an s The s t ate m en t is far t o o s ee n . O n the o t er an . w pi g h h d , Mr n ils e t c I 704 re es u on th e i/ sis s ima ver ba . a a Cou n c . H dd ( , , , ) li p p o f t he P ate n t R oll fo r on e of his m ain ar gu men ts fo r a s in gle Corni sh s ee in t he a s of n u t ts e t he e en ce s u i e an ear d y C . By i lf vid ppl d by ly p ate n t r oll rel ati n g t o a t ran s acti on whi ch t oo k place n e ar ly four ce n tu r es re ous is n ot con clus e es ec al en as in t s i p vi ly iv , p i ly wh , hi cas e a e a t tle w as n ee e in or er t o s ett e a s u te an d t o , l g l i d d d l di p , l ace a s o in u n s u te oss es s ion o f an a o s on p bi h p di p d p dv w . E volution of Bishoprics 77 Having briefly reviewed the more important of the Cornish contribut ions t o the revenue of t he Exeter n bishopric , a few words are required respecti g the i t Taxati o manors wh ch , hough absent from the of 1 29 1 1 0 86 t he e , were in amongst poss ssions of the bishop , and were recorded in Domesday Book . t Met hl ei h hi Ma ela or g , reckoned at a de and a half 1 0 8 6 in , was granted by the bishop to the dean and cha t en-of et 1 1 60 p Ex er , about the year and , by them , was conveyed soon afterwards to t he family of Nan sladron t hi t . It was to s manor hat the church of it e St . Breage was appendant , and may w ll have been the demesne land of a religious communit y before the Saxon invasion . Lan dicla Lan isl e hi or y , also a de and a half, was R held by olland the archdeacon , of the bishop in ’ 1 0 86 e , having been Bishop Leofric s in the tim of t e e It e t he h Conf ssor . embrac d whole parish of t he t ui a Gulval . Before enac ment of the statute Q em tores 1 290 t he e a p in , the whole of d mesne land p t t o the pears to have been gran ed family of Fitz Ive . There is consequently no mention of it in the Tawati o t t he of the following year , al hough seignorial rights were subsequently claimed and exercised by the t 1 580 bishop from ime to time as occasion arose . In it is described in an inquisit ion as havi n g been held by John Tripcon y of the bishop as of his manor of t Penryn Foren , but the description , far from indica ing

a common origin of the two manors , probably only indicates a lat e expedi ent enabling the bishop to s claim the services and collect the dues , if any, at hi

hi . c ef manor in the west The advowson , and with it r r Lanisl e l the ecto ial tithe of y or Gu val , was at an r of St e early date held by the prio and canons . G rmans , 78 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall and continued to be held by them until the dissolution t t of their religious house in the six een h century . In t he Valor ecclesiasticus their holding was assessed at 1 0 63 8d t t £ . . It is not unlikely ha when Bishop t St Leofric reconsti uted the church of . German he 1 Lanisl e gave to it the advowson of y . Lan hern e Lan hern eu , the of Domesday , was a holding of Bishop Leofric before the Norman conquest , 1 0 8 6 Ful car d and was in held by of the bishop . It was estimated at three hides . Of the incidents of tenur e in subsequent times nothing remained t o the bishop save homage , wardship , and the like , and the manor was not considered worthy of assessment in Taa'at o 1 291 the i of . It would be interesting to know ’ how this manor came into the bishop s hands . It Pawt on adjoined his manor or hundred of , and may r have passed with it , but , cu iously enough , the parish w m of St . Mawgan , ith which it was almost conter inous , ’ t e was not within h bishop s peculiar jurisdiction . The ’ Petrock s manor was , doubtless , St . before it became ’ the bishop s . i r W nnuc . The mano of St . or St Winnow had already passed to a sub -tenant at the time of the Domesday rv Su ey , and the impropriated tithe and advowson of the church of St . Winnow to the dean and chapter r r 1 291 r of Exete , befo e . The e is nothing to suggest the source whence the manor was obtained for the r a endowment of the bishop ic , s ve that St . Winnow 1 There is a tempt ation to iden tify Lanisl ey with the Laun al e d ns i o f the M issa man i a an an d tu s ounci ls etc e s S . Ger S . ( H dd bb , C , , I , Al et or Aleth an d es i n the ar s o f Ken n are , , Idl , p i h wy , r e s o m o n e eral an c en t arte rs re a as n n us n ot e t ca in s c . g d d y y , if id i l , v i h n the s am e r n c le Lan al eth oul e come Lan idles a orm O p i ip w d b , f en t n ear at o ni l e ea o f en t t B u t su ffici ly th f La s e to con ve y th id id i y . Mr a an is sat s e t at Lan adle th is the r t s n am e of . H dd i fi d h B i i h rm ans an d th he a o e su os ti on St . Ge e confus on n tro uce t , i i d d by b v pp i ul b e ract call nsurm un ta e w o d p i y i o bl . E volution of Bishopr ics 79

h e . adjoins Lanhydrock, w ich b longed to St Petrock ,

and may, therefore , have been taken from the saint . 1 0 86 The manor of Tinten in St . Tudy, held in by R ichard , of the bishop , was not considered worthy of ati o 1 2 91 It separate mention in the Taw of . is the only episcopal manor the name or locality of which ad does not suggest an ecclesiastical origin . The t vowson of S . Tudy was independent of it being Tr et ewell t h S . appendant to the manor of in Eval . Does t he half hide of Tinten represent the lay con t rib ution of Cornwall towards the endowment of the see of Exeter ? 1 We are now in a position to summarise the results

of the foregoing survey . We have seen that the

Cornish possessions of the see of Exeter , at the time r of the Domesday Su vey , consisted chiefly of manors Pawton which had St . Germans , Lawhitton , and Tr e ear Penryn (or g ) for their centres . St . Germans Pawt on r and , and probably Lawhitton , we e derived iz v . from monastic sources , from the monasteries of

St . German , St . Petrock , and probably from St .

Stephen . The possessions in and around Penryn u r require f rthe examination . That there was a monastery -bishopric at Dinurrin or Dingerein in the ni nth cent ur y is clear from ’ Kenst ec s profession of obedience t o Archbishop Ceol n ot rr h . To treat of Ge ans and its associations r S ni e in an impa tial pirit is well gh impossible . L gend , history and fact are so strangely and so suggestively interwoven that the temptation is equally great to say too much or too little . The name Gerrans is a r r or Gerun tius mode n form of Ge aint . The presence

1 E l ostu di c St . T u an d Polr od e elon e to St etro g ( dy) b g d . P c k in the time of the Con essor an d T n ten ma a e een f , i y h v b claimed for Exete r rtue of the ran 9 by vi g t of 90 . 80 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

of Gerrans , Just and Cuby, as the names of three s churches and parishe near together , is indeed a remarkable coincidence if they are not identical with Jest n Geraint of Anglesey , his son y or Just , and his Sel f grandson Cuby, son of y . No valid reason has ff been o ered against the identification . Mr . Baring

Gould considers St . Gerrans the same person as Gerennius n e St , Ki g of Cornwall , who requ sted . Teilo to visit and communicate him when dying (circa 556 ) Both Geraint and Ger en nius must be distinguished Gero ntius Dumnonia from , prince of , to whom St . Al dhelm wrote at the request of an English synod in 70 5 urging him to abandon t he Celtic met hod of deter mining Easter and t he Celtic t onsure whi ch the saint u described as the tons re of Simon Magus . All three e di t Gerenniu s (who are her stinguished as Gerain , Ger on tius t he t and , though names are iden ical) were hist ori cal personages and worthy of t he venerat ion t Fo r e e it of af er ages . our pr s nt purpose is not t a t t n t he en t t ma eri l o de ermi e id i y of St . Gerrans it is sufficient for u s t o know t hat Dinger ein may be t t e n ce r derived from any one of hem . In h inth ntu y Dingerein or Din urrin was the seat of the Abbot Kenst ec t o t he bishop . In the absence of evidence contrary we may suppose that his episcopat e was con centrat ed at Gerrans an d embraced t he lan ds or parishes bordering the estuary of the Fal—those parishes in fact which subsequently became for t e n ecclesiast ical purposes h deanery of Penry , and for civil purpos es formed a large portion of the r ar e e t n hundred of Tr ocayr or T ege . Th re is no hi g to t t vi show tha , either for ecclesias ical or for ci l pur t r o poses , here were close elati ns , much less that there

8 2 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall —which states that Alfred the Great hunted in the

o . t b e neighb urhood of St Neo , and was healed , or lieved hi a t he mself to have been he led , at shrine of ’ Guerir Tricons ire St . . Alfred s possessions in h have r been eferred to . The community at St . Neot held i b ut two h des of land in the days of the Confessor , t he whole of it save one (Cornish) acre had been stolen 1 0 86 by the Count of Mortain in .

- - . b a Again , the canons of St Stephen y L unceston appear to have suffered a di minut ion of their power r t o and also of their evenue owing Saxon settlement . At the time of the Survey their affairs were in a state

of utter confusion . They were attempting to hold e t on to lands which had been th irs , and are s yled r e hi thei s in Dom sday Book , w ch Harold held before t e h Norman Conquest , and which the Count of r re - t - Mo tain was striving to annex . In Nor h East Cornwall the Celtic type of Chr istianity had given

place to the Saxon . The promontory of the Lizard never became t c Saxonised . Everything here poin s to the persisten e of t he Celtic type and to very close and fruit ful t relations wi h Brittany . The names of the churches , ’ 1 C t o including Manaccan , the monks hurch , are all be found in Armorica except Grade (of very uncertain The ri St . de vation) and . Keverne word Meneage is t i self possibly a derivative form of Manach . The ’ lands given by the Count of Mortain to St . Michael s

Mount , and described in his charter as situated in 2 m n t Lan di ick A a e h . v , were certainly in Meneage , Lan w eat h Lant ennin g , g and , above all , Landewednack It r speak of monastic settlement . is cu ious that the

1 ot Les N orns des S ai nts b rstons . 87. L h , , p 1 an eth ma b e an E n s e u alen t for Anman ach Tr Am y gli h q iv . e e ea e a ears t Trevan ek m 1 284 an d as Trevan ae k i 1 36 v n g pp a , n 1 . Evolution of Bishoprics 8 4 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall

Breton monastery of Landevennec and the chur ch of 1 Landewednack both claim Winwaloe for patron , Guenoc is although St . possibly their true patron .

However this may be , it is clear that a common influence has been at work in determining the nomen cl at ur e in both countries . In Domesday Book the u Kerrier Win et on Winent on h ndred of appears as or , the usual Sa xon termination being added to a Celtic Tedi nt on Con art on word as in and . In later docu Winiant on r ments it is found as , and as such it e r mained until compa atively recent times , when it became Winnington . The point less than a mile ini nt o Pedn win i W a n on . . west of is known as g Mr H . Jenner has suggested an interpretation which is in iant o almost certainly correct , viz . that W n means Winiant n . o the home of the shining or blessed ones , r as the name of a hund ed , implies some sort of local

- pre eminence , past or present . Before the Norman Conquest the man or of Winiant on embraced 22 - 1 7 sub manors which were in the hands of thegns . The description of these thegns is interesting —t hey could not be separated from the manor and they 0 r endered custom in the same manor . Before 1 86 ’ Mort ain s they were supplanted by the Count of men .

A thegn , according to Professor Maitland , was , before the tenth century, a household officer of some great man and , from the tenth century until the Norman s Conquest , a per on socially above a churl with corre 2 it spon din g privileges and responsibilities . Now is remarkable that t he thegns of Win ent on differed in t no respect from those of St . Petrock , except hat whereas the former could not be separated from t he

1 o t Les N oms des S ain ts b retons 52 53 L h , , pp . , . 1 is t o E n li sh Law 33 H . f g , i , .

86 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

r r whatever fault may be found with the cha te s , as

are f . they have come down to us , su ficiently authentic ’ The story of St . Ia s arrival with her Irish companions must be received with caution but there is no reason to doubt that a substratum of truth lies beneath a

legend which is by no means modern . Seven churches r in Penwith bear the names of these missiona ies . On r the other hand , no less than fou teen dedications , including two which subsequently became obsolete are and two which among those of the Irish mission ,

are common to Penwith and Brittany . The remaining are dedications of doubtful origin . It seems , there r r fo e , ce tain that Irish and Breton influences had a gr eat deal to do with the moul ding of the church life

of the hundred . The preponderating influence was

Breton . The presence of St . Pol Aurelian (Paul) and of Winwaloe (Towednack) is sufficient evidence of r this . It is remarkable that fou , if not more , of the Penwith chur ches afford traces of presumably earlier

dedications . St . Erth (possibly also Perranuthnoe) n Lan u dn o Lan isl e was k own as , Gulval as y , Madron 1 Lan dith probably as y , and Illogan probably as L i t he an c chuc . . St Just may have borne name of

Lafrowda the . , as being situated near holy springs Udno ( Gou ezn ou ) the companion of Pol Aurelian r (circa 530 ) is commemorated in th ee Breton parishes .

Pol was originally of Wales , and a contemporary of

Just of Anglesey , who is probably the patron of the chur ch which bears the name in Penwith . If this be Sel even Sel f so , St . Levan will be , Salomon , y , or

t . s Selus , whose memorial s one is preserved in St Ju t

Church . It is quite possible that the changed dedica

1 in n to i c the advow is n rect . Tren w a to The eviden ce i di g , wh h a n an t w as ts e a su b -m an or o f Rose ort in s on w as pe d , i lf w hy

Ban dith is onl a sh ort s tan ce rom the c urc . Gwin ear . y y di f h h Evolution of Bishoprics 8 7 tions indicate a change from monastic to some sort of parochial organisation . In Penwith there does not appear to have been any monastic community of commanding importance whose revenues could be seized without leaving the people S piritually destitute . Lanisley may have been one whi ch had outstayed its welcome and on that account may have become attached to what was eventually to become the see er of Exet . r a To sum up . Th ee large holdings , or , to use r modern though inadequate wo d , estates , stand out i P wt on v z . a clear and distinct , those of Gerrans , and or r St . Germans , each of them at one time anothe c associated with the see of a Cornish bishop , monasti ul di s in character . Such records as we have , caref ly tin is r r gu h these lands from one anothe . Neithe St . Pawt n an Petrock ( o ) nor St . German possesses y r Pawt on ights in Gerrans , nor Gerrans in or in St . t St Germans . Nei her does . Germans claim rights in Pawt on P on awt . . , nor in St Germans It is not only in con opposed to the evidence of Domesday, it is ceivab l e that any Cornish bishop exercised lordship r r Pawt on ove all th ee at the same time . The lands were almost certainly claimed by Crediton by virtue of the provision made in 90 9 for missionary visits to t hem yearly by the bishop of Crediton . The St . Germans holding was certainly annexed to Exeter t when hat see was founded . The Gerrans holding r presents several difficulties . We have no ecord of any bishop at Gerrans save Kenst ec But because no records have been preserved , we cannot say that no bishops existed . Such a principle if applied to Cornish parishes would be fatal to their claim to have had a rector before the days of Bishop 8 8 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

B ron esco mb e Nevertheless , the absence of di recorded evidence is stinctly embarrassing . What were t he events or circumstances which justified the annexation of the Gerrans property to the see of r ? Exete Some justification there doubtless was . Was it found in the letter of submission writt en by — Bishop Ken st ec to Archbishop Pl egmun d ( 833 8 70 ) about fift y years before the see of Crediton was founded ? Was it found in the forfeiture of royal possessions consequent upon the conquest of Cornwall by Athelstan ( 925 It is possible that both for these events may have contributed to the result , there is good reason to believe that Gerrans was a residence of the kings of Cornwall in the seventh r century, and it is ce tain that it was the residence of e st ec K n in the ninth century . If the lands were claimed by King Athelstan there ought to be some charter to show when and by whom t hey were trans

ferred to the see of Crediton or of Exeter . If they passed to the Saxon bishopric by virtue of the grant t he 1 0 50 of Edward Confessor in , then we must con clu de that they had preserved their episcopal associa t t t tions un il wi hin a few years of hat time , and that , Kenst ec therefore , Bishop probably had successors t r at Gerrans . It is inconceivable hat the e were not

valid grounds for the transfer of the lands . The fact that they were monastic lands woul d not have

f e . . su fic d , for the canons of St Petrock and St German survived the annexation of a portion of theirs , whereas no vestige of a monastery remained at

Gerrans in the days of the Confessor . It was its former connection with episcopal rule which led t o t he inclusion of Gerrans in the endowments of the r bishopric of Exete .

