The Humorous Devil Sorcery, Occult Virtues and the Evil Eye in 18th-Century Portuguese Medicine

José Carlos Vieira Leitão Stud.no. 10879064

Religious Studies and Theology Thesis (MRes) Supervisor: Prof. Peter Forshaw Second Reader: Prof. Marco Pasi

University of Amsterdam August 2016 Index:

1. Introduction 1

2. Portuguese Academic Learning and Religious Institutionalism 4

3. Studied Authors 7

3.1. João Curvo Semedo (1635 – 1719) 8

3.2. Francisco da Fonseca Henriques (1665 – 1731) 15

3.3. Bernardo Pereira (1681 – after 1759) 20

4. Occult Virtues, Evil Eye and Sorcery in 18th-Century Portuguese Medicine 25

4.1. Determining the Field of Study 25 4.2. Amulets and Occult Virtues 29 4.3. Divine and Heavenly Healing 36 4.4. Natural Evil Eye 42 4.5. Diabolical Evil Eye and Sorcery 51 5. Conclusions 62

6. Bibliography 67

1. Introduction While for long periods in its history Iberia had been considered one of the centers of European medical learning, by the 18th century its particular history had left it lagging behind the rest of Enlightenment Europe. With its shining examples of Hispano-Arabic pharmacology 1 and the 10th-century medical translations and commentaries to Dioscorides, 2 Petrus Hispanus’ Thesaurus Pauperum or the later Lusitani Jewish physicians,3 while keeping on par with most of the continent up until the end of the 16th century, a sequence of historical events made the main institutions of Iberian medical learning grow increasingly more traditionalistic and entrenched in their support of strict Galenism.4 Before this period, taking Portugal as an example, innovative anti-Galenic physicians can be seen to have frequently published and promoted non-classicist medical ideas, such as Garcia Lopes (1520-1572)5 or the much more relevant Garcia da Orta (1501- 1568). But these ideas seem to become increasingly more restricted with the establishment of the Portuguese Inquisition in 1536 and the reforms implemented at the University of Coimbra in 1537 and 1538 by John III, which effectively bridged the gap between the Coimbra faculty of medicine and its course of strict Aristotelian philosophy. With the subsequent integration of the Coimbra Jesuit College into the university structure, this further guaranteed that all students pursuing a higher education in Coimbra could only do so by going through a fixed Jesuit educational program6 extremely adverse to change or innovation. Shortly after, with the loss of Portuguese independence to the Castilian crown due to the disappearance of King Sebastian (1554-1578), and the resulting cultural and political proximity of both Iberian nations, the number of medical students and practitioners able to leave the peninsula in order to study abroad, as well as the

1 Burke, The Royal College of San Carlos, 19. 2 Gomes, História da Filosofia Portuguesa: A Filosofia Arábico-Portuguesa, 170. 3 Maclean, ‘Lusitani Periti,’ 392. 4 Maclean, ‘Lusitani Periti,’ 387. 5 Ornellas e Castro, ‘Prática Médica e Alimentação nos Textos Portugueses Seiscentistas,’ 83. 6 Sander, ‘Medical Topics in De anima Commentary of Coimbra (1598) and the Jesuits’ Attitude Towards Medicine in Education and Natural Philosophy,’ 93-94. 1 number of foreign masters hired to teach in Portugal, drastically dropped. 7 Consequently, this resulted in a homogenization in Iberian medicine during this unification period, with medical masters of a strong Galenic background mostly exchanging positions between Alcalá, Coimbra or any of the other Iberian universities managed by the Company of Jesus.8 While Portuguese and Spanish innovative anti- Galenic physicians could still be found throughout Europe in several positions of prestige, these would typically be Jewish exiles banished by the Iberian policies of ‘blood purity’, which also aided in the support of classical Galenism as a ‘pure’ (non- Jewish) form of medicine in Iberia. Emerging from the unification period in 1640, the implementation of a strong and influential Inquisition in Portugal meant that a strict and efficient control of ideas hailing from Northern Protestant Europe had been established.9 One of the ways in which this translated itself was in an active repression of medical literature which was too contradictory towards the established Catholic conception of the body and the universe,10 especially as transmitted by the Coimbra medical faculty, which, according to Timothy Walker, by the end of the 17th century had complex ties with the Inquisition.11 As also pointed out by Walker, analyzing medical literature as we move into the 17th century reveals that most medical concepts and preoccupations were still largely framed by ‘ancient’ or classical concepts of humor balance/imbalance. Furthermore, given this intellectual blockade of literature and ideas, Iberian intellectual development had entered a self-referential loop, with several instances of folk healing/magic practices seeping into and being divulged by university trained physicians as legitimate options for the acquisition of health12 (often times rationalized

7 Amorim da Costa, ‘Da Farmácia Galénica à Farmácia Química no Portugal Setecentista,’ 23. 8 Maclean, ‘Lusitani Periti,’ 386. 9 Bethencourt, ‘Portugal: A Scrupulous Inquisition,’ 408. 10 Costa, ‘Os Livros e a Ordem do Saber Médico,’ 25-26. 11 Walker, ‘Physicians and Surgeons in the Service of the Inquisition,’ 31. 12 Walker, Doctors, Folk Medicine and the Inquisition, 76. 2 by the academic label of ‘occult virtues’), as has been indicated, too, by Isabel Drumond Braga.13 However, one should be careful in proposing a simple one-sided approach by academically trained physicians towards magical or folk medical practices. Concepts arising from learned Galenic medicine (or more particularly Arabic Galenism) can also be observed to, with equal ease, seep into folk medical practices; a process which is likely to have had its beginning many centuries before. As pointed out by Michael Solomon for the Spanish case in the early modern period, the rise in popularity of vernacular medical books (such as the ones discussed in the current thesis) also brought with it the mechanisms for a rapid appropriation of academic medical knowledge by non-academically trained healers. 14 This suggests a double-sided approach which resulted in a gradual proximity in concepts and overall language between physicians and folk healers. Focusing now on the scenario of medical knowledge production in 18th-century Portugal, we finally come to a situation where the long established canons of medicine (static in the University of Coimbra since 1597)15 begin to be questioned by a new emergent medical class increasingly aware of European Enlightenment paradigms. Through the very networks of the Inquisition, these same physicians would finally gain access to new non-Iberian medical and scientific texts and begin to revise their long- standing Galenic concepts. This, coupled with the increasing pressure of medical knowledge coming from America and Asia, results in what might be called a period of Transitional Medicine 16 ; a moment when individual physicians, begin to reconceptualize and rethink their own position and opinion concerning the ‘ancients’ and the ‘moderns’. These, establishing informal academies and extensive

13 Drumond Braga, ‘Medicina Popular versus Medicina Universitaria en el Portugal de Juan V (1705-1750),’ 2210-211. 14 Solomon, Fictions of Well-Being, 10. 15 Drumond Braga, ‘Medicina Popular versus Medicina Universitaria en el Portugal de Juan V (1705-1750),’ 211. 16 This same period is sometimes referred to in Portuguese scientific history as the ‘Medical Baroque’ (see Pita, História da Farmácia, 155). I personally disagree with this definition since this period doesn’t seem to have any inherent stability that would allow it to be considered as a concretely defined moment in Portuguese medical history. Rather, it seems much more similar to a process of progressive change from one medical paradigm into another. 3 correspondence networks in and outside of Iberia, begin an active production of literature meant to aid in the reformation and modernization of Portuguese medical knowledge, offering at times very personal and culturally located reading of the functioning of the body and the universe. This results in the creation of fascinating examples of medical practice not only organized along (Catholic) confessional lines (an occurrence which is perhaps better observed in 17th-century England)17 but also aiming at representing a certain aspect of proud national identity and uniqueness (along the tradition of the 17th-century Lusitani Periti).18 The current thesis focuses on three such physicians: João Curvo Semedo (1635 – 1719), Francisco da Fonseca Henriques (1665 – 1731) and Bernardo Pereira (1681 – after 1759), each occupying their own position along the spectrum of tradition versus innovation. In particular, this thesis seeks to explore how these figures, in this transitional period, conceptualize the overlap of medical knowledge and religion on such topics as sorcery, occult virtues and the evil eye.