CORNISH SAINTS

N the fir st chapter it has been attempted to show how the tyranny of resemblance and coincidence leads to false analogies and wrong inferences . Some further illustrations of this principle which have a direct bearing upo n the main purpose of the present t enquiry may be fo und instruc ive . In this chapter we are n o t so much concerned with the Lives of the Cornish Saints , as they have come u e t e down to us , as with the q stion whe h r they had

t en a at . any actual exis ce as hum n beings all Of Ia , Un it n y , Dennis , Allen , Paul and Berrian has bee stat ed that it is more than probable that t here was t he t no man in either case . Ia is Island sain , Uny n the Downs saint , Den is the Hill saint , Paul or Pol ” t he Pool saint , Buryan or Berrian the saint of

Berrie . But why stop there Domesday Book supplies us i i t E lostu dic Sain uil ant Sa n u n as . I with g , g and g is just as easy to imagine places bearing the names of Tudic Guilant , and Guinas as to imagine one bearing the name of Berrie , and quite as good etymology to r a de ive them from Tutton a ch ir , Guilan a king Guen an fisher and a blister . Most will admit t hat a chair saint is suggestive of — sain tly pursuits study and contemplat ion ; many saints have been fishermen some have suffered 90 Cornish Sain ts 91 from pimples and perhaps have known how to cure them . Again we have two more ancient parishes one of E l sr s r vi z . o o which occu s in Domesday Book, g

(Philleigh) and Egloshayle , the church on the heath r r and the chu ch on the estua y, yet no one has ever ventured to describe or to speak of them 'as the of R churches St . ose and St . Hayle , and for the obvious reason that Cornish saints have not been r w a manufactu ed in the y that has been suggested . l In choosing Ia , Uny , Dennis , A len , Paul and r Ber ian to demonstrate his theory , the critic could r ha dly have made a more unfortunate selection . With one exception they are all to be found in

Brittany . Ia is said to have been an Irish missionary who came with her brot hers Uny and Erth and some ot hers to complete the conversion of the Cornish in t r the golden age of Cel ic Ch istianity . For our present purpose it is not material to accept the legend , but it is useful to know that Ia is com r i is memo at ed at St . Ives in Cornwall and in F n t ere t St t in Brittany , Er h at . Er h in Cornwall and at hi Un C ttlehampton in Devon , y at Lelant _ and R C6t es du edruth in Cornwall and at Plevin in Nord .

St . Dennis (or Denys) , his church being situated in

- the centre of a hill fort , is the only one whose name fi t e seems , at rst sight , to lend colour to h new

. r r criticism But to quote P ofessor Loth , w iting on f 1 “ a totally dif erent subject , it is quite impossible ’ for Dinas by itself to be a man s name . It is one of t - the most widely dis ributed place names in Cornwall . a ni Din s in Cor sh , as in Welsh , signifies a fortifie d

1 ms ab r nd e orm de la T le o 90. R , p . 92 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

town . Assuming that a personage derived his name from the place Dinas we should have Dinan as in Car din an r . St . Dennis o Denys appears to have been the name given to a chapelry of St . Stephen (Etienne) but there is no reason to suppose that it was ancient when it first appears along with t hat of Caerhay es in the In quisiti o N an aru m ( 1 340 ) as Capella S ci D . i o i i n si . St . Denys , supposed , but mistakenly, t o t t e t be iden ical with Dionysius h Areopagi e , was from the seventh century onwards venerated through r r out Eu ope , and it is not emarkable to find him the patron of a chapel in Cornwall in the fourteenth r centu y . That the name of the site of the chapel may have suggested to its foun der a name for its patron saint t is quite possible . As late as the seventeen h century ’ r the he alds chose St . John Baptist s head for the r arms of Penzance (holy head) . The e are , in truth , r no better g ounds for regarding St . Dennis as mythical than St . Stephen to whom his chapel was appendant . Al hail St . len , as the presiding saint of the or moor , reminds one of some rather irreverent lines by the greates t of Irish poets

’ O ur reach er prays he may in erit Th n r a f S r t e i spi tion o the Ii i . ’ O h rant him al s l Lrd g o, o y o Th has i f h e p ration o t y word .

St . Allen is found as St . Alun in the Episcopal R egisters . The name occurs in the cartulary of

- Re don and in Coed Alun near Carnarvon in Wales . St t e Ilt ut t he . Alan is among h disciples of and is t C6t es u n t n pa ron of Corlay ( d Nord) . In no i s a ce is a the name found with the spirate, or hail without it .

9 4 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall hi the earlier scribe and copied by the later . T s explanation is placed almost beyond dispute by earlier and later documents concerning the manor t t and the church . Again it is well known ha the r 6 v r lette s and are , in ce tain Cornish words , inter

s Tr evean . changeable as , for example , in Treb au and Pr ofessor Loth had pointed out to the present writer that Berrian (Buryan) and Verrian (Veryan) it were identical , but was two years before a striking confirmation of his statement was disclosed . A charter dated 1 450 was recently handed to me to rri decipher relating to this very manor of Eglosb e e . In it the lands were described as those of Eglos r veryan . The Domesday ecord is not only in perfect r agreement with, but confirms , the charte of Athelstan , S r which , in pite of some adve se criticism , probably arising from the fact that it has been copied and attested more than once , is acknowledged to be a trustworthy document , and as such was always regarded whenever the rights and privileges of the

r ur . oyal chapel of St . B yan were called in question

Veryan and Buryan being identical , it follows that , on the assumption that they are derived from Berrie ,

- a place name , that place will be found in both r pa ishes . It is found in neither . It is purely mythical .

It may be asked , why devote so much space to a matter of secondary importance The reason is that here we have to meet an attempt to bring the Celtic v saints within the pro ince of comparative mythology, an attempt to show that they were eponymous in R ul somewhat the same sense as om us , Cypris , Pallas At hene and Ceres (as representing Sicul us ) were the genii and afterwards the presiding deities Corn ish Sain ts 9 5

R t . over ome , Cyprus , A hens and Sicily It is useless to deny t he assertion that t he Church history of Cornwall before the Norman Conque st is chi e fly a matter of legendary lore and t hat the cult of the sun was that of Cornwall not a thousand years ago unless we have something to say in support of our denial . Let us therefore carry the argument a little further — us su ose r let , pp that the topological o igin of the saints is the true one ; let us suppose that there is indisputable evidence , gathered in Cornwall , in its r are favou ; in other words , that the Cornish saints local di vinities ; how will it fare with them when their votaries have crossed the seas Will the Island it s which gives name to St . Ives , will the Downs of r Lelant , the Hail (dep ived of its aspirate), the Dinas of Mid - Cornwall and Gwavas Lake win Ar morican ? m devotion Or conversely , assu ing the saints to r l have been of A morican manufacture , wil they appeal to the devotional instincts of the Cornish Or must we as sume that t here was a sacred island e e at Plouy , a sacr d downs at Plevin , a sacred pool at Léon and a sacred Berrie at Berrien and Lan -verrien in Finist ere It is as difficult to imagine an affir ma tive answer being returned to any of these questions ui as St . Thomas Aq nas found it to believe that a i religious could tell a lie, and therefore , accord ng to his fi ul biographer , more dif c t to believe than that an ox ul co d fly . The Celtic saints were not eponymous , but t t men of like passions wi h us , who lived heir lives , told e t e their story , impress d h ir contemporaries and were t i gathered to he r fathers , men honoured in their t e t t generation and h glory of heir imes . e t of t r This leads to a bri f no ice heir biog aphies . 9 6 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

ffi It u e The subject is not free from di culty . req ir s e r e - a rearrang ment of thoughts , a focussing of ideas . The Lives of the Saints do not conform to ordinary

- standards or respond to ordinary appeals . t They are not plain , unvarnished accoun s of simple b ut earnest men written by their contemporaries , , in t their present form , they are for the most par highly coloured st ories addressed not to t he intellect b ut t o the imagination . They are not always free from t t anachronisms . The ideals of their wri ers are n o

- ours to day .

They abound in the miraculous . They are adorned after a common pattern peculiarly their u own . They draw largely upon Holy Script re . Incidents related of one saint are sometimes trans r t o fer ed another . Similarities of expression are

found in them, perhaps pointing to a common origin s r or author hip . In sho t , all the elements which e provok adverse criticism are found in them . t e And yet , making due allowance for h mentality t of those who wrote and those who read them , here is no sufficient reason for impugning the veracity of 1 t he r . w iters , much less for despising them They b were neither deceivers nor deceived . The agio gr apher had probably as great a regard for truth as

his modern critics , but he knew nothing of the canons of literary excellence He had never heard of r nature unado ned but he knew, just as we

1 n l ron oul b e s o le To u ote M. ot ose e t e q L h , wh g i y w d p i d by ’ “

i t o t ier s t m II . t rans at on in h s ans er M . Faw cr c s l i , w i i i (M ’ Fawt ier a été é emmen t a an ce facheusemen t im ress ion é ) vid , d v , p ’ a em e e o r af a re a un ha i o r a he et ce ui l us es t p r l e fait m d v i f i g g p q p , ’ u a r Si n os comme il l avcu e s ans dét our a n h giograp hs b eton . ’ hagiogr aphes m eriten t u n e l ace d honn eur dans l e m artyr ol oge d e ’ ’ l a cr t u e c es t eu t -étre ien u e n os es d e s a n ts s on t un e i iq , p q vi i d as s ez asse é o u e : l a vie de S ams on miss a ar t l es eu lus b p q p , d x p ' nn e t été redi ées ers la fin du ix' ecle ancie s on g v si .

98 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall the people of Cornwall whose forefathers profited by ’ r St . Sampson s ministry . The biog aphy , as we should expect , contains its full share of miracles , but is , r t t t neve theless , charac erised by veraci y in hose ’ t t o t he statements which rela e saint s parentage ,

private life , travels and career . The picture is a true t he picture , however much we may dislike method i t of treatment . The land ng of the sain near Padstow, ur his sojo n at St . Kew, his destruction of the pagan idol in the hundred of Trigg and other details are all related and the topographical knowledge of the 1 t t o r l wri er has been shown be accu ate . It is doubtfu , however , whether , at the present stage of historical r o esearch , it is p ssible for those, who are most competent to form a judgment of the value of the ff t evidence a orded by the Lives of the Sain s , to do so dispassionately and impartially owin g to t he antagonism which is provoked by t he extraordinary a t e play of fancy on the p rt of heir writ rs . That some of t hem possess historical value is

proved by a Life the earliest MS . of which is com

r ti el r . t he pa a v y ecent . In the life of St Petrock text of which is n ot earlier than the fifteent h century it “ e is stated that Petrock , aft r visiting his com St i ad celhzm patriot . Sampson , betook h mself c co i u t u ncl e Wethn o i epis p . A little f r her on we read etiam lingua gen tis i lliu s Landuuethmoch (for Lann c h die dici tur w ethn oc ) adhu usque o . Now Lann w et hn oc presents it self in Domesday Book u nder t he forms of Lan wehen oc (wrongly written Lan ” 2 c a Lan - uihen oc wen aho ) n d g . The remarkable t hing is t hat a fift eenth-century

1 Dol 26 ot S ain t S ams on de . . L h , , p

1 r ot n ote See the p e vious fo . Corn ish Sain ts 9 9 writer should have recorded two fact s which were as little known at t he t ime when he wrote as they are to t he generality of E n glish readers to -day ; t he St a t . first , hat in the days of Petrock bishop might u n have been fo nd occupyi g a cell , living as a monk or t e n e t he hermi , though not nec ssarily livi g alon and

- second , that there was in pre Norman times a place Lan uihen oc bearing the name of g , both of which are placed be yond dispute by the evidence given us in t he chapter on Monastery- Bishoprics and by the It testimony of Domesday Book . surely requires an imagination of wider scope to believe that the writer was not transcribing or interpreting an authentic document t han to accept the most fantastic legends of Celtic saints . The service rendered to research is twofold : it witnesses t o the historicit y of the Life e ven if it does not establish t he reputation of its writer , and it adds one more to our list of Celtic t he Guethn oc Gw t o bishops in person of , who as e hn c Fin ist ere is honoured in and elsewhere in Brittany . At t his point it seems convenient to summarise the our r t results of su vey . It has been maintained hat co incidence and resemblance have been invested wit h an importance disproportionate to their r eal t e value , hat where coincidenc has been claimed for t he purpose of discrediting t raditional doctrine it t the has of en proved as illusory as rainbow, that resemblance unsupported by ot her evidence has proved to be imaginary or superficial , that in the case of the Cornish saints , whose names have been u - t s pposed to resemble place names , here is nothing t o t he t warrant suspicion that hey are eponymous , t t he tha the Lives of Saints as they -have come down t o us must be es timat ed in t he light of the mentality 1 00 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

r r r of the w ite s and reade s of them , that , however r or o nate barbaric they may be considered to b e, when they record ordi nary events the statements are worthy of investigation and often of historical value , and that a comparatively modern life of a saint may afford evidence of the substantial accuracy r of the facts which it reco ds . It may not unreasonably be asked what then is the attitude to be observed towards those students of comparative myt hology who endeavour to find a common ori gi n for all religions by studying religious phenomena There is no reason why it should not r dl or r be f ien y even helpful . But , whateve may be the

final verdict of that study, its present value will b e generally determined by psychology rather than by r r logic . The man who sta ts with a theory , whethe in favour of a common origin of religious belief or with r one opposed to a common o igin , will probably find r enough evidence to confi m his theory . Darwins are not born every day ; yet there is no hope which i s more widely shared or more secretly cherished by those who give themselves to mythological research than the hope that they are at least potential

Darwins . The desire to be scientific , that is , to re ~ reduce to system an array of facts , vastly p ponderates over the desire to ascertain the accuracy of certain alleged facts and their relation to other r facts of a simila nature . It is possible to accept the r r statement that worship o iginated in sac ifice , in the ff attempt to propitiate an o ended deity, and to deduce conclusions diametrically opposed to each r wi other . To the Catholic Ch istian it ll perhaps be r a substantial aid to faith , to the P otestant an encouragement to discard the errors of paganism , to

1 02 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall others . And yet the Cornish possess a keen sense of beauty . They are musical , refined and generous . In skill and intelligence they will bear comparison with r the est of the United Kingdom . {They are open minded , fond of discussion and never tired when it

’ r r takes a eligious tu n . Their nearest kinsmen in e blood are the Bretons, with whom th y have much in common , although in the matter of religious practice far h they are as as the poles apart . W ile the latter cling with unrivalled devotion to the old religion , the r forme spend much time , like the men of Athens , in i telling or hearing some new thing . Method sm on the old lines is moribund in Cornwall ; Catholicism on the old lines is a living and a gr owing power in

Brittany . During the last quarter of a century a re markable change has passed over the face of R Cornish nonconformity . evivals have almost e b come things of the past . Conversion, theoretically

- the starting point of Methodist religion, is no longer et required to be sudden . The class me ing has lost

, r much of its att activeness . There is less reverence t e r for h Holy Scriptu es . Many of the old doctrines e r are b ing recast . Methodism is in a state of t an sition . The drift is towards rationalism , but the end is not yet in sight . Under these circumstances it is not easy to form a right judgment or to forecast the future of Cornish Methodism , but to one who has spent twenty -five years in its midst and who knows how deeply and instinctively religious is the character of the people it would seem that at a no dist ant date volts -face there will be a , in other words , that the t essentially religious instinct will reassert i self. Two r alternatives may supervene . There may be a retu n or Ro to the Catholic faith , Anglican man , of which Cornish Sain ts 1 03 t here ar e already signs or there may be recourse t o

Christian Science , Spiritualism or some occult system which attracts by its novelty and promises to satisfy R religious craving . ationalism , which may suit the t Teutonic race and be a substitu e for religion , is impossible to the emotional God -fearing temper of t he Celt . ANCIENT RELIGIOUS H OUSES

BRIEF survey of the monastic and quasi monastic foundations is required in order to

determine if possible which of them , if any , were

originally Celtic in character . It will suffice to take M onastico n . the , as edited by Dr Oliver, and to ex amine the charters and notes respecting the several houses and to check t hem by means of such other are t records as available . Nei her Sir William Dug instit u dale nor Dr . Oliver distinguished between tions which wer e Celtic and institutions which were the common heritage of Western Christi

amity . If a monastery existed before the Norman Conquest r r thei main pu pose was to trace it back , if possible , r beyond that date , and, having done this , to ecord its fortunes as it fared forth through the cen turies

which followed . This purpose they achieved by

printing in chronological order all its charters , whether 1 preserved as chi rographs or as in Speximi derived

from Charter and Patent Rolls . The following list

1 Inspexim i is a con ven i e n t pl u ral o f the word i ns p eximu s ( w e n s e c e R o a ran t s o f i e rt es an d r i i e es ar e have i p t d ) . y l g l b i p v l g freq u en t ly b as ed u pon ear li er gr an ts whi ch the R o yal gr an t o r e are he i n s ct The c art ers of t ese ear e r r an ts in d cl s has p e ed . h h li g t n er e st man y in s a ces n o l on g xi .

1 0 6 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

t been already considered . It is obvious hat to give a full and complete review of all of them would require not a chapter but a volume .