2. Portuguese Academic Learning and Religious Institutionalism It is important to emphasize that this thesis is not interested in exploring the backwardness of 18th-century Portuguese medical theory and practice; it is rather concerned with the complicated articulations Portuguese rational medical discourse had to go through when confronted with the opposing realities of Renaissance and Enlightenment Europe and its own academic isolation. It is about the construction of medical and rational paradigms which could accommodate not only the most modern scientific concepts but also the most solid academic traditionalism and the always ambiguous certainty of the existence of immaterial and unseen forces with effective power over the lives of humans, constantly enforced by the ruling institutions of religious (be it the Church or the Inquisition) and academic power (the University of Coimbra or the Jesuits). Consequently, the various authors discussed here should not be simply considered as ignorant or gullible, but rather as truly conscious of the two mutually excluding worlds of which they were a part. Be it due to genuine faith, love of

17 Elmer, ‘Medicine, Witchcraft and the Politics of Healing in Late-Seventeenth-Century England,’ 226. 18 Maclean, ‘Lusitani Periti,’ 372. 4 knowledge, fear of persecution or brash iconoclasm, theirs was an existential struggle for balance and truth to which very little academic attention has been paid. It should be kept in mind that at all moments of this process of apparent intellectual ‘stagnation’ and decay, there were always individuals in both Portugal and Spain who were quite aware of the contrast between their nations and those beyond the Pyrenees and of the existence of outdated and contradicting scientific paradigms within their environment. In fact, this situation was not in any way limited to Iberia, as this phenomenon can be observed, in different degrees, to have happened in various European countries, with university-based education consistently falling short of coming to terms with new medical innovations which were rather discussed in private academies and circles.19 What can perhaps be considered to be the particularity of the Iberian case on the European scale is that this coexistence of contradicting paradigms was maintained until a much later date due to forces that actively prevented their natural resolution into a new medical paradigm, creating a somewhat schizophrenic environment between the official discourses of scholarly institutions (continuously dominated by Aristotelian conceptions) and, often, the very scholars within these institutions. This ultimately resulted in a visible institutional staleness but an invisible individual progressiveness. Focusing on the three studied authors, to understand their overall medical world view, and how this will eventually influence their understanding and conception of sorcery and related concepts, a certain degree of attention should be given to the University of Coimbra, where all three attained their medical degrees. Not focusing too much on its overall history, the form this institution came to assume after the 16th century (and which still today stands as the basis for all Portuguese universities) can be seen to influence not only the medical concepts of its students, but more important, their spiritual and religious opinions. This, as stated, is intimately related to a series of reforms in education and the University itself by King John III20 in 1555 and Queen Catherine of Austria21 in 1560

19 Burke, The Royal College of San Carlos, 33. 20 Gomes, Os Conimbricenses, 18. 21 Gomes, Os Conimbricenses, 20. 5 which ultimately resulted in the Company of Jesus acquiring the capacity to overpower the University and restructure it as a Jesuit school. As the Jesuits enter the University of Coimbra, they are forced into an initially uncomfortable coexistence with the already established Dominicans,22 which will eventually lead to the creation of an extremely long lasting bridge between the University, the Inquisition (equally established in 1536 by John III and under the charge of the Dominicans) and the Jesuits; an anti-Protestant triumvirate which will monopolize and control the major part of Portuguese institutional intellectual development for two hundred years, particularly in regards to the topics of medical innovation and conceptions of magic, as pointed out in Walker’s Doctors, Folk Medicine and the Inquisition. This resulted in every single student of Coimbra having as his philosophical base the remarkable commentaries to Aristotle issued by the Coimbra Jesuits, the Comentarii Collegii Conimbricencis Societatis Iesu (published between 1592 and 1606), the flagship of Jesuit Aristotelianism which would eventually be used worldwide in both Jesuit and non-Jesuit schools.23 This meant that all general scientific conceptions learned at Coimbra were par excellence Aristotelian, and, consequently, implicitly bound to the Galenic conceptions of healing and the body as also to the Catholic conception of the Universe and the place of God and the Devil in it. Still, to those Coimbra doctors who could see through the established medical- religious models, there were still alternatives for the acquisition of non-orthodox knowledge. Following one of Timothy Walker’s main theses in regards to the overlap of the Coimbra University and the Inquisition, the proximity between these two institutions actually created the conditions for a surprising mechanism of medical innovation and the coexistence of medicine and magic within the same physical and intellectual spaces. In the 18th century, as more and more physicians become aware of the new Enlightenment rational paradigms, many start to seek the position of Inquisition Familiares, lay cooperators of non-specified activity but frequently associated with

22 Braga, Historia da Universidade de Coimbra, Vol. 1, 264. 23 Sander, ‘Medical Topics in De anima Commentary of Coimbra (1598) and the Jesuits’ Attitude Towards Medicine in Education and Natural Philosophy,’ 80. 6 information gathering on any case which seemed to belong to the Inquisition’s jurisdiction.24 Physician Familiares could in fact instrumentalize the Inquisition for the persecution of folk and magic healers seen as direct professional competitors and, in the process, continuously accommodate such practices into the cosmovision offered by their Catholic-Aristotelian formation. Not only this, but the position of Familiar could also favor a ‘modern’ doctor on an individual level through access to forbidden literature, be it scientific or religious. Book censorship was equally a large part of Inquisitional activity, ranging from Inquisitorial visitations to bookshops, printing houses and newly ported ships in Portugal.25 Given the social and legal advantages of being a Familiar, the position not only protected innovative physicians from excessive prying from book censorship visitations but also provided a privileged position for the acquisition of forbidden literature. 26 However, this forbidden literature, as also observed by Francisco Bethencourt,27 could only be assimilated individually; it could not be quoted, integrated into new works or serve any function where it could produce an effective change in society at large. Likewise, even if innovative medical or religious books (either produced within or outside Iberia) could change the perspective of individual medical practitioners, these could not affect their general environment or the very teaching of medicine in Coimbra or any other university which had a completely unchangeable curriculum. This, as stated, even when the individuals reading such novel books were the very professors behind these institutions.28

3. Studied authors Following from the state of medical learning in Coimbra, and Jonathan Israel’s reading of the Enlightenment ‘revolution’, it seems that from the mid 17th to the mid 18th century, Portuguese medical authors mostly fell somewhere in what this scholar refers to as the moderate Enlightenment.29 Far from any extreme, what we find is a very

24 Torres, ‘Da Repressão Religiosa para a Promoção Social,’ 120. 25 Bethencourt, The Inquisition, 226-227. 26 Walker, Doctors, Folk Medicine and the Inquisition, 103. 27 Bethencourt, The Inquisition, 233. 28 Walker, Doctors, Folk Medicine and the Inquisition, 100-101. 29 Israel, ‘Enlightenment, Radical Enlightenment and the ‘Medical Revolution’ of late Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century,’ 6. 7 large middle ground of constant compromise between worldviews. This slow transition and change in mentalities also signified that, while there was an obvious tension between the ‘ancients’ and ‘moderns’, there was never a grand dramatic controversy with two groups being divided along a clear and tangible border.30 Focusing now on the three studied authors (João Curvo Semedo, Francisco da Fonseca Henriques and Bernardo Pereira), one aspect which cannot be underestimated in these, and which is fundamental for an understanding of their writings, is the ultimate reality of Christianity. These three authors, while aiming for a rational approach to medicine, do not remove themselves from a sacred system or sacred conception of the world in which Catholicism, with its miraculous blessings, saints, materia sacra and sorcery, are an accepted part of reality (whether they fully subscribed to Catholic dogma or not). This then creates another layer of compromise between faith and reason and to what extent these authors are willing to concede to the existence of supernatural forces which could affect human health and the material world in general. It is this back and forth of faith which this thesis hopes to ultimately explore; to what extent and in what ways supernatural agencies, occult forces and divine mysteries are sacrificed or renegotiated to naturalistic explanations and how these relate to the personal understanding of the universe in an extremely heterogeneous intellectual environment of melting borders.

3.1. João Curvo Semedo (1635 - 1719)

That on which scruples could trip is in the doctrine of some remedies, which appear superstitious, & in others as contrary to good customs, unless one would see the care with which the Author, who is not a disciple of Paracelsus, or Helmont, but a Familiar of the Holy Office, writes them down; for of some he says that he is unaware that they have a pact, neither does one find in them nonsensical words, useless figures, unknown Angelic names, Physical or moral falsehoods, nor promises of unfailing effects, which may exceed the

30 E.S., ‘Scientific Revolution and Pharmacy,’ 89. 8

power of these means, & which should not be applied without consulting a Confessor who is greatly learned and prudent.31

Following the (at times unreliable) information given by Diogo Barbosa Machado in his Biblioteca Lusitana (Lusitanian/Portuguese Library, an 18th-century dictionary of Portuguese authors), João Curvo Semedo (alternatively spelled Joam Curvo Semmedo, Joaõ Curvo Semmedo, the Castilian Juan Curbo Semmedo or the Latin Joannes Curvus Semmedus) was born in Monforte (Alentejo) on the first of December of 1635. He began his academic career in Lisbon at the Jesuit Colégio de Santo Antão,32 probably the most scientifically oriented school in Portugal at the time, covering the fields of physics, mathematics and applied sciences.33 Proceeding from here to the University of Coimbra, Curvo Semedo enrolls in medicine and, having been soon recognized for his intelligence, after the completion of his course began practicing in the Lisbon court, becoming a doctor of the Royal House.34 Curvo Semedo can be said to be one of the most influential physicians of his time, with some of his fame and books having reached beyond the Portuguese borders. His influence and authority can also be verified by the fact that, during his life, he was made a knight of the Order of Christ as well as a Familiar of the Holy Office.35 Regarding his published work, of relevance for the current thesis is firstly the Polyanthea Medicinal from 1697 (Medicinal Anthology, with reprints in 1704, 1716, 1727 and 1741),36 likely his most influential book. This stands as his magum opus, and it sets the tone for all of Curvo Semedo’s subsequent works, which at times seem

31 ‘Só em que poderia tropeçar o escrupulo he a doutrina de alguns remedios, que parecem supersticiosos, & outros contrários aos bons costumes, se senaõ vira a cautela comque o Autor, que naõ he disciplo de Paracelso, ou Helmoncio, mas Familia do Santo Officio, os escreve; porque de huns diz que naõ sabe que tenhaõ pacto, nem se lhes acha palavras naõ significativas, figuras inuteis, nomes desconhecidos de Anjos, falsidades Fysicas, ou moraes, nem promessa de efeito infalível, que exceda a força dos meyos, & que senaõ apliquem sem se consultar Confessor grande letrado, & prudente,’ in Santo Agostinho, Joaõ de (M.Fr.), ‘Licenças do Santo Officio,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte. 32 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana Historica, Critica, e Cronologica, Vol. 2, 643. 33 Leitão, ‘Sphæra Mundi,’ 19. 34 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana Historica, Critica, e Cronologica, Vol. 2, 643. 35 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana Historica, Critica, e Cronologica, Vol. 2, 643. 36 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana Historica, Critica, e Cronologica, Vol. 2, 643. 9 almost like further explanations, clarifications or examples of his system of healing put down in the Polyanthea. The book itself is divided into three treatises: the first one focuses on the virtues of vomit, on which he prescribes Quintilio powders (antimony) as an almost universal cure, which is nonetheless placed on semi-equal footing with the ‘Gilla of Theophrastus’ (white vitriol or zink sulfite). From here he takes the lead into the second, which is precisely on the virtues and medical uses of antimony. This is by far the longest part of the book, and in it he apparently prescribes this remedy for every single known disease, also offering numerous alternative remedies, be they ‘ancient’, ‘modern’ or his own original ones. The third and final treatise is on the usefulness and virtues of chymistry, which does not add much to the book in terms of medical practice, but is essentially Curvo Semedo placing himself on the side of the ‘moderns’ versus the ‘ancients’. Taking a step back from his preference for writing in Portuguese (to, in his own words, aid those living in villages and towns without a physician and solely supplied with incompetent Barbers or Surgeons)37 the next book of relevance is the Observationes aegritudinum fere incurabilium, printed in 1718. However, in 1727 this book is once again posthumously reprinted in Portuguese under the title Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinaes de Cem Casos Gravissimos (Doctrinal Medical Observations of One Hundred Most Grave Cases, Curvo Semedo died in 1719) saying that, by issuing this one book in two languages he will be able to silence those who complained to him about the Portuguese used in his first book and those who complained about the Latin of his second, so that one may ‘choose the one best liked’.38 This comprises summaries of a hundred (and one) difficult and mysterious cases successfully cured by Curvo Semedo, an entire section of which is dedicated to healing the effects of sorcery. Finally, his last relevant work, published between these two editions, is the 1720 Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte (Watchtower of Life Against the Hostilities of Death), a further compendium of remedies and cures and his last original book. This one stands clearly at the end of Curvo Semdo’s life as he complains about his old age and presents the book as a correction of some of the errors of his youth

37 Curvo Semmedo, ‘Prologo ao Leytor,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal. 38 ‘escolhesses a de que gostasses,’ in Curvo Semmedo, ‘Prologo ao Leytor,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais. 10 and the ultimate treasure and distillation of all his medical knowledge.39 Interestingly, some cases addressed in this book are actually the same as those described in the Observationes/Observaçoens (namely those of sorcery), but these are here presented in much greater detail. Apart from his books, three pamphlets can also be found under his name. These often times are quite repetitive and seem to be mostly glorified publicity brochures for his own brand of secret remedies, the Remedios Curvianos (Curvian Remedies). This leads us to one of the most relevant aspects of Curvo Semedo’s work and his own medical brand as a Segredista (Secretists, a manufacturer of secret remedies). The Curvian Remedies in time will become a powerful and recognized institution of 18th-century Portuguese medicine, as through the action of his nephews, even after his death, these will continue to be known through books published by his descendents (such as the Compendio dos Segredos Medicinais, ou Remedios Curvianos/Compendium of Medicinal Secrets, or Curvian Remedies by Manuel José Curvo Semedo, published in 1783). Even outside of Portugal some instances can be found of compendiums of Curvian Medicine, such as the Secretos Medicos y Chirurgicos del Doctor Don Juan Curbo Semmedo (Medical and Surgical Secrets of the Doctor Sir Juan Curbo Semmedo), collected and translated into Castilian by Thomas Cortijo, court doctor of Madrid in 1735 given that ‘with such favorable wind of esteem and applause have the Works of Doctor Curvo been received in the Provinces of our Spain, that they have been the lure of the most scholarly curiosity’.40 Looking into the Curvian Remedies, in the Polyanthea he usually refers to them as being twelve, but these seem to have been expanded to fourteen in the Atalaya.41 Of note among these are the extremely popular Cordeal Bezoartico, an artificial Bezoar stone against heart afflictions, poisons and venoms, and the Água Lusitana (Lusitanian