Before attempting to deal with the subject , within even the narrowest possible limits , we may profitably ask ourselves what courses were open to the members ni t t he of monastic commu ies , which had been in ascendant until the Saxon Conquest of Cornwall , in order that they might come into line with the new ecclesiastical régime Three courses presented them r selves . The fi st was to allow themselves to be disbanded as the regular clergy were compelled to ’ be at the time of Henry s reformation ; the second was to conform to the rules of one or other of the recognised western orders and to become affiliated to it ; the third was to transform their convents of regular clergy into colleges or collegiate c t chur hes of secular clergy . No doubt here was a r r r strong conse vative pa ty who esisted all change , otherwise it would be difficult to underst and t he spoliation of which there are traces during t he Saxon period and of which after the Norman Conquest e a t e ther is bundant proof in Domesday Book . Of h three cour ses which have been suggested the third s eems to have been favoured under the Saxons and the second under the Normans . Taki n g the nine monastic bodies which stand at t he ffi head of the foregoing list in order , it will su ce t o say that after servi n g as the S eat of an abbot St t c bishop the monastery of . Pe ro k probably became e a it collegi ate an d paro chial . In Dom sd y Book is

a e e e t o a St e t he c St . alw ys r f rr d s . P trock or Chur h of t Petrock . The date of its reconstruc ion as a monas t er y is obscure . There does not appear to be any Ancien t Religious Houses 1 0 7 e vidence to S how to which of t he religious orders it belonged un til t he Ordinati o of t he Priory by Bishop Gran disson in 1 3 47 , in which it is ordained that the prior and convent shall c elebrate the Divine Office and observe vigil , fast , silence and prayer according t he t a to rule of Blessed Augus ine . Long before th t date it had therefore doubtless become a convent of the Black Canons . Sir John Maclean expressly states , ' t hough on what authority I have not been able to it Warelwast discover , that was Bishop William ( 1 1 0 7—1 1 3 6) who settled therein regular canons of

. Tawatio St Augustine . In the of the Vicarage , by B ron escomb e 1 2 69 t he Bishop in , vicar was assigned , t u t liberacionem as a par of his emol men , the victuals ( ) of one canon . r The monastery of St . Germans was se ved by a t secul r canons before he Norman Conquest . Bishop Leofric ( 1 0 46—1 0 73 ) removed them and introduced ca e 1 2 0 Bron escomb e nons r gular . In 7 Bishop ordered t he excommu n ication of certain person s concerning who m he vouchsafes no particulars save that they S athane satellites ro rie salutis immemores were , p p and that t hey had expelle d thos e whom he had sent to take charge of t he priory durin g t he vacancy caused t R t e e by the dea h of ichard the la e prior . His l tt r is valuable becau se it affords evidence t hat the bishop of Exet er claimed absolute power over the priory and it s po ssessions so long as t here w as no prior ap e t t he fir t he pointed , and appar n ly right of con ming ’ t prior s appoin men t . ’ St u t c Of . Michael s Mo nt some par i ulars will be found in Chapter X . St The church of . Stephen by Launceston was like St at t he that of . German served by secular canons 1 0 8 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

time of the Domesday Sur vey . By Bishop William — Warelwast ( 1 1 0 7 1 1 38 ) to whom Ralph the dean of e r St . Steph ns had surrende ed the deanery it was made an Augustinian priory and so remained until the

dissolution of the religious houses by Henry VIII . Harassed and despoiled by Robert Count of Mortain r in the yea s which followed the Norman Conquest , under the fostering care of Reginald Earl of Cornwall — ( 1 1 40 1 1 75) and Richar d King of the Romans ( 1 22 5 it soon became the wealthiest of the religious

houses in Cornwall . The relations between the r parochi al chu ch of St . Stephen and the priory are a somewhat obscure . The church was t xed inde i r i n 1 2 91 In uisitio pendently of the pr o y , but in the q n onarurn 1 346 £1 0 of the church was assessed at , of 405 which . was chargeable to the prior . r r The collegiate chu ch of St . Bu yan is undoubtedly an early instance of the conversion of a Celtic monas t er r y to a ecognised English type . King Athelstan by charter gave a small piece of his land in a place r which is called the chu ch of St . Berrian to be free of all taxation unless the clerks who had

r r rs viz . 1 00 1 00 p omised him thei praye , masses , r psalte s and daily supplications failed, to perform i r their task . The place wh ch is called the chu ch of rr E l osb erria E l osver an St . Be ian was evidently g or g y ,

of which we have already spoken . In later times it was advantageous to the dean and his fellows to cite Athelstan as their founder and their church as a royal chapel . All that the Saxon King did for them was probably to guarantee to t hem security of tenure for the lands which they already held an d freedom from payment of geld .

The Canons of St . Crantock who held the manor of

Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

m u r or Pira us , there is a sanct a y with ten twelve dwelling houses and hard by there was a sel of m k s t on e b u now goun home to ther Hed Hows . These monks were doubtless Cistercians from Beaulieu n t n t who , for some reaso or ano her , had bee emporarily t t e a the residen in h parish . The appropri tion of R a church by Earl ich rd , and its taxation by Bishop B ron escomb e it t , had left a ra her poorly endowed t t Vicarage , of which the patronage and grea er ti hes at Lan n acheb ran belonged to Beaulieu . Th was originally Celtic and monastic does not admit of u do bt . The account supplied by Domesday Book respecting / St Pi r e an r . . (Perranzabuloe) is ve y illuminating Pieran t The Canons of St . , so the s atement runs , c Lan iran have a manor alled p , which in the time t e of King Edward hey held fre ly . From this manor have been taken away two manors which in t he t ime of Kin g Edward rendered to the Canons of ’ St Pieran e rmarn iii se tima arum . four we ks farm (fi p n ) . t e t Of these manors Berner holds one of h Coun .

“ t e St And from h other hide which Odo holds of . Pieran the Count has taken away all t he st ock ecu iam (p n ) . These two manors rendered to the Dean 2os by way of custom . in addition to the said farm The first of thes e two manors was that Tr e eb ri of g , which elsewhere in Domesday Book is 1 ” St Perann t he . described as being of honour of . The Count of Mortain took from both all t hat had

1 An ot er on o is m en t on e in the sam e reco r t at ur . h h i d d , viz h

of St Cheus c a a ts en t cat on . Th e E e ter oo rea s . , whi h w i id ifi i x b k d t t a m ar us te l is de hon or S hei e reas the corr ec t Tr e u s . C ly h , wh E c e u er e rs on h as e on s ad honor s S Chei T i s l ed Gen era x h q v i b l g . . h l J am es t o t r an s late the w ords be lon gs t o t he hon o urs o f Che i hon ors is pr o b ably an abbre viat io n for hon or em an d the full s to p a ter the S a con t ract on of S a t f i nc i . An cien t Religious Houses 1 1 1

e a formerly belong d to the saint . De n and canons were swept away at an early date and t he church t t e given by Henry I to the dean and chap er of Exe r . t he e 1 2 69 t o When Vicarag was taxed in , the vicar was assigned the altarage of the mother church of St t t t he . Piran and of the chapel , oge her with all f e t e o f rings derived from the exposition of h relics , the vicar rendering a yearly tribute of Six marks to t he dean and chapter . The relics referred to were t hose of St . Piran the founder of the church , con cerning which some interesting particulars are supplied 2 8 1 t t in an inventory of t he year 1 . Among o her rea su res mention is made of a reliquary in which is kept t he P eran t t head of St . y , wi h the res of the relics e e t s cur d wi h iron and a lock , a hearse in which the P eran t body of y is placed for processions , a too h of St e St t . . Br ndan and a ooth of Martin within a silver f P eran t box , also a pastoral staf of St . y adorned wi h silver and gold and precious stones . Two centuries t e chi la er when making St . Agn s paro al , the bishop t n ul ordained tha if the parishio ers of St . Pyran sho d ’ n t e t o bri g h saint s relics St . Agnes in procession as e R t t form rly, on oga ion Tuesday, hey should receive honourable welcome and t he oblations presented in t e St n t o h . chapel of Agnes accordi g custom . There has been muc h doubt concerning the ident ity t e t 1 2 8 1 it of St . Piran . From h inven ory of would t t e n t seem ha at that tim he was ide tified wi h St . Sai hir e t e it Kieran of g in Ir land , o h rwise would b e difii cult t o account for the presence at Perranzabul oe t o t e of relics of St . Brendan , the friend whom h saint t t he sen a supply of milk in form of a milch cow, and t St of hose of . Martin the founder of churches in St ’ Ossory , . Kieran s native county, a person so 1 1 2 Celtic Christian ity of Cornwall highly esteemed by the saint that he extracted a promise from him t hat when they died t hey should r t he e be bu ied in sam grave . It is certain that in t he t thirteen h century , and a fortiori in the eleventh t h e e . century, foundation of St Piran was r garded as Celtic and that t he church claimed to have in its a custody the crozier of its episcop l founder . “ St i The canons of . Probus have one manor wh ch Lan b r b ois Lam r ob us E ach D is called a ( p . . . ) which King Edward held at the time of his death Such is the testimony of Domesday Book . The name of the manor suggests a monastic origin , but nothing whatever appears to be known of the saint or of the

n . fou der of the prebendal church Had St . Edward been the founder it is probable that some use would have been made of the circumstance by succeeding fir generations . King John con med the grants of the church made by his ancestor ( avi) Henry I and by his father Henry II to t he bishop and cathedral 1 B riw er church of Exeter . By Bishop it was appro riat ed r p to the office of treasurer of the cathed al , together with the patronage of the five prebends., but the patronage was subsequently transferred to Bishop B rones comb e and exercised by him and his succes sors until the suppression of the prebends b y

Edward VI . Having briefly considered the religious houses — using that t erm in its widest sense concerning which t r men ion is made in Domesday Book , it is wo th while to pass on to those whose endowments either excited ot r t he n the apacity of Norman , or were too slender to e find a place in the Great Survey, and to thos which n t t he t were evidently fou ded af er Norman Conques .

1 M on as ticon . 72. , p

1 1 4 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

Tu r old church of Tavistock and to its monk , the churches and land in Scilly uses t he followi ng words — t o limit and describe t he t enure of the land it is t o be held just as the monks or rather hermits (mon achi aut her ernite rnelius ) held it in the t ime of King ” B ur ald Edward of g bishop of Cornwall . Tavistock was a Benedictine abbey founded in the t t e t e t T e lat er half of h n h century . h rule of St .

Benedict was broad and elastic , and monasteries could and did embrace it without partin g ent irely 1 t t t t he wi h their tradi ions . It was , in fac , only rule recognised in England during t he whole of the Saxon r t he pe iod . Admitting all this phrase monks or t o rather hermits , is so studiously vague as imply a doubt as to whether the brothers had in t he Con ’ fessor s day submitted to any recognised rule what It t t t a ever . is cer ain that while bringing hem in o closer relationship with Tavistock the Kin g inten de d i t to enforce a stricter discipline , otherw se his fur her “ ’ provision that they should , like the King s own t prebendaries have his peace and pro ection , would n ot have been unnecessary . The King does confirm t t t any supposed char er of A hels an or of Edward , but gives t he religious community at S cilly to t he e e t o abbey at Tavistock , and , apart from the r f rence t he t t o lat er King , there is nothing to lead us regard the monks as Benedictine or as affiliated t o t he abbey t ’ un il Henry s charter was granted . As a cell of a t e a t o T vistock , the Scilly monas ry ppears have t t he t e t e existed un il suppression of h mo her hous , b ut little is known of it subsequent to the middle of t e t e u h fif e nth cent ry . t t he Tregony Priory . At an early da e churches of

1 is t e 214 as uet E n l h M on as ic i . . G q , g L f , p An cien t Religious Houses 1 1 5

St re on . u a a e . James , T g y , and of St C by , ppe r to hav t u u t o a e e accep ed the r le of St . Aug stine and h v b en constituted a cell of the abbey of de Valle in Nor mandy . When and by whom this appropriation was r made is unknown , but it is ce tain that it was 1 278 made after the Norman Conquest . In the year Bishop Bron escomb e gave his sanction to the transfer of t he priory of Tregony to the priory of Merton in t e h coun ty of Surrey . This was in furtherance of an arrangement between the prior of Merton and the abbot of de Valle , whereby the possessions of the for mer in the diocese of Bayeux were exchanged t for hose of the latter in England . Bishop Quivel n r e t he 1 282 co fi m d sanction of his predecessor in , and until t he dissolution of the religious houses the e c c ll , whi h had become a Vicarage , belonged to the t r monas ery of Me ton . t t Of Tywardrea h Priory li tle need be said here . At t he t a ime of the Domesday Survey, Tyw rdreath was on e of the thirt y manors in Cornwall which had been R Turold given by the Conqueror to ichard Fitz . By Richard the priory was fou nded and affiliated t o t e t h great Benedic ine abbey of SS . Sergius and Bacchus at t t Angers . The lis of char ers recording successive t endowmen s is exceptionally complete , and for genealogical purposes t he charters are of very great b ut - value , they afford no suggestion of a pre Norman foundation . R The cell of St . Anthony in oseland represented a survival of an order of things of whi ch we have e t e t littl recorded evidence . In h hi rteent h century it r it s t t he de ived main suppor from church of St . Taa'ati o Gerrans . In the of Pope Nicholas IV t he St t prior of . Anthony is assessed a the same amount 1 1 6 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall

r for his portion in the church of St . Ger ans as the

r . r ector himself A little more than a centu y later , In uisitio nonarum in the q , St . Anthony is described ca ella as a chapel ( p ) of St . Gerrans . Such informa tion as we have points to a quasi -monastic establish r r ur ment of St . Ge rans , followed by a pa ish ch ch at err r The G ans and a small monaste y at St . Anthony . m r latter was ade , at an ea ly date , dependent on the us Aug tinian priory of Plympton , and in the earlier half of the sixteenth century consisted of two canons . Lamma The Cell of St . Michael of na, situated in r the pa ish of Talland opposite Looe Island , which r r fo med a po tion of its possessions, was given by John de Sc lenn y in the twelfth century to the Bene r R dietine abbey of Glastonbu y . ichard , Earl of r r Co nwall , g anted to the abbot a licence to farm out r its evenues , and this probably accounts for the scant information supplied by the public records respecting Lammana the cell . The name points to Celtic monasticism . The Convent of the Preaching Friars at Tru ro t throws no light upon the subjec before us . The friars t he 1 221 first came to England in year . It is a striking proof of the rapidity with which the order spread that Bishop Bron escomb e should have dedi r 1 259 os ted their church at Tru o in . The origin of the Collegiate Chu rch of Endellion is 1 273 t o t he obscure . In the rectory belonged prior ’ and convent of Bodmin in 1 342 Bodmin or King s ’ prebend belonged to the same ; in 1 265 Mar n y s e B o dr u an prebend b longed to the family of g , and in 1 2 6 6 Trehaverock prebend belonged t o t he family of

Modret was . . The parish of Endellion not in St

Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall — priat e term which are mentioned in Domesday M o tic Book , but which are omitted in the nas on .

In the former document it is stated that St . Con st antin e has half a hide of land which in the time of S King Edward was free of all service , but ince the Count of Mortain received the land it has always ’ rendered geld unjustly like villeins land . This land , n a Tu co es k own as the m nor of y , was bestowed upon Wihu mar and henceforth lost to the Church . The exemption from geld implies a monastic foundation , but no ot her trace of monastic origin has been found t in connection wi h the church of St . Constantine . t it Of St . Neo is stated that the saint held a manor Neot st ou called , consisting of two hides of land in t he e time of the Conf ssor , Godric being the priest in charge , and that the Count of Mortain has despoiled t e e h pri sts of all their land save one (Cornish) acre . It is also stated that the two hides of land have never t um rendered geld . Monas ic the church of St . Neot b ut doubtedly was , in this case we have trustworthy historical evidence t o prove that it was not Celtic e e u but Saxon . St . Neot had hims lf found d the ho se t it s in Saxonised territory . No race of original t character is o be found in later documents . It would therefore seem that it had already become (in 1 0 8 6 ) purely parochial . C eus . h The honour of St or Che , of which the manor of Tremaru ust el was a member at the time of the t e Domesday Survey, has hitherto resisted all at mpts t r a identification . It probably epresents a moribund and extinct monasti c holding of considerable extent .

The Domesday manor of St . Mawnan (wrongly writt en Maiuian or Mawan in both copies) had fallen ’ into the King s hand before the Conquest . But the Ancien t Religious Houses 1 1 9

sub se church of St . Mawnan is referred to in many u t q en translations under the name of Minster , which t sugges s a monastic origin . ’ a for Manaccan , the monks church , c lls no com

ment . A very interesting and convincing example of the conversion of a purely Celtic monastic house to

English uses is supplied by St . Kew . On linguistic grounds’ alone Pr ofessor Loth arrived at the con

e o e . lusion that Do co , the monast ry where St Sampson Kew e Win n iau St . . made the acquaintanc of St . , was An examination of the various forms under whi ch the church is described in the Episcopal Registers

Lan doho . revealed the forms , Lanho and Lanow A Patent Roll of 1 307 furnished the following stat e t —9 5 viz . 958 7 men s , that King Edgar ( ) gave to the

1 005 . canons of Plympton two carucates of land , of rent in Lan doho and t he church t here for t he support of two canons celebrating divine service there and n dispensi g alms and hospitality to the poor , to r e pilg ims and other guests , that in a cas tried before John de B erew yk and other justices (circa 1 300 ) it was shown that t he prior and convent of Plympton u fi t he t had failed to f l l above conditions and hat , t t i t he aking into accoun all the c rcumstances, King now ( 1 30 7) grants to the prior and convent the right t o su bstitute a secular vicar and chaplain for the do o two canons at Lan h . An examination of the Plympton charters showed t hat Henry I gave the chur ch of Tohou to William

‘ Warelwast , bishop of Exeter , and that he gave the church to t he priory of can ons regular which he t in t h 1 1 21 founded at Plymp on e year . No one can doubt that Tohou and Do oco are variants of the 1 20 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

same word, which is found in Brittany as Tohou and i t Ohou . It is not d fli cul to follow t he various acts of

spoliation . King Edgar evident ly reduced the patrimony of the Celtic monastery to the amount Lan doho specified above while retaining the manor of , which until the Norman Conquest embraced t he u a d n . manors of Po ndstock St . Gennys The three manors passed as - an undivided whole to Earl Harold n r as demes e lands . By the Conque or they were given r e to the Count of Mortain . Henry I claimed the maining r evenue of the monks and gave it to t he ’ bishop who transferred it to Plympton priory . Edgar s gift to Plympton was a legal fiction which enabled t he priory to evade responsibilities which were implied in the charter of Henry I and explicitly stated in that of Henry II when canons regular were substituted 1 for secular canons .