39 Curvo Semmedo, ‘Prologo ao Leytor,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte. 40 ‘[c]on tan favorable viento de estimacio, y aplauso se han recebido las Obras del Doctor Curbo en las Provincias de nuestra España, que han sido cebo de la curiosidade mas estudiosa,’ in Cortijo, Thomas, ‘Prologo a El Lector,’ in Cortijo, Thomas, Secretos Medicos y Chirurgicos Del Doctor Don Juan Curbo Semmedo. 41 Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte, 333. 11

Water), a remedy of quinine infused wine used against intermittent fevers (typically malaria) which he mentions was used in the Lisbon Royal Hospital.42 As defined by Paul Christopher Johnson’s 2002 Secrets, Gossip, and Gods, Secretism can be understood as the active circulation of a secret without its revelation; the promotion of the reputation of what lays inaccessible.43 This same kind of promotion of secrets is equally valid in the case of Portuguese medical Secretism, but tracking the origins of this tradition, it can perhaps be followed back to medical and natural secret books such as the Secrets of Galen or the Secrets of Women, attributed to Albertus Magnus.44 However, it has probably much clearer connection to Alchemical literature streamlined by Arabic Galenism and late chymistry in Portugal coupled together with the rise of merchant and capitalist culture, a late manifestation of scientific knowledge secrecy as described by William Eamon’s Science and the Secrets of Nature. From the alchemical vein, the keeping of a miraculous cure a secret was the propagation of the idea of harnessing the occult properties of nature as an individualistic pursue of understanding and knowledge, and will ultimately be connected to the implicit mystery and divinity underlying the natural world. From a contemporary academic perspective, Portuguese Segredismo can very well be placed under the umbrella of esotericism, particularly in Wouter Hanegraaff's conception of this field as the study of ‘rejected knowledge’,45 given that, as pointed out by José Pedro Sousa Dias, from an Enlightenment perspective the existence and production of secret remedies becomes a deep philosophical problem. Segredismo in the Portuguese 18th century becomes a synonym for anti-Enlightenment. While this aims at the production and communication of clear and observable knowledge, Segredismo implies the opposite. While this problem was not too serious in Curvo Semedo’s own time, the issue will eventually reach its apex in the second half of the 18th century, a period when a concerted campaign against this form of medicine is headed by the next generation of Portuguese physicians and thinkers such as Luís António Verney, João Mendes Sachetti Barbosa (at one time a segredista himself) and

42 Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 321. 43 Johnson, Secrets, Gossip, and Gods, 3. 44 Fanger, ‘Secrecy II,’ 1055. 45 Hanegraaff, ‘Forbidden Knowledge,’ 226. 12

António Nunes Ribeiro Sanches46 (a student of Hermann Boerhaave who would later head and inform some of the major reforms in Portuguese medicine in general47 and the University of Coimbra in particular).48 In sum, given the inability of fair and rational analysis of the composition of a particular remedy, this could not in any way be trusted, and its creator became thus no different from a charlatan, magic healer or miracle worker, promising cures without being able to scientifically prove their reality.49 As once again suggested by Dias, the use of medical Secretism can also be seen in 18th- century Portugal as a dying mechanism to shield a new remedy from potential criticism and condemnation from any of the conservative fields of the ‘ancients’ and the ‘moderns’. By keeping the ingredients and methods of fabrication undisclosed, a novel remedy or technique (of truly beneficial use) could be much more easily accepted by the general population, a factor which could, for a time, hold back the condemnation of the intellectual Enlightenment elites.50 In the particular case of Curvo Semedo, this potential novelty was his open support and use of chymistry. Looking into his writings, Curvo Semedo is extremely complex and at times even self contradicting in his support of either a chymical or classical outlook, it being ultimately doubtful whether a coherent medical worldview can be ascribed to him. Overall, it is clear that his whole conception of the medical universe, the characteristics of the human body and the functioning of remedies and cure in general is completely Galenic. Medicine is for him still about balancing humors (on which he concedes in part to Harvey’s discovery of blood circulation)51 and, in most cases, curing via the allopathic use of contraries (a hot disease being cured with a cold remedy), as opposed to the more Paracelsian homeopathic approach. However, he does still admit to such forms of therapy, as stated in one of his criticisms of Galenism:

I condemn the Galenic School when they say that the contraries cure their contraries; for I see that with aguardente, & spirit of Wine, which are extremely

46 Dias, A Água de Inglaterra, 65. 47 Walker, Doctors, Folk Medicine and the Inquisition, 126. 48 Dias, ‘Jacob de Castro Sarmento e a Conversão à Ciência Moderna,’ 70. 49 Dias, A Água de Inglaterra, 66. 50 Dias, A Água de Inglaterra, 86-87. 51 Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 807. 13

hot things, Erysipelas are cured marvelously, which are most hot, & I also see that with wine and Quinine, which are hot, are quartan and tercian fevers perfectly cured (…)52

What he seems to imply is that the cure with contraries is not universal, and certain instances do exists where a disease of a certain quality needs to be cured with one of the same quality, a hallmark of Paracelsian medicine.53 However, since his view is at its base Galenic, the functioning of homeopathic cures becomes entirely mysterious to him, meaning that the fact that these cures do effectively work is frequently ascribed to ‘occult virtues’, as he mentions in his Observaçoens.54 Following what appears to be his own definition of occult virtues, these are mostly used as an umbrella term for all those things which are outside of reason and possible knowing. In Curvo Semedo’s case, as his view is purely Galenic, when placed before a non-deniable observation which falls outside of Galenism, the explanation of this event will simply be that this functions by an unknowable occult virtue, given that admitting a knowable and rational functioning behind it would effectively bring down the school of Galen (and throw an immense wrench into the Aristotelian-Catholic cosmos). Finally, the last aspect of Curvo Semedo’s therapeutic world view which deserves considerable attention is his interest in folk medicine, at times bordering on magic (a word he never actually uses). It is relevant to note that this issue was equally important for Paracelsus (Philippus Aureolus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, 1493 – 1541) an extraordinarily relevant Swiss author on the topics of Medicine and chymistry and one of the great banner carriers for the ‘moderns’, anti-Galenism55 and an experimentalist approach to

52 ‘Condeno a Eschola Galenica, quando diz que os contrários se curão com os seus contrários; porque vejo que com a agua ardente, & com spirito de Vinho, que saõ cousas quentíssimas, se curão maravilhosamente as Erisipelas, que são quentíssimas; & tambem vejo que com vinho, & Quinaquina, que saõ quentes, se curaõ perfeitamente as febres quartãs, & terçãs (…),’ in Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 321. 53 Webster, Paracelsus, 147-148. 54 Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 37-38. 55 Pagel, Paracelsus, 249. 14 healing.56 Beyond this, Paracelsus was also responsible for the creation of extremely long lasting and influential conceptions of the overlapping of magic, religion and medicine, creating an extraordinarily unified vision of the universe where empirical medicine from illiterate layers of society could be accepted and fitted into.57 However, given the reluctance Curvo Semedo has in mentioning this author in his wittings (which could simply be due to the negative attention this would give his books in the eyes of the Inquisitional censors) it might be impossible to determine if Curvo Semedo adopted this tendency from him or if such an interest was self developed. Once again underlying his perfect location in the debate of Transitional Medicine, Curvo Semedo very openly claims that ‘often times a simple old woman knows that which a great scholar does not’58 and that ‘in things which may seem ridiculous, or hoaxes of old benzedeiras, one may sometimes find admirable remedies’.59 This makes his character even more complex due to the use of the term benzedeira (blesser), one of the specific terms used to identify Portuguese rural folk healers such as the ones being targeted by Coimbra trained physicians in the ranks of the Familiares. This could actually mean that, as a Familiar himself and a potential expert witness on benzedeira trials, he was willing to defend, at least in theory, the practices of illicit health practitioners, although no evidence of this has been found.