In brief, St . Kew was the site of an important t Cel ic monastery which , visited by St . Sampson in Winniau the days of St . , despoiled by King Edgar t t and s ripped bare by Henry I, never heless retained some semblance of it s ancient glory until the latter e t t c half of t h hirteen h entury . As the result of t he above examination it will be observed that of the twenty -six religious houses about

- t n one half afford evidence of Cel ic origi . In some cases the evidence is convmcmg ; in some it is of

f . itself insu ficient to convince Taken as a whole , it adds considerably to the weight of the argument which is here advanced , namely , that in Cornwall the Celt ic form of Christianity had not wholly disappeared u its at t he time of t he Norman Conq est . Of secure and comprehensive hold upon the religious life of the

1 nasticon . 1 35. M o , p

CO RNISH H ERMITS

HE subject of English hermits and anchorit es has been so exhau stively dealt wit h by Miss 1 R t t e e t e e o ha M . Clay that a wri er may w ll h si at b fore he ventures t o enter upon a small portion of t he groun d hi e her w ch she has covered . Miss Clay has perform d e e t task with gr at judgment , l arning and li erary skill t e t and wi h consummate dilig nce . So conscien iously and so impartially has she performed her task that t he reader will seek in vain to discover whether she ’ is in full sympathy wit h t he hermit s vocation or the e t revers . Her book will be read wi h pleasure and t wi h profit by all . The present writer wishes to acknowledge his a e e obligations to Miss Cl y , whose r search s have both confirmed an d supplemented conclu sions already formed . The titles of the several chapters of her book are illuminating and suggestive , and the con t ents abundantly j ustify the distinction she has t made between one yp e and another . We find our selves introdu ced in succession t o hermits of island and fen , forest and hillside , cave , lighthouse , high c e way and bridge , town , hurch and cloist r . Unless t he student keeps in mind the fact that the eremitical impulse fu lfilled itself in varied activities t a i t t e he will fail to u nders nd t s rue n a u re an d purpos .

1 Her mite an d An chori tes o E n lan et en d M u 85 Co . f g , h 122 Corn ish Hermits 1 23

t a t Here was no lawless spiri , disdaining the restr in s “ of an ordered life , but the fiery glow that whirls the spirit from itself away to make it the ready ’ n t a i s rument in God s h nds for works of mercy , charity, c u o nsel and service while seeking by prayer , medita

t o e t . tion , vigil and fasting attain unto p rfec ion e e Again , whil it is allowable to assum that the hermit who dwelt apart and in solitude was t he — precursor of the convent ual body the word monk —it t implies as much nevertheless seems certain tha , at the time when he first emerges into the clear light ‘ im of Celtic history he is not , as popular fancy has a in ed t e g , a distraught en husiast se king refuge and a u u t n b ut rest from an evil and d ltero s genera io , a tried soldier who has l earnt in t he convent by prece pt an d e by practice the art of war , and who go s forth in all the panoply of celestial might to fight singly and alone the enemies of his soul and to bring deliver e his ance to others . No sooner has he achi ved own salvation than he sets about t he salvation of his - e fellow men . He has little in common with the s lf ’ Pil ri Pro re regarding Christian of the g m s g ss . He is e e t o u se ag r be of . He becomes a minister to the t an d dwellers amid un rodden ways in remote corners , n a it may be as a waywarde , a bridge repairer , or t he u e t he light keeper , but in any case as g id , coun

s ellor t he n . t a S , frie d of all Inevi bly his phere of e influence wid ns out . Soon he has become equally t necessary to the pilgrim , the raveller and to those who are round about him . As time goes on his cell and the little sanctuary where he and t hey have met t an d for worship become hallowed by associa ion , , c when he dies , a su cessor must be sought to carry on t li ermit a e the tradi ion . The g thus remains as a 1 24 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall memorial of its founder long after hi s name has been

forgotten . t e r r Or , it may be , h he mit is joined by othe s like lan minded and founds a religious community , a whose growth and permanence are promoted by the

- industry and self denial of its members . This would seem to have been the normal course of event s in

Cornwall . In this case the individual founder is often content to leave his work to be carried on by r othe s during his lifetime . He may be a bishop , r p iest , deacon or layman who determines to undergo t he the hardships of wilderness for a season, but who

has no intention of devoting his whole life to solitude . Diversities of gifts under the S pell of a common im pulse give rise to diversitie s of ministration and of operation . Of the hermits of the Celtic period in Cornwall we have very little historical evidence . Presumptive evidence we have which, if it told against the tradi tion al hr interpretation of early C istianity, would doubtless be held to possess great value . For ex ample , we have , in the lives of the saints , references to ecclesiastical types and economic conditions which had been obsolete for centuries when some of those lives are held to have assumed their present literary

form . We have holy wells bearing the names of saints which are not the names of t he patron saints of the parishes in which the wells are situated . We have h t legends w ich, for the purpose of comparative my h ology, are highly esteemed . There are , for example , ’ St In un r Un s e . holy wells at . g g , Chapel Uny (St y ) Jetwells b ut t are t he and , hese not the patrons of t hr - parishes , hough they are all t ee well known Celtic

1 26 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

capable of sheltering himself and thr ee brethren . t he - t Guron is probably the same as Goran , name sain t he of parish in the ancient deanery of Powder . t t 1 Traces of he name are to be found in Brit any . William of Worcest er ( 1 478 ) introduces us to three V ll oc M b b ar d Cornish hermits , y or Willow, y and n u Ma c s . They were companions . The first is described as a hermit and martyr born ’ in Ireland and beheaded by Melyn s kinsfolk (M elyn ys kynrede) near the place (in Lant eglos -b y -Fowey) t where Wal er , bishop of Norwich , was born . t o From this place the bridge of St . Willow , a di t a S t s ance of half a mile , he c rried his (head) to a po 2 u where the said church was b ilt in his honour . M b b ar d Cal ro u s y , otherwise g , is stated to have been a hermit , the son of a King of Ireland , and his body is said t o rest within the shrine ( scrinio) of Car dyn ham

Church . Mancus , their companion and a hermit , is R said , on the authority of obert Bracey , to lie in t he church of Lanreath , within two miles of Fowey , and , on the authority of the canons of Launceston , in t he B odin n ick parish of Lanteglos presumably at . All three are said to b e commemorat ed on the same i v z . . day , the Thursday next before Whitsunday William of Worcester ’ s account of the three hermits is prefaced by the sentence there were t hree brothers St under the name of . Genesius and each carried his ” on e t it head , of hem archbishop of Lismore . Is e possible that St . G nnys may be a corruption of a Latinised Greek word (kinsmen) It is c t t he t Car d n ham urious , in any case , hat feas of y and St a . Gennys should be held on Whitsunday, th t of

1 o t Les N orns des S ai n ts b r etons . 4 8 . L h , , p l u em e t 102 1 1 ar ochi al H is tor o Co rnw al S n . 0 . P y f , ppl , pp , Corn ish Hermits 1 27

Lanteglos having been abandone d an d that of Lan at e Mar n ar ch e n re h , whos patron is now given as , b i g t e t t e e w as kept on t he hird of August . Anci n ly h r a i i the St c hapel at B od n n ck bearing name of . John t e St t he h Baptist . . Willow is regarded as patron of r d n am Lant eglos and Myb b ar d as t he patron of Ca y h . When all due allowance has been made for accretions and errors in t ransmission it seems impossible t o doubt that three Irish hermits were mart yred at or near Lanteglos and commemorated by churches built in their honour . t t t St . Neo represents a prevalen ype of religious t e t t t t which , from h firs days of Bri ish Chris iani y t e t t t until h eleven h cen ury , combined the habi s and aspirations of t he hermit with t he practical useful t he ness of the missionary . Neot was born in earlier years of the ninth century of parents who were nearly e t o - r lated in blood the West Saxon Kings . For saking a military career for which he had been e e intend d , he ntered the monastery of Glastonbury , where he received Holy Orders and became eminent t for pie y, learning , wisdom and counsel . The fear of m t t he popular applause drove hi forth in o wilderness . He fixed his abode in the Cornish parish which now t t n bears his name , near to a hamle hen k own as Hamst oke and t herefore apparently already a Saxon t t e se tlement . Here he lived seven years . At h end of that t ime he visited Rome and was advised by the Holy Father to renounce his habit of solit ary devotion to return home and scatter the word of Go d n t he e amo g peopl of Cornwall . He came back t o H amst oke and founded t here the college of priests of which mention is made in Domes At H mst day Book . a oke he was visited more than 1 28 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

Al t once by his kinsman fred the Grea , who hunted in t he neighbourhood and who is said to have been St Guerir healed at the shrine of . of a malady whi ch had affli cted him from boyhood . ’ t he St . Neot s hermitage was near spring which is about half a mile west of t he church and is known as ’ St . Neot s well . In his day there appear to have t wo u n been pools , one of them with an unique of r failing supply th ee fishes , of which one only was to be caught in a day, and the other, a pool in which the saint was wont to stand daily while repeating ’ r the Psalte . Many stories are told of the saint s sojourn by the well . The fox which stole his shoe , r the rescue of the doe f om the hounds , the theft of his working bullocks and the employment of stags for the ploughing of his land are suffi ciently well known .

By the advice of St . Neot King Alfred is said to R have restored the English school at ome . The saint continued t o be abbot of his own foundation until t he 3 1 5t u 8 77 . his death , which took place on of J ly, He was buried in the church which he had bu ilt on Gu erir t he sit e of the chapel of St . . About a century later hi s bon es were fraudulently removed to the monastery of Eynesbury in Huntingdonshire .

There are several points of interest . There does not appear to have been any marked difference b e t St ’ t t ween . Neot s eremi ical career and that of o hers t of Cornish origin . This may be owing to the la e composition of the lives of many of the saints . The t Guerir t . subs itution of St . Neo for St as the name s aint of the church has many precedents and would call for no remark here did it n ot afford a good example of what was also in Cornwall a fairly general

1 30 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

t e home, and himself under akes the d licate task of r econciling the lovers to King Mark . Throughout t he narrative he is represent ed as a man It t of God . does not seem to have occurred t o he romancer that there is somet hing slightly in con gr uou s in selecting a hermit for a shopping expedition ’ u t e t he to the market of St . Michael s Mo n , wher , for fal r Iseult Asses achate ver et gr is ras de so e et de or r e b is D i p p , Escar l ates et l an c chain sil b , Asez l us l an ue flor de 111 p b c q , Et pal e fr oi s oue f ambl an t ’ en s t rn e r flan b ian Bi o d o o t .

r f The he mit , as a man of af airs , may have been familiar to those for whose ears the romance was intended . wi It is difficult , other se , to assign a reason why the writer exaggerated his character beyond the i t bounds of recognition . The position wh ch he ul t hermit occupied in the pop ar estima ion , august t as it undoubtedly was , was not more exalted han that which was voluntarily conceded to him by those t e who were highly placed . To this fact mus doubtl ss be attributed the more or less successful attempts to perpetuate the office when its occupant was re It t moved by death . is therefore possible tha in the Col eman she R 1 258 hermit of gg, mentioned in a oll of , ’ O rin s 1 we have a reference to one of g successors . Of this latter personage we know nothing save t hat r 50 5 Richard hermit of Col eman shegg eceived . yearly to find a chaplain to celebrate divine service for the ’ e soul of Cath rine the King s daughter . But for this mention of Richard of Col eman shegg

1 = Col em ans hegg is pr obably Kelm on se g ( 1 308) Kilm onse g ( 1 332)= K 1 1m on s e k ( 1427)=Kyllym an s ak ( 1 442)= Cal am ans ac k o e i n Con s t an t in e ar s c in the e e en t cen tur w as (h di ) , p i h , whi h l v h y ra e in the o res t of Mor rois e mb c d f . Corn ish Her mits 1 3 1 the earliest notice of a Cornish hermit after the Norman Conquest would have been that contained in the Assize Roll of the 3oth year of Edward I — ( 1 30 1 1 302 ) in whi c h it is recorded t hat Thomas de Pen margh n octan ter in travit domam An dreas “Paugan D cci heremitae i nfra capellam ivi Ju sti ct eum o dit. r Johannes illius An dreae heremitae p imus i nven itor . The ent ry is under the heading of the hundred of t Pen mar Pen mart h Penwi h. gh is doubtless in Wen r Pau an d on . Pagan , of which g may be a variant , is n ot uncommon as a personal name in early records . We are not told why Thomas of Penmargh killed

Andrew, or how long it was before John discovered the dead body of his father , but it looks as if Andrew had been seen alive the day before his deat h and u fo nd dead by his son the day after . Where was t he hermit age ? It is described as below the chapel of

. t . ca ella St Jus , but St Just was not a chapel ( p ) . It ecclesi a was a church ( ) , and the terms are never use d di t e it in scrimina ly . If be allowable to render t he ” e e passag b low a chapel of St . Just , that is , below t he St a chapel in parish of . Just , the record is very t significan . For one of t he most interestin g spots in that parish t he t is Chapel Carn Brea , upon summi of which stood until 1 81 6 a c hapel of which a sketch was made by it Dr . Borlase , who described as being approached from the south side by a large flight of st eps and as t t he being twenty feet in heigh , and roof arched t t e with stone well wr ough . Hals lls us it was about u ten feet wide and fo rteen feet long , with a win dow in the east end . Both writers speak of an immense t n n it t n heap of s o es lyi g around , sugges i g a large t e u t The vault or hermi ag ndernea h . chapel was 1 32 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall

1 81 6 r pulled down in to build a barn elsewhe e . When ,

1 879 . . in , Mr W C . Borlase made an examination of the confused mass of stones which remained, and still ’ remain , he failed to discover any trace of a hermit s cell , and concluded that the greater portion of the debris had done service as a covering for the pre historic chambered grave which was found at a lower level . While it is not unlikely that the tumulus sug gested , at a very early period , the site for the chapel to the firs t Christian solitary who found his way to t that remote spo , the amount of stone there at the present time is too great to warrant the conclusion , unless t he tumulus was of a type and size which has no rival in the county .

Some building doubtless existed besides the chapel , the size of which was obviously too small for public worship . The most striking feature of Chapel Carn Brea is the commanding view which it affords not only of the Channel but of the whole of Penwith and of a o l large portion of the Lizard . No better sp t cou d be

chosen for a beacon . Within a couple of hundred yar ds is the ancient ’ mule track from Marazion to the Land s End . After reading Miss Clay ’ s chapter on hermits as light r keepe s , it seems impossible to doubt that the hermit of Chapel Cam Brea was one of those who in the day

of small things performed that function , and whose simple signal was to the seafarer no less than to the traveller over the lonely moor a bright beacon of Pau an God . Andrew g was probably only one of a t t e long line of hermits who dwel on h hill . A curious ’ e t . xtrac is found in Dr Borlase s collections which , as t t one of the latest specimens of Cornish li era ure , has

1 3 4 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall from the context (which has been lost) is little more e than so much gibberish . Possibly it may have b en t he so intended , for romance , of which it is a fragment , r was w itten by Mr . Boson for his children . But this

consideration , assuming it to be well founded , would t not rob the allusions of their evidential value . Qui e the contrary . Every romance requires some element of fact or vraisemblance to recommend it to t he

popular imagination . Not more than half a mile t he hi from Chapel Carn Brea , at the foot of ll , is ’ -an -Wra t he hi a Crows , Witch s Cross , w ch may h ve suggested the character personified by Harry t he

- Wizard of the break neck stool . Some vague

memories of the hermit who served the little chapel , t ended the beacon and direct e d the travellers across t n the desolate moor doubtless s ill survived . A drew Pau an g was only one of the occupants of the cell , one who like many others in various parts of England S t u pen his life in solitude , end ring privation and e e hardship and cultivating pi ty by pray r , meditation

and active philanthropy . He was probably a widower when he gave himself to the career which Thomas Pen mar h un of g , in the stillness of night , for some

known reason brought to an untimely end . The next mention of Cornish hermits is fo und in t he I n uisiti o ost- mortem n q p of Edmund , Earl of Cor 1 t e e n wall . Following h inv ntory of ho ours , lands an d s ervi ces held by him at the time of his deat h t here is a list of t he charges u pon his estates and among t he t Rest or mel them en ry : alms to St . Philip of , ”

t St R t Pen l n . hermi , and . ober of y , hermit The earl dom and its possessions reverted to the King on Earl ’ Edmund s death , and we are therefore not surprised

1 2 dw 44 m . E . Iu . 8 q p . , I , Corn ish Hermits 1 35 to find an entry in the Close Roll of the following 1 30 1 e ff year , , which reads as follows To the sh ri of r R Cornwall . O der to deliver to brother obert of Pen l n r inclusam y , hermit , the island su rounded ( ) by

t 6s 2d . he wate r of Fawe with a rent of 5 . from certain t Penkn eth enants of the manor of , to be held by him t for life as he held them before the dea h of Edmund , a r E rl of Cornwall , by eason of whose death the sheriff t ook t hem into the King ’ s hands on the same e t t rms as the earl granted hem , together with the u t o R ho ses built on the island , obert by his charter ” 1 t e which h King has inspected . All attempts to identify the island have hitherto a Penl Pel n Pen knet h f iled . The manors of yn or y and Penn i t hi or gh are in the parish of Lanlivery , of w ch t he r river Fowey is , oughly speaking , the eastern boundary , but no island is now to be discovered in it s t e Restormel course . The site of h hermitage of is also uncertain . It may have been that of the chapel the of Holy Trinity in the park, sometimes called the ’ e King s free chapel , to which fr quent reference is t R , , o made in the olls and from ' which according an 1 33 8 1 00 inventory made in , a bell weighing lbs . had been re moved to the chapel within the castle walls of Resto rmel t . There is no hing to lead us to suppose that St St R t u i . m Philip and . ober had s ccessors . It is not that ro al cha l ains w ere su b stit ut ed for t hem probable y p . ’ In 1 339 t he Pat ent Roll records t he King s pro t ection R o t granted to oger G dman , hermi of the c a Liskerith e t h pel of St . Mary by Liskeard ( ) , coll c ing abo u t t he realm t he alms whereon he depends for 1 u t a t he a e s bsis ence It is probable th t ch p l of St .