3.2.Francisco da Fonseca Henriques (1665 - 1731)

(…) with the change of times are also the rules of the faculties changed: & what was useful three hundred years ago, today may not be beneficial. With elegant reasons, in many parts of your SOCCORRO DELPHICO does Your

56 Roy, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind, 202. 57 Pagel, Paracelsus, 249. 58 ‘muitas vezes sabe huma velha simplez o que nam sabe hum grande letrado,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 825. 59 ‘em cousas que parecem ridiculas, ou embustes de velhas benzedeyras, se acham algumas vezes remedies admiráveis,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte, 57. 15

Excellency prove this truth, & following the doctrine of the Moderns, disprove the discipline, & opinion of the Ancients.60

We greatly venerate the doctrine of Hippocrates, but we do not make ourselves slaves to it.61

Francisco da Fonseca Henriques (alternatively spelled Francisco da Fonseca Henriquez) was born on October 6th of 1665 in the northern region of Trás-os-Montes, more precisely in the town of Mirandela. His initial studies seem to have been performed in his home region.62 Completing these he enrolls in the University of Coimbra to study medicine, having finished his degree around the age of twenty three according to the information provided by the City Hall of Mirandela.63 Besides this, as mentioned by Diogo Barbosa Machado, he was equally skilled in Rhetoric, mythology and Latin, being a proficient poet.64 He starts his professional career in Chaves in the Portuguese North, eventually establishing himself in his home town in 1695. Becoming popular with influential sections of the Portuguese nobility, he eventually moves to Lisbon and becomes the personal physician of King John V and thus a professional rival of Curvo Semedo.65 Among his most relevant works we can mention the book Pleuricologia Sive Syntagma Universale from 1701. From his own words, later published in his major work Medicina Lusitana, he describes this book as being ‘a daughter of the School of Galen’66 although

60 ‘(…) com a mudança dos tempos se mudão também as regras das faculdades: & o que ha trezentos annos are util, hoje pòde naõ ser proveytosa. Com elegantes razões, em muytas partes do seu SOCCORRO DELPHICO prova V.M. esta verdade, & seguindo a doutrina dos Modernos, reprova a disciplina, & opiniaõ dos Antigos,’ in Coutinho, Paschoal Ribeyro, ‘Carta que Paschoal Ribeyro Coutinho escreveo ao Doutor Francisco da Fonseca Henriques Author destas Ilustrações,’ in Fonseca Henriques, Madeyra Illustrado. 61 ‘Nós veneramos muyto a doutrina de Hipocrates, mas naõ nos fazemos escravo della,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana, 96. 62 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana Historica, Critica, e Cronologica, Vol. 2, 156. 63 n.a., ‘Francisco da Fonseca Henriques (Dr. Mirandela)’. 64 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana Historica, Critica, e Cronologica, Vol. 2, 156. 65 n.a., ‘Francisco da Fonseca Henriques (Dr. Mirandela)’. 66 ‘filha da Escola de Galeno,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, ‘Prolemma,’ Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed). 16 in it he openly quotes anti-Galenists such as Garcia da Orta, Paracelsus, Van Helmont and Robert Boyle or even religiously problematic authors such as Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa.67 In 1710, he publishes what is likely his most important work, the Medicina Lusitana e Soccorro Delphico (Lusitanian/Portuguese Medicine and Delphic/Apollonian/Oracular Relief), written in Portuguese but printed in Amsterdam. This book is once again a perfect example of Transitional Medicine, as in its prologue he mentions that it is a book which follows no ‘School in particular or any other sect other than reason’.68 Following the line already established in the Pleuricologia, this books challenges to a great degree the established medical landscape, being on most accounts much more provocative than any of Curvo Semedo’s contributions. Of particular relevance in this book is the extremely detailed description of the medical functioning of concepts such as the evil eye, occult virtues and lunar influences, on which he is greatly dependent on Joan Baptista Van Helmont’s (1579 – 1644) theories of magnetism and sympathies and which will be discussed in detail below. Van Helmont should also highlighted given his position as one of the most relevant Paracelsians, both is his support of chymical medicine and his unified scientific and religious worldview.69 Beyond continuing the inquiries into magic and unseen forces proposed by Paracelsus, Van Helmont can also be credited with cementing the medical use of chymistry70 and his following by both Curvo Semedo and Fonseca Henriques clearly marks them as medial innovators in the midst of Portuguese medical traditionalism. Returning to Latin, in 1711 Fonseca Henriques publishes the Apiarium Medico- Chymicum Chyrurgicum, & Pharmaceuticum, once again printed in Amsterdam. This book is structured by presenting an extensive list of medical ‘observations’ and Fonseca Henriques’ proscribed cures as drawn from the medical conceptualizations put down in the Medicina Lusitana, somewhat similar to Curvo Semedo’s

67 Fonseca Henriquez, ‘Authorum Apographe,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Pleuricologia. 68‘Escola particular, nem mays seytas, que a da rezam,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, ‘Prolemma,’ Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed). 69 Roy, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind, 207. 70 Pagel, Paracelsus, 1. 17

Observaçoens. This book seems to once again lean towards Galen but it still retains the theory of the circulation of blood.71 What is likely the most interesting item in his bibliography, is the Madeyra Ilustrado from 1715 (Madeira Illuminated). This is actually a re-print of the book Methodo de Conhecer e Curar o Morbo Gallico (Method of Recognizing and Healing the French Disease) by Duarte Madeira Arrais (alternatively spelled Duarte Madeira Arraiz, Duarte Madeyra Arraes, Eduardo Madeira Arrais or Edward Madeira Arrais), one of the most relevant medical doctors of the previous generation, personal doctor of King John IV.72 This books also contains Fonseca Henriques’ Dissertaçaõ Unica dos Humores Naturaes do Corpo Humano (Single Dissertation of the Natural Humors of the Human Body), a dissertation on the humors in which he proposes a radically altered humoral theory, drawing greatly on Harvey and bringing down large parts of the standard Galenic theory and which frames some of his understanding of the effects and generation of the evil eye (which is to be discussed in detail below). Stepping out of purely medical books, one other work which is worth mentioning and which will reveal itself valuable for the understanding of some of his religious concepts (or lack of) and how these relate to healing is his Aquilegio Medicinal (Medicinal [Water] Reservoir) from 1726, a guide to Portuguese springs, fountains, rivers, wells, lakes and cisterns possessing medicinal properties. It is of course tempting to relate Fonsenca Henriques’ attention to water therapy with Paracelsus’ own interest in mineral water and the therapeutic values of mineral baths.73 However, analyzing this book reveals that in it he does not quote a single author, making its inspiration on Paracelsus (whom he quotes in the Medicina Lusitana and the Madeyra Ilustrado) impossible to confirm. Despite being a rival of Curvo Semedo, and occasionally criticizing his medical point of view,74 the relationship between both of these physicians seems to have been one of high cordiality. Not only are both of them frequent authors of letters of congratulations in each other’s books and, at times, even approvers of the same books