1 Cal endar o Clos e Rolls 20 Ma 1 301 . 488 f , y , , p . 1 Pat R . 1 3 Edw 1 339 . . , . III , 1 36 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

’ Mary was the same as the King s free chapel of St . Mary in the par k of Liskeard to which Edward II appointed Roger de Aqua his chaplain in It must be distinguished from that of t he Hospital of

St . Mary Magdalen . The former appears to have 1 378 become a chantry, for , in , a royal grant was Ri made to chard Lagge , chaplain , that he might it celebrate service in , and in the same year the bishop issued a licence to him in which it is stated t 2 hat he is to celebrate for the welfare of t he King . t he The chantry was suppressed by Edward VI , and Chapel of our Laydy e granted t o Thomas Pomray in It is int eresting to compare the fortunes of this chapel with that of the Holy Trinity in the park Rest ormel t of . Bo h of them appear to have been e served originally by hermits , to hav been converted

into royal chapels and t o have shared the same fate . t 1 40 3 A little more han half a century later , in , ’ the following entry occurs in Bishop Stafford s r egister One Cecilia Moys , desiring to lead the 4 contemplative life of an anchorit e in a certain house t he in the cemetery of Marhamchurch , bishop on 4th 1 403 t the of May , , commissioned Philip , abbo of l Dolleb eare Hartland , and Wa ter , vicar of Southill ,

1 Ibid . 9 Edw 1 31 6 , . II , . 1 Ibid . 1 R c 1 78 an d B a t ham . 387. . 3 Re . r n , i h II , , g yng , p 1 Pat . R 3 E dw . 1 549 VI , . 1 m r r in the er t G . E em tes H er emita on e w ho l es H i ( i , L . ) , iv e er t An c or r An ac or r te e t r a n s t e G . e tes An c o on d h i ( h , L . h i ) , wi hd w rom the or on r on o n hus on e w ho G . M ach os M ac f w ld ; M k ( , L . ) , e s a on e The f eren ce e t n a an d n an c ori te dw ll l . di f b wee hermi t a h w as t at the orm er w as re e to m o e r om ace t o ace t he atte r h f f v f pl pl , l w as c on n e The m o n w ho h at t e n l ta s o on fi d . k ad firs b e a s o i ry e came a m em er of an or ere an d e i o un it b b d d c l bate c mm y . It is cur ious t o n o tice that the impu ls e which cre at ed the hermit r o uce the m on as ter an d t at at a ater ate t he mon aste r p d d y , h , l d , y c ent all ro u ce t e er i n id y p d d h h mit.

1 38 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

e height , situat d in the parish which bears its name ,

was formerly the seat of a hermitage , and there is t 1 584 much to favour the supposi ion . Norden ( ) verie st ee e describes it as a high , p and craggie rock,

upon the top whereof is placed a cell or hermitage , t he wrou ht e walls whereof are partly g , and that with great labour out of the obdurate rock In the hi illustration , w ch he gives , the building is complete

with roof, windows and door . A detailed account is supplied by Davies Gilbert from which it appears t hat in his day the roof and upper chamber ’ e (as shown in Norden s plate) had alr ady disappeared , the beam holes of the chamber being the only evidence r that such a chambe had existed . The dimensions of what is supposed to have been the chapel are him t he e 20 1 2 given by l ngth feet , the breadth feet 1 0 and the height feet . There are apparently only two purposes for which e a building , at such an levation and in so desolate — and remote a spot , could serve that of a beacon

house or of a hermitage . The former is the less

' probable explanation because of more suitable sites r in the neighbou hood . The lack of documentary evidence in support of the latter hypothesis is not surprising and will carry little weight with those who e r flect that it is only, as it were , by accident that we have any evidence at all respectin g the other hermit t he 0 11 R ages in the county . Comparing cell oche Rock with ot her similar cells in various parts of En gland it may be inferred that t he buildi n g was at one and the same t ime use d by its occu pants for both

pur poses . The foregoing survey discloses no such secrets as

might have been expected . It leaves the story of Corn is h Hermits 1 39

’ Cornwall s conversion where we found it . The key — of t he position remains undiscovered the key where wit h to open and u nroll the unwritten record of the struggles of those first fat e ful days when the Christian t r faith gained a foothold in the land . We are h own back upon the witness ofan age so late as to render the it witness of doubtful value . If we refer to it , is diffiden ce evi with , having little or no hope that , as

it . dence , will receive the consideration it deserves Yet in spite of all that may be urged against any e t r ha io particular l gend, we mus not fo get that g

grapher and monk , chronicler and poet , cross and e c ll , holy well and church , all proclaim the same story and tell the same tale when they represent the heralds of the good tidings as wandering in deserts and in

mountains and in dens and caves of the earth . The ’

St . account of . Sampson s visit and the legend of St

Petrock are but types of the rest . It would doubtless help towards the solution of t he problem if something more definite could be known of the quarter whence the earliest of thos e Was Lerins heralds came . it from Gaul , from , from R n t St the East or from ome We k ow hat . Hilary e t he t he of Poiti rs , in middle of fourth century , dedicated his treatise De S yn odis to the bishops of t St he . British provinces , that German of Auxerre

accompanied by St . Lupus of Troyes came over to Brit ain in 429 t o assist in e xtirpating the Pelagian t heresy . Does his point to some closer and deeper conn ect ion t han t hat of mere propinquity between t he Churches of Gaul and of Brit ain r R t he The intercou se between ome and Britain , Roman soldiers and merchants who during the occupa tion were brought into daily Cont act with the Britons 1 40 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall could not fail to effect some change in the religious attitude of the latter . It is not , however , this slow,

i e . silent , ind rect influence which excites our inter st It is rather of that direct attack upon paganism which so far succeeded as to impress a definite character and to make it possible to speak of Celtic r r Ch istianity as a distinct type that we wish to hea . We allow t hat the same truths when accepted by different races produce different effects and find ex f R pression in dif erent ways . An orthodox ussian Chur chman and an English Churchman profess the u same creeds , accept the same Script res , and are in all essentials of one heart and of one soul ; yet it will be some time before the latter can be got to feel R at home in the public worship of the former . ace , temperament and tradition reveal themselves in external modes of worship . This is true , but it is not sufficient to account for the r6le of isolation assumed by the British Church and by the daughter r Church of Brittany . Some external influence appea s r to have been at work at a ve y early period , monastic n in character , which was u favourable to the cultiva tion of close relations with the rest of Western r Ch istianity . It could hardly have been either of R m or R o an of Gaulish origin . Had it been oman it would have constituted a bond of union instead of us n being , as it was , a barrier against which Aug ti e could not prevail ; had it been Gaulish it would probably have been attempered by intercourse with the source of its inspiration . Possibly it came from the Mediterranean or from the East by way of

Marseilles .

1 42 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

’ t whereas St . Michael s Mount was at that ime an ” r isolated ock rising out of a swampy wood . On the t o other hand , however , it is only fair say that

Prof. Oman , who has doubtless examined and weighed , ’ t is t e R n h . wi h accus omed acum n , Mr eid s reasoni g n e Rev and conclusions , remains unco vinc d . The .

R . u t e H . Co lthard has broached a new h ory, which has perhaps not yet received the attention it deserves it is t hat Ictis was the e ntire peninsula of Western e t t i t he vi n P nwi h . As agains th s , there is e de ce of r ae t t t t Pliny who , on the autho ity of Tim us , s a es ha Mictis t the island of , apparently only ano her form of ’ Ictis si t he t , was distant x days sail along Bri ish t hi t he coast , a statemen w ch is as fatal to claims of t t Penwi h as to those of the Mount i self. The question can hardly be said t o b e finally t he decided , but prevailing opinion is in favour of the Isle of Wight . u t he The Mo nt has had several names . In life of 1 Cadoc it Dinsul c St . is called , whi h probably means t he the citadel of sun . C doc e t n t St St a . . is said to hav visi ed his au u t he Keyne there , and to have mirac lously provided t e Mount wi h a supply of wat r . t he c Care Cowse Karrek By Cornish it was alled g , or

- en - t luz Kuz , which William of Worcester correc ly ” translates Hoar Rock in the Wood . It would be t r interes ing to discover earlie evidence of this name . 1 — Its survival in the fifteent h century in spite of t he monastic and military occupation of t he Mount for — many centuries is very remarkable and seems t o

1 S es tt M . . A. . Co . V p XIV 1 Th e n am e s ur e un t t he Co rn s l an u a e w as o s o e te viv d il i h g g b l . n 1 2 us e it B o s o ( 70 ) s . ’ s oun t 1 43 S t. Michael M

’ R descri carry us back to the time when Mr . eid s p

tion was exactly realised . t e ffi t he A some period , V ry di cult to determine , 1 t Moun t became known as Mons Tumba . A char er in t he Ott erton custumal recording the r eco nstit u ’ t t he e ion of St . Michael s priory, in reigns of H nry I , k and Stephen, enjoins that the Cornish mon s shall receive the blessing of their abbot at Monte Tumba n u less , perchance , it shall please him to come into Cornwall and bless them there from which it may be inferred that the religious house in Mont e Tumba t t was at that time identified wi h Mont S . Michel in

Normandy, although the latter was then , at an

earlier date and long afterwards , commonly described St 2 t as . Michael in Periculo Maris . When dealing wi h t he medley of notes collected by William of Worcester it b e will necessary to bear this in mind .

The Mount was associated with St . Michael before t the the Norman Conques , in all probability before

Saxon invasion of Cornwall . 3 out As Professor Loth has pointed , the name saints (kagio-on omastique) of ancient Brittany are “ t t e en irely national . Wi h the exceptions of som a t t et e pos les , of St . Michael , St . Ma thew, of St . P r t o who has given his name to Ploubezre , it is useless seek for t hem in Gaul and the Roman Church t hey

1 S ee dispen s ation gr an te d by Thom as (Cran m er ) t o J ohn Ar s c tt ar c r es t o Mi c ae de M on te Tu mba E o i n s o f St . x n e i s , hp i h l M o sti c n diocesis na o . ( , p 1 The s t atu e of the Bles se d Vir gi n in the pari sh chur ch o f Mo n t t t n a o t m e o S . c e n ow n as he ac r s ears h e n a f No t re Mi h l , k bl k vi gi , l b D am e d e M on t T o mb s an d the sm all is l an d in the b ay ab ou t t w o es r om o n t t c e i c a e To m b e l ain e T m S . s um a twrn in il f M Mi h l ll d . b ( p W e ls h fr om L at in tu mu lu s ) an d Tom b el ain e (the Teu t om c dim i n u t ive of Tu m b a ) are pr o b ably de r ive d fr om the prehi s tori c rem ai n s o f c t er e is n ow n o t r ace whi h h . 1 Les N orns des S ai nts b reton s 5 , p . . 1 44 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall are all of them insular (British or Irish) or native ” Breton . The same may be said of Cornwall with very few exceptions . The position assigned to St . e e Michael was everywhere uniqu . At som time t t subsequent to the Babylonish cap ivi y St . Michael S came to be had in pecial veneration of the Jews . From apostolic times in the East and from the fifth t e t century, at least , in h Wes , he was received into t he t e r c devotional system of h Ch istian Chur h . Nothing could have been more sane or scriptural r S than the honou paid to St . Michael . A the Prince of God ’ s people and the Captain of the heavenly 1 5 militiae cclestis si n er r host ( g if ) he , who had p evailed

against the Spirit of evil , might well be expected to lend hi s aid when the wrestling was against the S piritual hosts of wickedness in heavenly places . And what S pot so worthy to be the site of an earthly fane for one whose warring is in t he regions above ’ ’ man s head , as the lonely mountain s top . There is

a sense of security felt by those who live on, or sur h rounded by, ills even now when so many ages have e run since th y were remotely responsible for it . The proper seat of the Archangel was clearly on the - s hill top . They found him an hou e accordingly rni Rowt or R on the Co sh Mount , on , on ame Head , on Caerha es Penkevil , on y and on the western Carn

Brea . Whether the cult of St . Michael superseded some earlier pagan cult in Cornwall it is impo ssible t o e e t m say . Until som vidence is for hco ing it can serve no useful purpose to dilate upon t he possible t t c a t he iden i y of Mi hael , Eli s and Helios , or upon possibility of on e whose most notable achieve ment was the dest ruction of sun worship on Mount

1 n 2 1 1 Re 7 Da 1 3 x1 1 . v . . . x . , ; ;

1 46 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

R e Tossetin f Osborn , oger de Montgom ry , the sherif , Tu rulf Warin and . t t e l —a t To the gran here are add d , confirma ion Livric h of it by (Leofric) , bis op of Exeter , bearing e 1 0 8 5 2— a t e dat and postscript signed by h bishop , t c exemp ing by command of Pope Gregory , the chur h

of St . Michael in Cornwall from episcopal control and conveying a remission of one -t hird of t heir penance t o t the those who should enrich , endow or visi said

church . ’ t r t o t Wi h egard Edward s char er , it has been poin ted out by more than one writer that Edward probably did n ot assume the title of Kin g of t he n t he 1 0 42 E glish until after death of Hardicanute in ,

t R t R 1 0 37 . and tha ober , archbishop of ouen , died in It is not stated whence Dugdale obtained his copy t t of the charter , but a foo no e by Oliver informs us t e bbe t e h a . t hat h MSS . of y of St Michael are pre served in t he public library at Avranches an d it is not eworthy that t he charter in his M onasti con is labelled Carta Edwar di regis An glorum pro abbatia t he t a n Sancti Michaelis , and that hree episcop l sig a e tories are N orman ecclesiastics . It is therefor pos sible that during his sojourn in Normandy Edward W ho l oved the h oly compan y O f eo l e of r el i on p p ig , W ho l oved on l y all th at was good Es ecial l y a mon k who l ed A igh an d heavenly l ife

may have been induced to promise or to give Corn ish t his en lands to the Norman St . Michael and tha fri ds a t e Rex An lo rum may h ve s yl d him g , knowing that only when he became de facto King of the English t he could any benefit accrue to abbey . But it seems ’ c ae s oun t 1 47 S t. Mi h l M

more probable t hat a gift of lands was made by him ’ t t n t c a e c n ut e t o he Cor ish S . Mi hael ft r Hardi a s dea h and t hat after t he Norman Conqu es t when t he t w o religious houses were united by t he cession of t he Cornish priory to the Norman abbey the deed which R t may have borne the signature of ober , archbishop t t of Canterbury, was al ered so as to bear tha of R t R t t he t ober , archbishop of ouen . In hat case gran 1 0 50 1 0 66 would have been made between and . There were undoubt e dly bold and fruitless att empts made on t he part of t he Norman abbots t o en rich the t he Norman at the expense of Cornish house , just as at a later period t here were bold and successfu l att empts made to enrich the latt er by borrowing t he t t legends and radi ions of the former . The substantial genuineness of Edward ’ s charter will be regarded as probable when it is remembered t hat no ultimate advantage can be shown to have it t t accrued from to ei her house . A spurious documen would hardly have been preserved in the face of facts n t o it s t witnessi g failure . Nei her Domesday Book nor the I n quisiti o Geldi makes mention of any

St . possessions in Meneage belonging to . Michael ff e t t e The suggestion o er d in Chapter VI , viz . hat h ’ Meneage was at an early period monks land both in t t e name and in fact , may possibly accoun for h t t entire series of ransac ions . Grants to religious houses and for religious purposes have not in fre quent ly been a t rifling recompense made t o Paul t e t It t t for h spoiling of Pe er . was no ably so in he t e t reign of King Henry VIII . If in h early part of he t e t e eleven h c ntury the Meneage represented aliena d , t t ha is , usurped monastic land , no one would have been more disposed than King Edward to make 1 48 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

it restoration or to honour St . Michael by granting t o the t t t he r Moun . It is not unlikely tha g ant remained inoperative owing to the difficult y of making t erms with the layfolk in possession . 1 i Norman In the append x to volume iv . of his Con uest Mr q , . Freeman , after referring to the doubtful ’ t authenticity of Edward the Confessor s char er , ul r r goes on doubtf as this cha te is , the spurious ness of that which accompanies it (the charter of r Robert Count of Mo tain) is still more manifest . He then recites the fact that whereas the latter charter 1 0 8 5 r is dated , it bea s the signatures of Queen 1 0 83 Matilda , who died in , and of Bishop Leofric , who died in 1 0 72 also the exemption from ecclesias t ical jurisdiction granted by Leofric at the instance Pe e of Pope Gregory, who did not become p until ’ after Leofric s death - altogether a most formidable indictment— and he proceeds to quote from the Exeter

Domesday, with a view of establishing the real date of the foundation of St . Michael , the following passage (which will also be found below labelled A . ) Mic ahel mansion em Sanctus h habet i . quae vocatur Tr eiwal quam tenuit B rismarus ea die qua

Rex u et . E . fuit viv s mortuus De hac mansione oriton io raedictis ab st ulit Comes de M i . de p ii . hidis ” i i Mic is quae erat de dom n catu beati hahel . “ “ This , he says , is the only mention of the foun da house I can find , and it would seem to imply a 1 0 66 1 0 85 B rismar tion between and . was a man of r S large property in all the th ee hires . He is not unlikely to have been the founder of the Corn ish

Saint Michael , and if so he must have founded it , or ’ ”

t t . a least have given the es ate , after Edward s death

1 N orman Con u es t . 766 767. q , pp ,

1 50 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

Ibi . d 5 8 0 . 1 8 1 6 B . , fol . (Ed , p . Sanctus Mi chael habet i man sion em quae vocat ur Tr eiw al u a ab st u lit e de Morit on io hidam de q com s i , quae erat in do minicat u Sanct i die q u a rex Edwardu s u et fuit viv s mortuus .