71 Amorim da Costa, ‘Da Farmácia Galénica à Farmácia Química no Portugal Setecentista,’ 26. 72 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana Historica, Critica, e Cronologica, Vol. 1, 822. 73 Pagel, Paracelsus, 201. 74 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 30. 18 for the royal court, but both Fonseca Henriques and Curvo Semedo frequently quote each other, and Fonseca Henriques will even frequently prescribe the Curvian Remedies as cures (particularly the Cordeal Bezoartico).75 Similar to Curvo Semedo, Fonseca Henriques also possesses his own line of secret remedies, although these don’t seem to have ever been as popular as those of his rival. Looking into his remedies, in the end of the first edition of his Medicina Lusiana he lists twenty three of them, which, by its second edition, twenty years later, he claims to have made public.76 Among these, special mention should be made for his Pos Para o Quebranto (Evil Eye Powders), a medical cure for the effects of the evil eye. While being probably much more confrontational and provocative than Curvo Semedo, Fonseca Henriques’ own personal medical position, and the reason why he can so easily skip between medical schools, is probably due to the fact that, apart from errors of observation which time has corrected, he does not consider Galenism or the Aristoteliam conception of the universe to be intrinsically wrong (going to the point of quoting from the Conimbricencis in his books). In fact, one may almost say that he has a very unifying vision of the world, at times simply claiming that the differences observed between schools of thought are merely in nomenclature, and that deep down these do not contradict each other. Still, keeping with the tendency of Curvo Semedo, and the overlap between Portuguese academic and folk medicine, Fonseca Henriques also seems to be somewhat positive regarding the collection of remedies from the ‘ignorant and rustic’. This he seems to associate with his subscription to rational experimentalism in that ‘we have so little presumptuousness that we despise nothing, for we know that in the virtue of a vile remedy, and ridiculous to the mind, is often times the health of the patient, who with more precious remedies could not recover’.77 Yet, even with this further articulation he still seems to follow a strict doctrine of cure through opposites,

75 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 161. 76 Fonseca Henriques, ‘Prolemma,’ in Fonseca Henriques, Medicina Lusitana (1731 ed). 77 ‘nós temos taõ puco presunção, que nada desprezamos, porque sabemos, que na virtude de hum remedio vil, e ao parecer ridiculo, está muytas vezes a saude do doente, que com remedies mays preciosos se naõ pode recobrar,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 122. 19 not even, apparently, admitting to the use of homeopathy resulting from unknowable occult qualities, particularly in the issue of poisons.78 Further adding layers of interest and complexity to his medical worldview is his support for the theory of correspondences between the human body, the planets, the stars, the elements and the humors,79 with particular relevance given to the Moon. This is an aspect which is much less relevant in Curvo Semedo, and analyzing Fonseca Henriques’ ‘pharmacological theory’ he will with much greater frequency refer to the appropriate times for a plant to be picked or the appropriate time to treat a disease. While he originally bases his acceptance of this paradigm from classical authors, he also uses it as his gateway into the concepts of the Microcosm and Macrocosm, where he easily overlaps the ‘moderns’ and the ‘ancients’. While both Curvo Semedo and Fonseca Henriques are likely the two most visible proponents of medical modernization in Portugal in the late 17th and early 18th century, it can be observed that their methodologies and medical conceptions are at times at odds. Fonseca Henriques is always much more open and uncompromising in his admiration and divulgence of the ‘moderns’ such as Harvey, Van Helmont and particularly Paracelsus. While not shunning Galenism, his repeated use of terms such as ‘slavery’ when addressing classical medicine may also reveal an open tension and challenge to the medical, the academic and (indirectly) the religious establishment. The fact that he stood at the top of the Portuguese medical hierarchy as personal physician of King John V and had the capacity to have his books printed in Amsterdam and safely smuggled back into Portugal seems to have given him enough freedom for the several intellectual liberties he openly took in his books.

3.3. Bernardo Pereira (1681 – after 1759)

For being Bernardo Pereyra a single man, in such a way do we see him multiplied in this Tome as a wise man that in one part we admire him as a Theologian, in another we recognize him a Physician; here we venerate him as a Jurisconsult, there we respect him as a Moralist, in one chapter, Humanist,

78 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 392. 79 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 2. 20

in another Politician; but he is in everything a single one, that in all of this he is unique and a consummate and universal Doctor, who among the Heroes, and the greater Heroes one owes him the greatest esteem.80

Bernardo Pereira (alternatively spelled Bernardo Pereyra) was born on the 11th of December of 1681 in Miranda (unspecified but likely Miranda do Douro in the Trás-os- Montes), being the son of the doctor Manuel Lopes Pereira. He begins his studies in his home city and, following his father’s footsteps, goes to Coimbra to enroll in the faculty of medicine, graduating in 1709. In an unusual academic move, a few years after completing his medical degree, he once again enrolls in Coimbra to study law, graduating again in 1739 and establishing his medical practice in Sardoal in the central region of Portugal.81 Analyzing his writings (even if few), his dual graduation is very clearly perceived, as he easily presents himself as a multidisciplinary erudite, discoursing on several topics and analyzing any single one from a multiplicity of different angles frequently using complex and at times cryptic phrasal structures. The first of his works relevant for the current study is a booklet from 1719, entitled Discurso Apologetico Que Em Defensa dos Prodigios da Natureza Vistos Pela Experiencia & Qualificados Por Força de Hum Sucesso Para o Conhecimento de Muytos Effeytos, & Occultas Qualidades (Apologetic Discourse in Defense of the Prodigies of Nature Seen By Experience & Qualified By the Evidence of a Success For the Knowledge of Many Effects & Occult Qualities). This small work takes the lead from a supposed marvelous birth of a monster in the town of Castelo Branco to present this as an example of wonder and marvel still present in the world and which lies outside of any possible investigation by the rational mind.

80 ‘Pois sendo Bernado Pereyra hum só em quanto homem, de tal sorte o vemos multiplicado neste Tomo em quanto sabio que em huã parte o admiramos Theologo, em outra o reconhecemos Medico; aqui o veneramos Jurisconsulto, alli o respeitamos Moralista, em hum capitulo, Humanista, em outro Politico; màs em tudo taõ hum, que em todos hè unico, taõ consumado e universal Doutor, que entre os Heroes, e maiores Hereos se lhe deve a primeira estimação,’ in Manitta, Francisco Xavier, ‘Carta do D. Francisco Xavier Manitta, Medico do primeiro Partido do Real Convento da Ordem de Christo da Villa de Thomar,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica. 81 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana, Vol 1, 535. 21

By the example of this remarkable marvel, Pereira goes on to list equally marvelous things mentioned by the ‘ancients’ and which have been discredited by the ‘moderns’, taking this occurrence to mean that other such marvels should not be disregarded. Looking at it as a whole, this pamphlet seems to effectively present an extremely interesting reconversion narrative from the ‘modern’ mentality and the general Enlightenment back into religious orthodoxy and the classics. A somewhat personal confirmation of newly found faith to once again re-enchant the universe.82 Following this ideological line, his next book is the 1734 Anacephaleosis Medico- Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral e Politica (Medico-Theological, Magical, Legal, Moral and Political Summary). This is a book specifically written to tackle issues of sorcery, the evil eye and demonic illnesses from a medical perspective and it is a remarkably unorthodox work by its unusual structure, breadth of angles and discussions and non linear form. Being a truly baroque piece of writing, the overall discussion of this book (structured by dissertations and observations) is frequently broken to include letters and impressions from priests, bishops and even Pereira’s father (who seems to have shared his interest in the medical conceptualization and rationalization of supernatural diseases) offering theological and legal disputations against the practice of magic and its cure. Besides these, Pereira himself frequently moves on to what he refers to as Parensis, Reflexões and Digressões (Parentheses, Reflections and Digressions) on medico-political, theological-moral, medico-practical- political-moral, medico-theological-ethico-political, medico-botanical, or any other combination of subjects into the topic he might be addressing. This strange and fascinating complexity he justifies by the fact that for him medicine is the most complex of all subjects, and one must have a perfect understanding of all other sciences (including theology) in order to be a proficient doctor.83 Although by far not as relevant as Curvo Semedo and Fonseca Henriques, Pereira was nonetheless a member of the Portuguese medical and Enlightenment circles (at least at one time). Particular evidence of this is a letter by Curvo Semedo included in the Anacephaleosis which suggests that Pereira had sent him a copy of his book in order to

82 Pereyra, Discurso Apologetico, 21. 83 Pereyra, ‘Prologo A Quem Ler este Livro,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico- Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica. 22 ask him to be its reviewer, which was replied to with praise.84 Other than that, evidences of the high esteem Pereira had for Curvo Semdo can also be found by several references to him and his method of healing throughout the Anacephaleosis. On the case of the relationship between Pereira and Fonseca Henriques, this seems to rather be one of open animosity. This problematic relationship seems to emerge from Fonseca Henriques’ Medicina Lusitana when, while discussing the uses of steel for liver blockages, he somewhat gratuitously makes a reference to Manoel Lopes Pereira (Bernardo Pereira’s father) and his 1700 book Xeniolum Medico Theorico Practicum, & Humana Vitæ Utilissimum ex Ditissimo Auctorum Ærario, ac Febrium Universali Tractatione Magna Solicitudine de Proptum; Opus Tyronibus Necessarium, & Doctis Non Injundum.85 This criticism by Fonseca Henriques can of course be understood by the difference in conceptions of healing and disease obviously existent between him and Lopes Pereira, but the fact that he addresses him directly by name in his book is suggestive of a more personal angle which may be all but invisible to us. Being an obvious defender of his father, Bernardo Pereira (whose medical outlook he continuously supports and propagates in the Anacephaleosis) seems to take every opportunity to get back at Fonseca Henriques throughout his writings.86 But, even with his personal distaste for Fonseca Henriques, Pereira can still quote and reference him as a source of authority on the ‘moderns’ versus ‘ancients’ debate, although not as a way to validate the ‘moderns’, but rather to try to salvage the ‘ancients’. Ultimately his position in that debate seems to be that of fighting a losing battle; he is aware and largely accepts the ‘moderns’ and their new medicines, but among these he seems to be trying to salvage what he can of the classical religious conceptualization of the body, the world and the invisible agencies within these.87

84 Curvo Semmedo, Carta do D. Joam Curvo Semmedo Cavaleyro Professo da Ordem de Christo, Familiar do S. Officio, e Medico da Caza Real,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica. 85 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana, Vol 3, 298. 86 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 46. 87 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 209. 23

In this way, while occasionally exhibiting knowledge of chymical nomenclature88 and being a very open admirer of Curvo Semedo and his particular brand of chymistry, Pereira will fall in line with the more conservative Galenists in condemning Paracelsus as a heresiarc, on par with Luther, Calvin and Arius89 and, together with Van Helmont, an outright imposter.90 Equally, he subscribes to Galenic cure by contraries91 and seems to have a preference for the use of simple drugs instead of the compound ones typical of Arabic Galenism, at one point dismissing Avicenna as an atheist.92 His Galenic preference also frames for his observance of folk medicine, as he sees this as a repository of remedies from the ‘ancients’ (but only if the ambiguous line between folk medicine and magic is well defined). On a contemporary academic level, particularly the analysis made of him by Walker93 and Drumond Braga,94 it is this particular point in Pereira and his extensive dealings with sorcery in general, which seems to often characterize him as a dispeller of folk magic and medical errors arising from supernatural beliefs. This interpretation may not be entirely correct, as his book clearly subscribes and reinforces the certainty of sorcery and in the immaterial malefic agency of demons and the Devil, meaning that it is not so much a dispeller of ‘superstitions’ but rather a text urging the persecution and prohibition of such practices precisely because of their unquestionable reality. Following on this same line, like Fonseca Henriques, Pereira also pays a considerable amount of attention to heavenly bodies and the Moon for the application of remedies (particularly purges)95 and in the collection of materia medica, being a believer in the occult virtues of the stars over the entire sublunar world96 but still considering astrology to be unlawful.97 Collecting Pereira’s full view of medicine, cure and healing,

88 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 333. 89 Pereyra, ‘Prologo A Quem Ler este Livro,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico- Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica. 90 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 316. 91 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 88. 92 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 1. 93 Walker, Doctors, Folk Medicine and the Inquisition, 115-116. 94 Drumond Braga, ‘Medicina Popular versus Medicina Universitaria en el Portugal de Juan V (1705-1750),’ 216. 95 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 190. 96 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 351. 97 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 133. 24 one can perhaps call his brand of medicine Pia Medicina, a medical practice and conception which takes its whole base and authority from the Divine Scripture.98 Taking precisely the example of the Anacephaleosis, and its specific treatment of supernatural and malefic illness, not only is Pereira’s medical conception taken from the Bible and its Catholic commentators, but equally the very concept of cure is intrinsically dependent on close observance of orthodox Catholic practice and life style. While such a perspective is not without precedent, be it from Catholic or Protestant environments, a good example of which is ironically Paracelsus, the main difference with Pereira is his place as an academically trained physician. His medical religiousness is not solely based on faith or the passive following of Catholic dogma, but on the reconceptualization of this into a medical worldview where, in light of modern advancement, faith cannot sustain itself solely on face value. Hence, when looking at the Anacephaleosis, this book is not at all an eccentric literary expression of a medical religious zealot obsessed with sorcery and the Devil, but rather the natural output of a physician who is attempting to construct a coherent worldview between the certainty of religion and the undeniable observations of rational science.

4. Occult Virtues, Evil Eye and Sorcery in 18th-Century Portuguese Medicine

4.1. Determining the Field of Study Approaching now the main topic of this thesis, a number of issues need to be firstly addressed before any kind of analysis of sorcery, occult virtues or magic in 18th-century Portuguese medicine can be done. First of all, an initial survey of the studied literature reveals that the use of the word ‘magic’ is extraordinarily rare in the three studied authors, being only used by Bernardo Pereira and without any substantial relevance. Nonetheless, many other concepts are repeatedly used by these which could somehow be placed under this one term. This, as pointed out by Bernd-Christian Otto and Michael Stausberg, is part of the problem of the definition of ‘magic’: its almost

98 Pereyra, ‘Prologo A Quem Ler este Livro,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico- Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica. 25 arbitrary use as an umbrella term to cover a number of other concepts such as those of ‘amulets’, ‘astrology’, ‘fumigations’ or ‘necromancy’.99 Building upon Marco Pasi’s ‘Theses de Magia’,100 a lot of these concepts can also be observed to be period and geographically dependent, meaning that, in order to be addressed academically, they first need to be delimited to our temporal and geographical location. Given the difficulties in accurately identifying, pinpointing and isolating ‘magic’ as an umbrella for the terms concretely used by the studied authors, it is likely that the most appropriate methodology to approach them will be to simply disregard the concept of ‘magic’ and any definitions proposed by fellow academics altogether. Such should not be seen as an immoderate move, but rather the recognition that the particular circumstances under study (18th-century Portuguese medicine) have never been treated or examined for the search and definition of the concepts we wish to analyze. Consequently, following a borrowed definition will in all likeliness impose a forcibly alien and deformative view on our topic of study. In short: the term ‘magic’ is abandoned because it’s not used in our sources and to use it would be to project upon them. Stepping outside of ‘magic’, instead of starting off from a predetermined definition and working our way thought the current sources in search of instances in which it might fit, we will instead take a bottom-up approach. To delimitate what we are to address in the current chapter we will simply define this as: ‘immaterial powers and agencies which are addressed in a medical context by the studied authors’. These can then range from 1) immaterial agencies causing physical effects (eg.: a demon causing a disease or a saint causing a cure); 2) material agencies causing immaterial effects (eg.: fumigation or consumption of a particular herb to drive away a demon); 3) physical agencies causing a physical effect through an immaterial means of communication (ex.: an object whose presence or proximity will heal a body); and 4) immaterial agencies causing an immaterial effects (ex.: driving away a disease causing demon with prayer). These are the four extremes of the circle used to delimitate our area of interest, but in all likelihood we will most often be dealing with instances which can be seen as possibly belonging to several of these four categories simultaneously.