I bid. 2 8b . 5 1 6 . 81 . C , fol (Ed . , p Comes habet i mansion em qu ae vo cat ur Treut hal quam tenu it B rismarus sacerdos ea die q ua r e x Edwar dus u et t u est a f it vivus mor u s . In ea i hid et r eddit ildu m n o e e sic terrae g (sic) Sa to Micha l ( ) . ab st ulit o Blu idu s t e et Hanc comes San to . h Brito n eam de comite .

e a 11 c u m 2 D . Exchequer Dom sday, p ge , ol n .

e a a c a T rra Sancti Michaelis . Ecclesi S ncti Mi h elis e Treiw l B rismar t en eb at t e R E t en t a . mpore egis d hi e u a el r da d e un t . wardi . Ibi sunt ii quae n nqu m g av De his ii hidis ab stulit comes Morit on ien sis i m hida .

Ibi 1 2 1 25 d. . E . , columns and , a and b

i t Tr t l B rismar t Idem (Bloh u ) enet ev ha . en eb at tempore Regis Edwar di Hanc t erram ab stulit l esiae comes aecc Sancti Michaelis .

The very t itle which introduces extract A is sug “

ti e . c ae ges v . The land of St Mi h l of Cornwall t e t implies another S . Micha l jus as St . Ives in ”

e . it Cornwall impli s a St Ives elsewhere . And is

t his St . Michael of Cornwall and no other who has on e manor which is called Treiwal which B rismar ’ t e e held at t he im of Edward the Confessor s d ath . There are two hides of land which have never paid

geld . From this manor the Earl of Mortain has taken ’ ae s un t 1 51 S t. Mich l Mo away one of the aforesaid two hides which was of ’ Blessed Michael s demesne . If St . Michael of Corn wall did not exist before t he Conquest it is difficult to understand how he could have had lands in demesne t in the time of the Confessor . But it may be objec ed there is here no mention of the saint holding lands t he e corr ec in time of the Conf ssor . Accepting the t in finit esi ion for what it is worth , which is probably c mal , be ause the whole tenor of the Domesday assess ment—both as regards its ruling principle and its — literary flavour is found in the reiteration of the contrast or comparison of the land values as deter mined in the days of King Edward and at the time t he of Survey , admitting the correction , let the reader refer to extract B . This reads , St . Michael has one Treiw al manor , which is called , from which the Count of Mortain has taken away one hide which was in t he demesne of the saint on the day upon which

King Edward was alive and dead . St . Michael (of

Cornwall) was , therefore , quite as truly alive at the decease of the Confessor as Edward was dead . In the light of what has been said consider extract C . a it t B rismar This is important , bec use ells us that was a priest and a Very different person from the t magna e described by Mr . Freeman who held lands S i in three h res . Treuthal Extract C also introduces us to , which ’ B rismar the priest held at the Confessor s death . e i e Ther in is one h de and it renders g ld to St . ” e t he Michael . (The Domesday scrib , not printer , is responsible for gildum and This t he n t e Blu d Cou t has taken away from h saint . hi Blohiu t n it Brito ( of Brit a y) holds of the Count . Treut al No one who is acquainted with the history of h , 1 52 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

of with its almost endless variety spellings , can doubt it t he either where it was or what was . It was patrimony and the place of residence in the parish Blo ou of Ludgvan of the y family, the descendants 1 of Bl uhid Brito (Ralph Blo you was born there on t t B M 21 e V. . the Feast of the Nativi y of h . Edward I) 1 3 54 until , when Elizabeth , daughter and heir of 2 Al Bl u r o o . an y , sold it to Sir Nigel Lo ing It is still t e e r the name of a village and h nam of a mano . While Tr eiwal , by which name the Domesday compiler seeks ’ ’ ui c Bl o iu s to disting sh St . Mi hael s land from h , is Truthwall almost , if not quite , forgotten , the variant r r r B ris r ma . su vives . But to eve t to Comparing A ,

B , and C , it is clear that one hide was taken away ’ Tr eiwal from , that it was of Blessed Michael s demesne t he B rismar e in time of King Edward , that the pri st held it in the time of King Edward , that the Count r St it of Mo tain took it away from . Michael , that , r t o neve theless , paid geld St . Michael at the time of Rlohiu t he the Survey , that held it of Count at r the time of the Su vey , and that it was called Tr eut al it Tr eiwal h to distinguish from , the name of the parent manor . With these facts before us it is impossible to doubt that for fiscal purposes B rismar t t he re he priest and St . Michael archangel were — garded as identical in the time of King Edward in B rismar t he other words , was visible representative of the invisible archangel . This explains why in extract D B rismar held Treuthal in t he time of B rismar e Edward , and why in extract E h ld , in ’ t e h Edward s im , t at which the Earl has taken away from the church of St . Michael .

1 in m . 1 2 Edw . No 1 6 . an . . Ch . q p , II , 1 De an co 1 2 Henr i lar m . 443. B , y VI , H y ,

1 54 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

Buryan was apparently the last of these communities u t It to be dissolved . To sum up the res l s . will , I n think , be admitted that extract A is not the o ly o f t e t b e n mention h house of S . Michael to fou d in e 1 0 66 Domesday , that it was not founded betwe n 1 0 8 5 t B rismar — B rismar and , hat the of St . Michael was not a man of large property b u t a priest represent

ing St . Michael , that if he founded the house it was

before and not after the Conquest , and, finally , that

for reasons already stated , Earl Brian was not the it founder . Moreover , is hardly likely that a body of ’ c t t e clesias ics , ei her at Mont Michel or at St . Michael s

Mount , would have cited Edward as the patron of the Cornish house if there had been some earlier patron t o t e t t t R n cite . It would ra her se m ha wha Mr . ou d ’ says of Count Robert s charter is not far from t he viz ct t t he t he truth , . the fa hat form of charter as we have it is probably not genu ine does not of ” t n e necessity invalidate its subs a c . R t In justice to Mr . ound it must be added that af er i t he t read ng argumen s here put forward , he would, t n t in suppor of his conte ion , read the concluding words of e xtract B elliptically one hide which was ’ in (what became) the saint s demesne on t he day on i e t he which King Edward was alive or dead ( . . after ’ Confessor s It is clear that such a met hod of interpreting Domesday Book can only b e allow able when there is overwhelming evidence in its r favou . In this case the evidence does not seem to

warrant its application . R his As we have seen , Count obert by charter gives ’ t o St c e he u e . to Norman h s , Mi ha l s Mount with half a hide of land and a market o n Thursdays and lands Amaneth w in . Comparing this statement ith that of ’ c ae s hI oun t 1 55 S t. Mi h l

Domesday Book , it will be observed that in the latter t here is no mention of lands in Aman eth and t t no men ion of the marke , although in Domesday e are e t t he mark ts fr quen ly mentioned , while on other n e t w o e hand t here is me tion mad of hid s of land , o n e Tr eut hal of which , , the Count has taken from e Blo ou t he St . Michael to be h ld of him by y , other e being held by St . Micha l in demesne . The question which arises is : Did the Count restore one half of the usurped lands or , assuming the charter to have been made before Domesday Book ( 1 0 86 ) was com piled , did he by a later instrument add half a hide , e n e h t he th reby endowi g St . Micha l wit a moiety of hide held in demesne We know from t he subsequent history of the lands under discussion that the B lo yous n o Tru t hall hi remai ed in p ssession of , w ch never had m t a arket , and we know hat a market was held at Mara zion or t hereabo uts within t he Domesday manor ’ Treiwal t of . We therefore conclude that the Coun s gift to the Norman abbey was a further act of spolia t on ni i , which by con vance of the Conqueror he was t allowed to practise agains the Cornish monks , and also t hat his char t er was executed subsequent to ’ 1 0 8 6 c a . The presen e of Queen Matild s name amon g the wit nesses is t he only invalidatin g element in what we have every reason t o regard as an aut hentic

t . t an documen Its confirma ion by Bishop Leofric , d ’ t he o t t also bishop s p stscrip , are probably bo h of t e e t the h m forg ries . To give hem appearance of ’ genuineness t he Que en s name may have been added he aut t B t o t . e t as it hentic documen hat may , t he a e e t 1 0 8 5 u e t o h ll g d da e , , s ppos d ave been u e s ppli d by the bishop , is impossible , inasmuch as the fourt eenth year of indiction wit h which it 1 56 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall is made to synchronise would be either 1 0 70 or

1 0 9 4 .

1 0 94 r 1 0 70 In the Conquero was dead , and in

Henricus puer was in the second year of his age . It must also be added that the date does not occur in the charter , but is supplied from the cartulary . The composite character of the postscript to which also Leofric ’ s signature is appended is seen in the c wild statement to whi h it bears witness . In it we are informed that by command and counsel of Pope

Gregory and of the King , Queen and Nobles of Eng land , the bishop grants immunity from all episcopal control to the chur ch of Blessed Michael the Archangel - t e of Cornwall , and a remission of one third of h ir r t it penance to all who shall en ich , endow or visi . 1 0 73 Pope Gregory (Hildebrand) was not elected till , ’ the year after Leofric s death , and the indulgence which the postscript contains and which constitutes ’ its raison d étre was manifestly only an expedient to ’ s foster pilgrimage to St . Michael s Mount which , supposing the monastery to have been founded after the Conquest , would have been too obvious to achieve t its object . Something more will be said under his head when dealing with the testimony of William of

Worcester . When allowance has been made for clerical errors and for the interpolations and additions to which ffi r a attention has been drawn , there is no su cient e son to reject either the literal interpretation of Domes ’ or day the authenticity of Edward s charter , or the ’ r substantial accuracy of Count Robe t s . The date 1 0 8 6 of the latter would probably be , or a little later , ’ t t s probably in he last year of he Conqueror reign . A third charter of the reign of William Rufus records

1 5 8 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

was consecrated in his presence by Robert (Chiches t er t t t he t he ) , bishop of Exeter , ha , with advice of t ff t Ra t t he said Pon i and of Coun ner , and wi h appro b at ion t he e ot of the barons of provinc , he has g t ogether t hirteen bret hren and has made provision for them out of old endowments and current cont rib u t tions , that he has enacted hat he who shall be selected ’ t he u r by parent ho se to be p ior of St . Michael s Mount 1 6 shall not fail to make a return to it of marks yearly , that if he shall prove refractory he shall be degraded and another prior appointed by the abbot with the ’ o abbey s consent , and so on . More ver , the Cornish brethren are to receive the benediction of t he mon asti o order from the abbot in M onte Tu mba unless perchance it please him to come to Cornwall and t t bless hem there . At the end of the instrumen there is a list of the possessions of t he Blessed Michael t he e t R t of Cornwall , given to archang l by Coun ober t iz t e t v . of Mor ain , Tremaine , where her is sufficien t wo Trahorab ohc t List a land for ploughs , for hree , y havehet Tre an eis Carmahel ech for three , g for two ,

for two . The entire document is needlessly defiant and men

acing . The Cornish house is reduced to a mere appanage of the abbey and the prior to a mere col 1 6 t e lect or of marks for its benefit . Every ves ig of t t t o o su b independence is swept away, and ha , , in version of the primary principle of t he saint ly founder On e dl t o e of the order . har y expected find evid nce in Cornwall in confirmation of Dant e ’ s description given more t han a century later .

The al l s for a e reare t ur n e n to e ns of t e es w , bb y d , d i d ( hi v ), meal The co l s to sac s c o e u t must . w k , h k d p wi h y

It is t herefore satisfactory t o note t hat t he priory ’ c ae s oun t 5 9 S t. Mi h l M could only reckon among its possessions the lands ’ t t c he . given by the Count of Mor ain , rest of St Mi hael s lands having either been confiscat e d or alienat ed b e tween the date of the Domesday Survey ( 1 0 86 ) and that of the document To identify the several grants of land a more or l ess careful examination of the places mentioned in t c he harters becomes necessary . Taking them in t he order of date , Confessor by his charter gives to t he t he Go d St . Michael for use of brothers serving

t he . t he sea place known as St Michael , which is by , t t he e wi h all that belongs to it , and he adds whol Venn efire land of , with its towns , vills and lands Rumin ella t m also the port of , wi h its ills and fisheries . t he t e Vin fred One of wi n sses is , or, as the name is n r commo ly w itten , Winfred . We are therefore justi fied Venn efire in substituting W for V in , and s for f according to the Avranches cartu Venn efire Wen n es ire lary . becomes h . A glance at t he Feudal Aids reminds us that t he hundreds of Pou dreschir Cornwall were entered as (Powder) , 1 P drisire P dar Tri rishire t y , y , g , etc . It is herefore safe t o regard Ven n efire as t he equivalent of Wen n e shire . But the name of the hundred in Domesday Win et on t Book is , a correlative , in his case the t en n es ir e Ven n efir e equivalen of W h . is therefore the rrier Rumin ella t e hundred of Ke . is h diminutive or b ut 1 feminine , not only in Latin in Welsh , of Rumin r Rumin ell a t u or Rumou . The po t of h s becomes the t R i e po r of uan Minor , . . Cadgwith . One or more mills still exist in t he valley and at no great distance

t he t . w e a u t from por If, as have alre dy s ggested , he

1 l A s 1 1 06 e eu a 303 3 tc . F d id , , , 1 ot Vi e de S ain t S amson . 1 5 L h , , p . 1 6 0 Celtic Christi an ity of Corn wall

t he P dar Meneage district was , like hundred of y , ’ e t he t s ttled by Celtic monks , Confessor s gran would mean little more than the confirmation to them of t ’ heir ancient patrimony, focussed at St . Michael s

Mount . Edward can hardly be supposed to have had an intimate knowledge of the locality or of its conditions . Under the influence of men like Robert of Jumieges he may well have given more than he had at his l t disposal . The futi i y of the attempt is the best r proof of its having been made . It is ce tain that at the time of his death the monks of St . Michael had Kerri r no considerable holding in e . Earl Harold had Win et on t become overlord of the manor of , seven een t e him hegns holding eleven hid s of , the rest being e Aft t he e t Win et on held by him in d mesne . er Conqu s R fell to the King, who gave the whole to obert Count t t o -t of Mor ain , be held of the Count by sub enants . It may have been in some measure as an act of it i e reparation , but was ch fly in order to augment the influence and revenue of St . Michael of Normandy ’ r t St that he g anted to tha abbey . Michael s Mount in r Co nwall , with half a hide of land and three (Cornish) man eth Tr evel ab ot h acres of land in A , to wit , Lis manoch Tre u an ers Carmailoc , q and . No conditions of tenure are S pecified except freedom from the ’ t b ut It King s jurisdiction in all ma ters homicide . t is not stated , for example , whe her the lands shall t e St be held of h Cornish or of the Norman . Michael . In some sense no doubt the communit y at t he Mount r St became hencefo th an alien priory of Mont . Michel , but there does not seem to have been any definition t t e n t 1 1 35 of the rela ions between h two houses u il . c n the Aman eth Tr evel a The identifi atio of names ,

1 62 Celtic Christian ity of Cornwall

r r r r of which it appea s to have fo med a po tion , p esents ffi r m some di culty, because in that fo m the na e is Lesman aoc r now unknown . As it occu s in a grant of 9 6 a c t In t King Edgar in 7 to Wulfnod Rum n an . tha

grant its boundaries are minutely described , but unfortunately to little purpose owing to the fact that many of the place -names in it are either purely descriptive or have become so altered during the ten centuries whi ch have elapsed since the grant was r made as to be incapable of ecognition . One or two Lesmanaoc r points are clear . was of conside able r extent . For some distance it lay along the iver r which empties itself at Po thallow . It must have r r eached well towa ds the south of St . Keverne parish if Castell Merit and Crouswrah (two places rt r mentioned in the cha e ) are , as seems probable , the modern tenement of Kestl emerris and Crousa ’ R r r Down s . At the time of Count obe t s cha ter its area had evidently been contracted , otherwise it could hardly have escaped mention in Domesday r Book . The po tion whi ch had been lost was probably or the southern p tion , for no mention is made of any possessions south of Trab oe in the grants of the r p iory lands after its dissolution . These considerations lend support to what is some Mr thing more than a conjecture of . Henry Jenner , viz . that in the two tenements now known as Les Lesmanaoc Lesnea e n ea e . g we have the site of g , as he points out , may well be a contracted form of Lesmen ea e ma r g , which in turn y be only anothe form Lesman aoc Trevenea e of , on the same principle as g i in St . H lary can be shown by an unbroken series of documents to have been derived from Trevan aek . It is worthy of remark that within a short distance ’ S t. Michael s Moun t 1 63

’ Lesnea e of g is Mill Mehal or St . Michael s Mill . If this b e the true etymology then the name Listyavehet t becomes less formidable han it looks . fi The final t is the only dif culty . If we may ” r List ave et egard it as a false reading for l , y h b e o -t -amehel t t he e c mes Lis y , the cour of hous of St . ” ’ Lesman aoc t he Michael , being Monk s Court , and t he change of n ame easily accounte d for by the ’ transfer of the monks possessions in Men eglan d (mon ’ o asti land) to the house at St . Michael s Mount . The Itinerary of William of Worcester deserves

attention . It is a curious assortment of undigested and ill -arranged odds and ends of information com in 1 478 piled the year , that is to say about half a century after the expulsion ofthe Benedictines from the B rid ettin es Mount and the introduction of the g , only five years after the Mount was seized by John de

Vere Earl of Oxford , and surrendered by him to t he t e e - s King s troops af er a si g of twenty three week . Itinerar n - The y is properly speaki g a note book . For the most part William confines himself to ma tters a of topography, genealogy and h giology . e Once and again he condesc nds to men of low estate , t he as , for example , when he tells us that about year 1 476 on e t Thomas Clerk , of Ware, lef Ware on the n t he Octave of St . Joh the Baptist and rode to Mount within ten days and then returned to Ware at t he t e end of ano her ten days , th reby covering , according t to the route bill which is given , some hing over thirty two miles a day for twenty consecutive days . William v himself rode more leisurely . Lea ing Norwich on 1 6 1 478 u the th of August , , travelling by way of Tr ro , r 1 6 he reached Ma azion on the th of September . The next day he heard Mass at the Mount and in the 1 64 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall afternoon of t he same day he began the return r t jou ney to Penryn . The time spen by him in Co rn wall was just over a week . That he should have gathered as much material r as he did is the efore a matter for surprise . Towards ’ this harvest St . Michael s Mount contributed its full share , which is scattered without any regard for or r convenience context th oughout the work . After r r desc ibing the tributa ies of the river Fal , and a hi propos of not ng whatever , he inserts a (supposed) indulgence of Pope Gregory, said to have been 1 0 70 e granted by him in , although Hild brand did e l not b come Pope until three years later . The n dul en ce g is addressed to the church of Mount St .

Michael in Tumba in the County of Cornwall , and of are it , all but the opening words a verbatim copy of ’ the spurious postscript to the Count of Mort ain s t e char er , of which mention has be n already made . It is followed by a notice added by the Community at the Mount stating that the document , having been r recently discovered in the old egisters , is placed on r the chu ch door and, being unknown to most men , r r u they , the ministe s and se vants of God , req ire and beg all who have the guidance of souls to do all in their power to publish it in their churches so that their subjects may be moved to greater devotion r and may, by pilgrimage , f equent that place and obtain the said gifts and indulgences . William next t mentions the apparition of St . Michael in Moun ” f r -ro k Wodd Tumba , ormerly called the Ho e in the , which happened at a time when woodland and meadow and plough land lay bet ween the said Mount and the 240 islands of Scilly, and there were parish churches now submerged .

1 66 Celtic Christian ity of Corn wall

r is r n r yea s before the time of h w iti g . A fulle notice s occurs toward the end of his work where , after some further details respecting the Mount ’ s geographical position , he gives us the kalendar of the church . The r e saints commemorated are , as has been already marked , with three exceptions all Celtic . Of one of B rokan Br chan - them, ( y ) and his twenty four children, he supplies an account taken , as it would seem , from the Legenda . For in the enumeration the saint is described as B rokann us in partibus Walliarum re u lus de et morum g fi , and in the account of the saint which follows the opening sentence is Fuit in ul tinus (ultimis ) Walliaru m partibus vi r dign itate regulus de et morumhonestat e raecl arus Bro kannus fi p , nomine . A similar explanation may account for the fourth t r appari ion of St . Michael being desc ibed by William as a aricio ierar chiis n ostrorum an el orum pp in g , a phrase which is meaningless as it stands , but assuming it to be a quotation from the Legenda may have been mi ’ fa liar and intelligible to William s readers . From the foregoing abstracts from the Itinerary t t o wo conclusions appear be inevitable . In the first r place , whether of design or by inadve tence , the name Mons Tumba which had been exclusively used of the Norman Mount came to be also applied t o t e t he h Cornish Mount and , in second place , the associations of the former came to be adopted by ’ t e t t t Mort ain s h la ter . The postscrip to the Coun of charter and the newly discovered indul gence men t ion ed C by William , the one an almost verbatim opy to t of the other , probably bear witness a fac , namely, that an indulgence was actually granted by Pope t St ’ Gregory , but hat it was granted not to . Michael s in Mount but to Mont St . Michel . When once the ’ S t chae s unt 1 67 . Mi l Mo dulgence had been appropriated by t he Cornish house it be came necessary to account for the allusions con t ained u in it . The ecclesia q ae ministerio angelico credit ur et comprob atur con secrari et s an ctificari ’ d a ui demanded some point pp , and this could only be obtained by increasing the number of apparitions vouchsafed by St . Michael . The three apparitions generally accepted by i v z . Western Christendom , the appearance in the t Gar anus r fif h century to g , that in the sixth centu y R to St . Gregory at ome , and that in the eighth cen

r A . D 70 6 . r r tu y ( . ) to St Aube t , bishop of Av anches (probably identical with the apparicio in ierar chiis n ostrorum an el orum g ), were supplemented by an

A D 71 0 . appearance ( . . ) in Tumba in Cornwall It is r impossible to say when this claim was fo mulated , whether before or after the expul sion of the Bene dietines in the fifteenth century . The object was r evidently to stimulate pilgrimages , conce ning which , r r however , ve y little is recorded . Norden , w iting in 1 584 re , states that the Mount hath bene muche r P l rims ] so ted unto by y g in devotion to St . Michael cha re whose y is fabled to be in the Mount , on the ” Daun erous south syde , of veric g access . When William of Worcester visited the Mount the priory was in possession of Augus tinian nuns known B rid ettin e as g s . Of them William says nothing . So long as it was Benedictine and under the control M of the abbot of Mont St . ichel , successive Kings of

England felt constrained , on the declaration of war t r d wi h F ance, to take it into their own han s and to r 1 33 administer its preferment . F om 7 onwards the rolls contain numerous entries dealing with the a ri r r p tronage of alien prio es . Du ing his wa with 1 68 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

’ I e France Henry V required the prior of St . Micha l s Mount to hold the priory at farm for a yearly rent of £1 0 . Henry V, having founded the abbey of Syon

in Middlesex, transferred the priory to it , the provost h and sc olars of the college of St . Mary and St . Nicholas

at Cambridge , to whom an earlier grant of it seems to rr r 1 462 have been made, su endering all their ights in . Thenceforth until 1 536 it remained a B ridgettin e t he r n r nunnery . After supp ession of the mo aste ies

several grants were made of it for terms of years . u R r Eventually Q een Elizabeth sold it to obe t , Earl

of Salisbury, by whose son , the second earl , it was

conveyed to Sir Francis Basset . By his son , John 1 6 59 Basset , it was sold in to Colonel St . Aubyn . r t he Since that time it has emained in St . Aubyn r an d family , its present owne occupier being General

John Townshend St . Aubyn , second Lord St . Levan . With it s religious history alone are we here con

cerned . That the Mount was the home of a Celtic religious communit y in pre -Norman times hardly n was admits of doubt . As we have show , there some strong bond of attachment between it and the Mene a t age , bond which, hough weakened and attenuated , was not completely sundered until the dissolution of t e h monasteries in the sixteenth century . The main proposition here advanced is that the Mount was at

a remote period , probably as early as the days of s r t St . Cadoe , the focu of Celtic eligious activi y for for the greater part , if not the whole , of the Lizard n pe insula .

1 70 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall a ar e o ill um Deo in ant redivivum dor e g , me oper e, ” resuscit ab o . Ad ui escentib us a t ussit eos q u em illis, j au o l on ius secedere t u ant exan imem p l g , a q e illo or e super fer a illum ui ex ira us f erat per binas me hor s, q p t u redi u a a mn u at u in col umem redi di Vident i viv m p l m o ib s q e t . t e s n n o n es un a cum su radict o bus au m illi , u a imes m p t e rocident es t Samsonis comi , p ad sanc i pedes, idolum penit us dest ruxerunt

T F he Re n . au M A. f n d it vere d W. P l , . , whose rie ship has n e a e a f a nt bee my privil ge to sh r for h l ce ury, has e e t he t an at o n a 33 H e has n e r vis d r sl ion p ge . do so

un t st . n t n n a of n der pro e I compe e ce, ig or nce mo kish at n an u L i d the corr pt n ess of the text have been his pleas . The first no on e will allow who knows him ; the secon d is by no mean s un common ; the t hird everyone will ’ L Ab b Du n a of t h V amson is admit . é i e t ruly s ys e ita S that plusieurs con structi ons grammaticales sont absolu men bar ares a has u e te t he fo n t b . Mr . P ul s gg s d llowi g e n t on of h sa f us t a t c me da i s t e pas ge be ore . Al hough dr s i t e a t of con e at on n e s t e can h y ppear wor hy sid r i , u l s h y b e t o run c ean nt a t o t he a t of t t shown l co r ry h bi s hough , t he terminolo gy an d t he rules of composition observed For uoddam by writers of the seventh century . q phanum he would read quendam phallum ; for mathe m u at o m matrimonium for in ect ura ect rd. m i u , j , j We should then have in t he latt er part of t he first sent ence he saw men worshippi ng a cert ain phallus aft er the ” cu t o f t h a c ant es an of a a s om e B c h by me s lewd pl y, an d for atque excusantibus illis malum n on esse mathe matioum eorum arentum in lu do servare and n p , whe t hey said that t here was n o harm in their commemor ’ ” a e ac t at in g t heir parent s wedlock in a play . I h v cep ed i It j ecturd for in ject uram an d his t ran slation o f t . is unfortun at e t hat a critical edition of the Vita S amsonis ’ L Ab b é Du e has n ee has n ot y et been prepared . in i d d — — furn ished some useful n ot es only t oo few o n t he B L e o S so atraci from if f t. Sam n

nt and the use t n n re sy ax peculiar of cer ain pro ou s , p 1 t ons an d a ect ve . But as ofes t t u posi i dj i s , Pr sor Lo h r ly o e e t o uce uc an e t on a nut e st bs rv s, prod s h di i mi udy of t he synt ax is required an d also a glossary of all t he — words which in form or in mean in g are peculiar a o a in all t he o s S u e e gl ss ry which idi m ho ld be xhibit d . The t ask requires special qualification s and will not e a a t on t o t o who a t n e p rh ps appe l s r gly h se h ve hem . Soo r or at e e t e b e n t o n t a e it l r som one will doub l ss fou d u der k , o ne it not n a a b ut s meo , is hoped, who is o ly schol r who is familiar with t he religious literature of the seventh an d ent u es eighth c ri .

1 uin e S aint s de Domnonée 5—1 2 D , , pp . . APPENDIX B

’ E DW ARD TH E CONFE S S OR S CH ARTE R ’ e s M on asticon 3 1 (Oliv r , p . )

Carta E dwardi regis Anglorum pro abbatt a san cti M i ch Ex ut o ra o i l aelis ( a g ph apud S . M chae em in Nor ma nnia) .

n an t a et in dividuae T t at e o N omine s c e rini is, g Edwardus Dei t a An lorum a gra i g rex, d re volens t redem tionis animae ca vel ar m pre ium p m e , p ent u meorum c n e et t t n ono um virorum , sub o s nsu es imo io b r , t radidi san ct o Michaeli archan gel o in usum fratrum Deo ser vientium in eodem loco san ct um Michael em q ui est t a re o a enden ciis villis c cet jux ma , cum mnibus pp , s ili , cast ellis a et caet eris att in ent ib us . Addidi et am , gris i 1 t ot am t e ai n de Vennefire cum o idis villis a s rr , pp , , gri , c l is t in eul is et cum u redditib u at t e u t e t s . pr is , rris , hor m Adjun xi quoque datis port um addere qui vocat ur Rumi e a o mn u ua ad eum e t n ent hoc est n ll cum ib s q e p r i , mol en dinis et piscat oriis et cum omni territ orio illins

t et nc t et redditib us . cul o i ul o, corum Si quis autem his don is co n at us fuerit ponere calump D i urra m n a a a a fa t s a e inc t e et a . i m n them c u , ir m p rp u t ue nost rae don ationis auctoritas verius firmius q ue t eneat ur in ost erum firmando sub t erscri si p , manu mea p , quod et pl ures fecere t estium . Signum regis Edwardi Signum Robert i archiepiscopi Hereb erti c Lexo vien sis Ro thomagensis E epis opi . n ien sis n um Radul hi >< Robert i episco pi Co nst a t . Sig p I

mi i Anschitilli . Signum Vinfredi bx Nigelli viceco t s . Turstin i Cho schet .

1 the car tu ar at A r an c es Venn esire in l y v h . 172

1 74 Celtic Christianity of Cornwall

Rob ert us mes Morit onii con cesserunt s co , quam gloriosu rex An lorum Willielmus at ue e n a et filii c sub g q r gi orum, t est on i im io st orum .

n l l Sig um Wi lie mi regis Signum reginae Mat hildis E4 . Ro e mit i > < i > t co s . Willi lm ufi i < n c b r i I e R fil i regis I . He ri i s > R pu ri E . obert i comit is Morit on ii Matildis Comi t issa 4 lmi 4 ll e . lli l R Wi e fil ii corum K. Signum Wi ie mi filii O sb ern i 4 K. Signum Rogeri de Mont e go meri T ini vic m b 4 osset eco i i . r Tur lfi . t s ' Gua in i E . u E

F at a ab ue rob orat a est hec ca t a ann mill essimo irm q r , o o ct uagesimo quint o ab in carn ation e Do min i in dict io n e ec ma ua t a con c ent e t e t ia un a ct a a a d i q r , urr r , l o v , pud P cven esel .

n um Li Sig urici Ess ecest riae Episcopi m.

E o u e Liuricus Dei n o E ssecest riae e isco us g q id m do p p , j ussion e et exhort ation e domi n i mei reverent issimi Gregorii (VI) papac regis q ue n ostri et regin ae omn iumq ue o pt imat um t ot ius regn i An gliae exhort at us ut eccl esiam eat c ae s archan el i de o nu a ut ot e uae b i Mi h li g C r bi , p q O fficio ct minist erio an gelico credit ur at que comprob at ur con secrari ac san ctificar i uat enus eam ab o mn e sc a , q i pi op li u e t est at e seu sub ect ion e e a e at ue exuerem j r , po , j lib r r m q , quod et facere t ot ius cl eri n ostri consen su et hort at u n o n dist ul i e o t eam et exuo ab o n e sco a , lib r igi ur m i pi p li do min atione sub ection e n u et u n e et o mn us s , j , i q i di , ib illi q ui illam eccl esiam suis cum b eneficiis et elemosin is ex etierint et Visit averint t ert iam a t e en it entiar um p , , p r m p con do amu E i us um et e et n s . t ut hoc n conc s immobil et a n o a e fine t en er man eat ex authorit at e i m i vi l bil us p , Patris et Filii et Spirit us San cti omn ibus nost ris suc cessorib us int erdicimus n e aliquid cont ra hoc decret um usu a e r e um rp r p a s ant . >< Signum ej usdem Liurici Essecest riae episcopi X . APPENDIX D

F CH AE L IN RNWALL ERE CTION O F TH E PRIORY O ST . MI CO

M onasticon . 41 4 ( , p )

‘ P JVI chaelis in Cornu bia constructi o ri orati t s S t. i (Ex

cu st umali Prioratfis . de Otterton , fol

MNIBUS Se n et e Dei ecclesie filiis n otificare dign um duximus quod ecclesia beat i Michaelis de Corn ubia a en e a Be n a o e c esie efat archan eli de v r bili r rd , c l pr i g e cu o a a at e in an n o uo om n em exuit rex P ri l M ris bb , q h i H en cu con st ruct a et in an no e s t e an a e oso ri s , r gi S ph i r ligi v o Ro e t o Exonien si e u e est t o a at e ui ir b r pr s l pr i bb , q

rese s a e at m et ant e Do no est con secrat a . p n d r , id i p r , mi Idem vero abbas sagaci ment e pert ract an s cel estis militie prin cipem lo cum eun dem DeO ad servien dum et s ad in hab it an dum del e isse redict i ont ificis con ibi g , p p s o et comitis Ran e et b aro num ov n c e suff a o ili ri pr i i r gi , ut divinit at i on o e et uu im en deret ur O fficin as h r p rp s p , religion i idoneas con st ruere et fratres xiii in hon orem st Jhesu et a ost ol orum e us ut e cet ro Chri i p j , , vid li , p modulo suo in fide q ue per dil ection em operat ur et spe in cult ura vin ee Domin i Sab b aot h desudan t is den arium mereret ur ret rib ut ion is a e a e curavit de reddit ib us , ggr g r ecclesie t am ant iq uit us dat is quam a viris provi ncie in present ia sua ad hoc att rib utis vict ui corum n ecessario sufficien t er pro videns . Constit uit aut em ut vel per se vel per alium e frat rib us eccl esiam de Mont e in Norman n ia qui ex abbat is lo ci ej usdem precept o prioris in Corn ubia fun get ur O fficio ann sin ulis in visere n on n e li at et a ent ma c as is g g g , rg i r h

xvi fin et en us e at . uo S i const it ut ioni u c O b viare r dd Q d h i , vel cont ra ab b at em suum vel con vent um in aliq uO 175 1 76 Celtic Christianity of Corn wall

resum serit t a e de riorat u suo , de radet ur et p p con r ir , p g , alius pro abbatis arbit ri o et con vent us abbatie con silio sub v u u t a et roget ur . Si erO s perbus f erit et con um x prel atis ecclesie de Mont e in Normanni a inO b ediens

' ext it erit o mn art ici atione t otius b en eficii c es e , i p p ec l i t otius di t e o mnium ue eccl esiarum s c et at e ue c , q ip i so i aliq

conn exarum excommuni cationi se e es t . F at e u , d l r s q idem, qui in Cornubia sanct e con vers at ionis hab it um sus ce erint monochat us u a in ont e u ro fit ent es p , j r M T mba p , b enediction em mon astici ordin is ab abbat e suo ibidem susce t uros se n ove nt n fo t e ci in Corn ub iam p ri , isi r H oe it a ue t am venienti eo s illuc benedicere pl acuerit . q j ust a Dei dispen sat ion e t amq ue virorum sapient um discretion e at rat um uicun ue e ce s s ve p , q q siv prin p i t e ali uam nf resum serit e cet po stas q i ringers p p , vid li , o nac u umerum ui facult at um am liatione m hor m n q pro p , et se am lian dus est im inuat et am dicti o c ip p , m , j l i o s e us alt eros convert at s m a t p sses ion s in us , ip u , in qu n um n o a Do n o co lat a est ot est as an at hematis bis mi l p , inno damus vinculo et hujus ret rib ution em scel eris a just o u i uicun ue aut e e j dice susc piat in futuro . Q q m poss s siones easdem conservare et pro suarum modulo i s enl t at val uit Z achee na t a um, quia rerum s rum mul dis t t val ueru nt et a vidue n t a duo et r n ribu io , i m mi u , eg um Dei t ant a et ant m ne au mentare um v l qu um ho i s , g curaverunt omn u se o ration um t otius ue b eneficii , i m q ecclesie beat e Michaelis de Monte in Normannia part icipes s e se sciant . H e sunt possessiones quas ex dono comitis Ro bert i de Mort en io ecclesia beat i Michaelis de Corn ubia t enet T e a n e ub i ad uas carucas t e a sufficien s ab et r m i , d rr h ur Trahorab o hc ub i ad t es List avehet ad t es , r ; y , ubi r ;

Tre an eis ad uas Carmahel ech ub i ad ua . g , ubi d ; , d s Adj acet t erra pret er pascua ad omnia an imalia us ees a i saria q ue simul caruce xii f c unt .

1 78 Celtic Christi anity of Corn wall

reoc St . 73 Ceen Cr uaich 33 B k , , , reton mm rants 43—45 Cel t c n as on 25 B i ig , i i v i , reton no l es 41 Ce tic monaster 63 B b , l y, r an Earl 1 54 Ce ts the — B i , , , 1 8 36 l ,

r t St . 60 Ceol n oth A 9 B idge , , , b . , 64 7 p ,

r et St . on ent of 1 37 Ceres 94 B idg , , C v , , Brid ettines 1 63 1 68 a 2 C St . 6 g , , h d , , r ent 41 C a el Carn rea 1 31 1 32 1 33 B i , h p B , , , , Brismar 1 4 1 0 1 4 , 8, 5 , 1 5 , 1 5 1 44 r tis sa nts 52 C a el Un 1 24 B i h i , h p y , - r ttan 37 49 82 86 Cheus S t . 1 1 n 1 05 10 . 1 8 B i y, , , , , , , r tton s urname 45 C c ester B Ro ert 1 58 B i , , hi h , p. b ,

Briwer B . 1 09 1 1 2 1 1 3 C tt e am ton 9 1 , p , , , hi l h p ,

Bronescomb e B . 88 1 0 1 09 Choschet 1 45 1 2 , p , , 7, , , , 7 1 1 2 1 1 5 1 1 6 1 1 7 C r st anisat on of st on es 35 , , , h i i i , ron e A e 20 2 4 C r stmas 1 2 B z g , , h i , ron e u 24 28 Chfin uo t 20 B z b ll , , Q i , ron e cel ts 22 C urc and ore n r tes 1 6 B z , h h f ig i , n e sc 23 Ch sauster 63 n ro . B z di , y , han St ro en 1 66 C a 2 R. M 2 1 32 B r c . . 1 y , (B k ) , l y, , , m u oc 39 73 C e en t St . of Al e an r a 1 3 B d k , , l , , x d i , Bul aroo 1 0 er T omas 1 63 g , Cl k , h ,

ul sacre 23 24 C et er St . 125 B l , d, , l h , ,

Bur ald B . 1 1 4 Cl onar 53 59 g , p , d , , Bur hwold Burthwol d 67 68 75 Cnut K n 67 68 69 75 76 ( ) , , , , , i g, , , , , ,

6 6 n . 6 n 7 , 7 7 . eir 1 73 Coel lin 64 65 Burn , 7 , g, , - 21 22 n . 47 65 66 Co n c ence 1 1 ur an St . B y , , , , , , , i id , 7 3 94 1 05 1 08 1 54 um a 2 85 90 91 9 Co S t. 5 , , , , , , , l b , , - en Dr 1 1 Comoere B 63 6 ttel Ree . . 7 B u p , , , p , , Conan B 63 65 66 , p. , , , a t 1 59 Conar ton 84 C dgwi h , 2 1 48 a oe St 30 n . 1 4 Con stan t n e S t. 1 05 1 1 8 C d , , , i , , ,

aer 70 Corent n S t. Cur 53 85 C , i , ( y) , , a ha es 1 44 Corl a Cétes da Nor 92 C er y , y ( d) , al amansack Col eman she 1 30 Corn s e cat on s 55 C ( gg) , i h d di i , Corn s rama ock 65 n . 39 Cal l est , i h d , a n ton 65 Corn ish Gr ammar 39 C lli g , , Cam orn e 44 Corn s l an ua e 51 b , i h g g , am r e 1 68 Cornoua ll e 52 93 C b idg , i , , e ur 64 1 47 Corn a l Ro al nst tut on of 38 Can t rb y, , w l , y I i i , ,

nan 41 92 48 n . Cardi , , rd nham 1 26 G6tes du Nor 51 9 1 Ca y , d , ,

are Cowse 1 42 Cou t ar Rev. . R. 1 42 C g , l h d , H ,

are R c ar 7 47 Con tances Ro ert B . of 1 45 C w , i h d , , , b , p , , ol 2 1 72 Carg , 7 r 1 4 m b 3 n . a ar on 92 ran e A . C rn v , C , p ,

arn orth l 25 n 1 61 n . Cran toc St 1 05 1 08 1 09 C y , k , , , i rtha e 28 Cre iton 64 67 68 73 74 76 O g , d , , , , , , , armail oc 1 45 1 58 8 88 Car vall ack ( C ) , , , 7, ll 44 Crom e T. w , u Cart e 44 Cross 35 Carzo ( h w) , , a siterides 28 Crosses Corn s 36 C s , , i h , Gen eral I n dea: 1 79

Crousa o ns 1 62 E ar the on essor 69 75 76 D w , dw d C f , , , , Cro s -an -Wra 1 34 7 81 82 85 88 1 09 1 12 1 45 w , , , , , , , , , u St 80 1 15 1 g2 C by, . , , C r s 94 E ar the El er 73 yp i , dw d d , C rus 95 E ar K n 1 1 4 yp , dw d , i g, E K n 4 64 C riacus r or St. 1 05 1 1 3 er t 5 y P i y, , , gb , i g, , E l os 39 g , a l E l osb er ia E l os er a 9 4 n e B . 63 r v n 3 9 D i , p , g ( g y ) , , an te 1 58 E l os a l e 73 74 91 D , g h y , , ,

a St. 58 E os err 39 D vid , , gl k y, a es G l ert 1 38 E l osrfis 91 D vi i b , g ,

Déchel et te ose x11 E l ostudic 9 n . 90 , M . J ph , , xiii , g , 7 ,

24 26 n . 29 35 n . E t ans 30 , , , gyp i , Deducti n 4 En ell on 1 05 1 1 6 1 1 7 p , d i , , , De Exmdi o 62 E an 1 3 , piph y, enmar 23 E on ms 94 D k , p y ,

enn s tt e 85 11 Ert St . 86 91 1 21 D i , Li l , . h , , , , enn s en s St 90 91 92 Er an St 3 D i (D y ) , . , , , v , . , 7 er s re e cat ons 55 Esco 39 D by hi D di i , p, D6 l 30 Euchar st 5 , i , n an 92 E al St 3 9 Di , v , . , 7 , 7 De an 4 E ns 8 1 ‘ nan Rol 2 a 1 A. 21 Di , , d, v , , nas 9 1 E o ut on 3 Di , v l i , ’ Di E ol n of Die r — t 58 ut o . B ic noo . 0 89 , v i p , 7 Din l E 4 6 9 su 30 n . 1 42 eter 6 5 6 1 1 2 , , x , , , , Di rrin Din erein 64 9 0 E eter n d f 2 nuu 7 8 . a C. o 7 7 78 ( g ) , , , x , D , , 7, , Di odorus Sicul us , 23, 1 41 1 1 1 on s us 92 E n es ur 1 28 Di y i , y b y , Di s ater 29 E e e 27n . P , z ki l , ssol ut on of rel ous ouses Di i igi h , 1 08 al mout 73 F h , Docco 33 1 1 9 auna ro- ac a 1 1 , , F , p gl i l , ] 59 Fawtier n 96 n Do M. 33 . 9 n , , , . , , 7 . , Doll eb eare al ter 1 36 1 69 , W , omes a oo 59 76 77 79 Fen ton oll cn 72 D d y B k , , , , , g , 81 83 90 1 05 1 12 1 47 et c 35 , , , , , F i h ,

onan B . 66 Fi nistere 51 91 99 D , p , , , , ca ors 32 F n 3 ru i i nnia S t . 5 D id l w hip, , , ’ ru s 31 57 s erman s roverb 2 D id , , Fi h , Dr carn 21 it Ive famE 77 y , F z y , M r uc esne . 97 it Turold R 41 1 1 1 5 D h , g , F z , , , 7 , W u a e Sir . 1 04 1 46 Forsnew th 4 D gd l , , , , 7 ’ u n e L Ab b é 97n 1 70 o e 1 65 D i , , F w y,

Dumnonia 51 52 56 80 reeman ro . 1 45 1 48 , , , , F , P f , , nonian e o us 41 51 Ful card 2 8 Dum x d , , , 7 7

Eadul f 64 65 73 Ga es 27 , B , , d ,

Ealdred . 67 68 Ga at a 25 , p , , l i , Easter 8 G a c a 5 , li i , 7 Easter contr o ers 56 80 Gar anus 1 67 v y, , g , E ene er 21 Gas uet Card 60 b z , q , , in 1 1 9 1 62 E ar K . Gen n s S t . 1 20 1 26 dg , g , y , , , E mun ar 1 34 Gerecri s t Ker r st 4 4 45 d d , F l , ( g i ) , , 1 80 Celtic Christianity of Corn w all

G rma e n St . 58 59 69 1 39 l ar S 22 30 n . 40 1 39 t. , , , , , Hi y , , , , , e man s St 5 1 H n e - 6n G r . 6 66 68 7 74 75 i ston Ran ol . 7 . , , , , , , , , d ph , F 9 81 8 88 1 1 0 1 53 H oug30 7 , , 7, , 05, 7, Gerrans 72 73 79 80 81 87 er orean s 25 , , , , , , , Hyp b , 1 0 1 1 5, 5, 1 1 6

Gerun ti us Gera nt Gerennius Ia St . 86 90 91 ( i , ) , , , , , er an s 23 Ib i , G as 50 58 62 Ictis 1 41 ild , , , , Gl asn e 1 05 1 1 7 o an 86 y , , Ill g , Gl aston ur 1 1 6 1 27 Il tut 58 92 b y, , , , l u as n u G St. 73 ct on 4 vi , I d i , Go re 2 In n er 1 24 7 u S t. df y, g g , , Go man Ro er 1 35 I n ui szti o Geldi 93 1 47 d , g , q , , Go r c t he r est 1 1 8 I n u isi ti o N anar am 92 1 08 1 1 6 d i p i , q , , ,

Goran St . Guron 1 05 I ns eccimi 1 4 n , ( ) , p , 0 . Gor on ount 1 65 on a 60 g , M , I ,

Gou aud Dom 26 n 33 n . 39 rel an 61 64 , , . , , I d , , Gra e 82 r s n fluen ce 85 , I i h i , and son 0 r s m ss onar es 86 Gr is B . 1 7 , p , I i h i i i , Gre or o e 1 46 1 48 1 56 1 64 ron A e 24 g y , P p , , , , , I g ,

1 65 1 66 sse St . 73 , I y, ,

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en r I 1 68 K l ter s nsurrect on 85 n . H y V , i i i , enr 1 68 H y V , eres 1 7 Lafrowda 86 1 21 H y, , , ermit of C a el Carn rea 1 33 a e R char 1 36 H h p B , L gg , i d , erm ts 1 22- 1 40 Laminster 1 1 3 H i , .

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et o is m 1 02 Nor c 1 63 M h d , wi h , e an S t 42 2 Norw c a r B of 1 26 . 5 l te . M w , , , i h , W p , ae mman a 1 1 6 - c l of La S t . 05 1 No a ont 4 Mi h , , , y l P ivy , 7 M c ael en e l t S . 1 05 1 1 7 i h P k vi , , , , 1 44 Odo, 1 1 0 M c ael in er cul o Mar s St O ri n 1 29 i h P i i , , 1 43 1 45 O 1 v r 1 4 , e , Dr. , 04, 1 6 ’ a l s M un 2 M c e o t S t 30 n . 8 85 Ol m us 29 i h , . , , , , y p , 1 5 1 07 1 30 1 41 - 1 1 - 1 6 Oman ro 2 n 0 68 72 7 . 3 n . 35 . , , , , , P f , , summer res 1 3 Or di nalia 46 Mid fi , , l Me al 1 63 Os orn t m 1 46 1 74 W . Mi l h , b , Fi z , , , ner a 29 Otterton 1 43 1 61 1 5 Mi v , , , , 7 n oan s m ol sm 35 Mi y b i , n ster Talkarn 1 05 1 1 3 ace e s 8 Mi ( ) , , P gg , Modret am 1 1 6 a sto 73 f ily, P d w, Monaster - s o r cs 58—69 al aeol t c a e 1 9 y bi h p i , P i hi g , M - onasticon 76 n . 1 04 1 72 1 76 all as At en e 94 , , , P h , ons Tum a 1 43 ares 40 M b , P , on tacute r or 1 09 1 1 3 ar s Re sters 38 M P i y, , P i h gi , Mont omer De Ro er 1 46 1 74 asc a 7 g y , , g , , P h ,

ont St. c el 1 43 1 46 1 58 asc a fire 1 4 M Mi h , , , P h l , ores e 1 29 as - an 6 M k , P k bi , orta n Count Ro er t of 75 82 asso er the C r st an 5—9 M i , b , , , P v , h i i , 84 1 08 1 09 1 1 8 1 45 1 49 1 57 asso er the e s 7 , , , , , , , P v , J wi h , atr c t 33 53 58 59 S . P i k , , , orta n Count l l am of 1 09 atr c 8 fire St 1 4 M i , Wi i , , P i k , Pau an An re 1 31 g , d w,

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ev n 91 95 Roun . H . 1 45 1 49 1 54 Pl i , , d, J , , , n 1 42 Rowtor 1 44 Pli y , , l ou e re 1 43 Ruan Lan horn e 73 P b z , y , ou as nou 4 Ruan Ml n or 1 59 Pl g , 7 , ou e 95 Rumin ell a 1 45 1 59 1 72 Pl y , , , umer at 47 Pl g , l un eret 4 Sain uil an t 90 P , 7 g , Pluvath ack 39 Sain uin as 90 , g , u ner 47 Sa n ts Corn sh 90- 1 03 Pl vig , i , i , l m ton 1 1 6 1 1 9 1 20 S a n ts es of 96—99 P y p , , , i , Liv , Pol car 8 Sal s ur Earl of 1 68 y i b y, , Porthal ow 1 62 Sa at on Arm 3 , lv i y , m n 3 52 58 59 3 oun stoc 1 26 Sa so St . 3 9 P d k , p , , , , , , , o er 2 1 26 9 98 1 1 9 1 69 P wd , 7 , 7, , ,

ra San s 1 9 San cree 22 n . P h d , d, Pridden 22 n Sa on n as on 50 51 , . x i v i , , ro us St 59 1 05 1 1 2 Scan na a 23 P b , . , , , di vi , Pro ithecan thro i 1 1 Sc l 28 39 1 05 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 33 p p , i ly, , , , , , rote us an ma cu e 2 Sel f 80 86 P i l l , y , ,

er er 74 81 Ser us S t . 1 1 3 1 1 5 Pyd (Pid ) , , gi , , , ’ t eas 26 S e er s ro er 2 Py h , h ph d p v b , S er orne 64 h b , ueensl an 1 0 S c 95 Q d, i ily , uia em tor es 77 Scl en n De o n 1 1 6 Q p , y , , J h ,

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Trel onk , 72 Trel uswcll Trel iuel 71 72 ar n 1 46 1 74 ( ) , , W i , , Tremaruustel 1 1 8 esse n om of 52 57 62 , W x , ki gd , , , ma o as l e 5 i mar 4 1 Tre t n C t , 7 W hu , 1 , 1 8 ma n e Trema ne Tre 1 58 1 61 1 6 r St . 81 y ( i ) , , , 7 Wilf id , ,

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