99 Otto and Stausberg, ‘General Introduction,’ 2. 100 Pasi, ‘Theses de magia,’ 2. 26

Comparing this with other historical approaches to magic, one immediate result is that it completely ignores any possible distinction between ‘magic’, ‘religion’ and science’, hallmarks of what is referred to as the Intellectualist School, mostly exemplified by Edward Burnett Tylor and James Frazer. Furthermore, ignoring the relation between social organization, magic and religion, this approach equally stands outside of the Functionalist School of Marcel Mauss and Emile Durkhiem, 101 as it is not interested in social organization, but merely in the immateriality of a perceived agency. How this approach relates to the theories derived by Lucien Lévy-Bruhl is somewhat more complex, since it cannot easily distinguish between ‘instrumental causality’ and ‘participation’.102 Given the ultimate rational nature of the physicians under study, even though they may address the topic of immateriality and intangible agencies, these are presented largely as linear mechanisms of cause-and-effect (which once again adds difficulties to the possibility of fitting them to the Intellectualist School idea of ‘primitive’ mentality).103 However, looking at the underlying way in which these mechanisms work, these are (from our contemporary perspective) ‘participatory’, meaning that their reality is rooted in ‘religious’ concepts. Pointing out one of the problems with Lévy-Bruhl, this shouldn’t actually be particularly troubling for the understanding or definition of what we are to study, since religious reality in this context is as equally rational and observable to the studied authors as any other scientific ‘instrumental causality’ effect (ex.: humor theory), which can in any way be grounded in ‘participation’ mentality in the same sense that any and all ‘science’ is also grounded in it. Still comparing it with other attempts at definition, our approach will likely be closer to Richard Kierckhefer’s idea of ‘magic as crossroad’ discussed in his book Magic in the Middle Ages. As in our case, his approach equally allows for the overlapping of folk and intellectual concepts, as also religious and scientific,104 being the ultimate difference that this scholar binds these specifically to the concept of ‘magic’, which, as stated, has been abandoned in our case given that it is not explicitly used by the studied authors

101 Hanegraaff, ‘Magic,’ 394. 102 Hanegraaff, ‘Magic,’ 395. 103 Pasi, ‘Magic,’ 1135. 104 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 1. 27 to refer to the elements we wish to study. Consequently, the instances where the four modes of immaterial agency defined above are identified in the sources will not be labeled as instances of ‘magic’ or ‘sorcery’ from our observant position. They will rather be addressed by the nomenclature used by the authors themselves, with no projection of categories or significance by an outside observer. This then raises extra problems in the approach to these topics: if we merely take their definition at face value, how can we relate these between themselves, between authors (in the cases no definitions are explicitly given), or between this period and geographical location and any other? How can we be sure if when an author says ‘amulet’ he means the same as another using that same word, and what is actually the meaning of this word he is using? Given the particularities of the period, location and characters we are studying, taking Pasi’s lead, the ideal would be to find what would be the generally accepted significance of words such as ‘amulet’, ‘sorcery’ or any other used by our authors in the social and historical environment in question. Analyzing the literary landscape of this period, one source does seem to fit these requirements quite satisfactorily. Running parallel to the mainstream 18th-century Portuguese educational intuitions, in the milieu where all three studied authors moved, one extremely relevant space of debate and ideological innovation was that of the private and informal academies. A name which rises up from these as one of the most relevant authors of the Portuguese 18th-century is that of Raphael Bluteau (1636-1734), a Qualificador for the Inquisition (an examiner who determined if books should proceed to the actual censorship table)105 and author of the eight-volume work the Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino (Portuguese and Latin Vocabulary) the first Portuguese dictionary, published between 1712 and 1721. While not a work dealing specifically with any one topic, Bluteau’s method of composing this dictionary makes it extremely valuable for an analysis of any number of concepts in this time period. This method consisted in, during each session of the academies he attended, presenting a series of words on which he had any level of doubt, allowing the gentlemen present to debate them and come to a certain

105 Drumond Braga, ‘Controlando as Consciências,’ 185. 28 consensus about their meaning, orthography and pronunciation.106 The Vocabulario can thus be considered to contain a remarkable cross section of 18th-century ideas and concepts, be they scientific and technical, or, more important for us, the Portuguese Enlightenment concepts of magic, sorcery and superstition. Furthermore, as the studied authors are often times quoted in the Vocabulario as being some of its sources, this work offers us a very solid foundation from where to begin. But still, taking the Vocabulario at face value would be obviously naïve by the fact that even if a consensus of significance was achieved in the creation of the entries present in it, this does not immediately mean an individual and universal acceptance of the same entry by all Portuguese Enlightenment physicians. But by taking its definitions as a starting point one may use them to try to fit the different concepts being dealt with by the studied medical doctors. Should these fit perfectly, we are given the general concept and overview of the subject by the author in question and we can proceed to understand how this fits and functions into their particular medical and religious outlook. If not, then we are left with the even more interesting questions of how: how is the concept different from the Vocabulario, where does the difference arise from, how does this play with other concepts in the worldview of this author and can a coherent thought be detected?

4.2. Amulets and Occult Virtues To then enter into this particular realm of medicine in one area where one may, with the greatest ease, find evidences of the overlap between academic and folk conceptions of cure, a good starting point would be to explore the concept of amulets. From Bluteau:

AMULET. Medical Term (…) There are two classes of these, one of characters, figures & words, ridiculous, superstitious & as such abhorred by good Physicians, another praiseworthy and wonderful, not only as a remedy by also

106 Drumond Braga, ‘A “voz nas palavras”,’ 186. 29

for the preservation against many diseases, which are only cured with occult virtues, which the very Physicians cannot comprehend (…)107

This entry is extremely interesting for defining first and foremost ‘amulet’ as a specifically medical term. Analyzing the entry further, the division into the two ‘castes’ of amulets is actually somewhat problematic. Looking into the entry of ‘superstition’ in the Vocabulario, this, for Bluteau, is mostly connected to religious concepts, as in a cult not directed to the true God, but rather to an idol.108 This means that in his perspective superstitions are not practices devoid of meaning, but rather something which has some kind of intrinsic reality to it and whose ultimate problem ends up being their unlawfulness. Consequently, these types of ‘superstitious’ amulets are likely to be closely related to the concepts of sorcery explored below. In opposition to this are those amulets that derive their effectiveness from occult virtues, which he defines as ‘that, which being of a superior order, & nobler than the Elements, cannot be understood by the external senses’.109 He goes on to make the point of clarifying what constitutes ‘superior order’, in that the definition of occult quality cannot be simply given to phenomena which have unknown causes if these are nonetheless observed to be natural. In this sense, he rejects the attribution of occult virtues to things such as the tides or the attractive nature of the magnet stone.110 True occult virtues for him are those which are not observed to have a natural cause and, consequently, excluding unlawful superstitious origins, leave only the orthodox divine as their source. Related to this, and likely the ultimate origin of the distinction between these two types of ‘amulets’, is of course Thomas Aquinas’ discussion of amulets and talismans in

107 ‘AMULETO. Termo Medico (…) Hà duas castas, huma de characters, figuras, & de palavras, ridícula, supersticiosa & como tal abominada dos bons Medicos, outra louvável, & maravilhosa, naõ s para remedio, mas tambem para preserva vo de muitas doenças, q só se curaõ com virtudes ocultas, que os próprios Medicos naõ alcançaõ(…),’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 1, letter A, 356. 108 Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 7, letter S, 790. 109 ‘aquella, que sendo de ordem superior, & mais nobre que os Elementos, naõ se póde perceber pelos sentidos externos,’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 7, letter Q, 10. 110 Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 6, letter O, 31. 30 his Summa Theologica. Following Brain Copenhaver’s analysis of the topic, fitting Bluteau’s description to Aquinas’ would then lead us to consider that what he refers to as the second lawful class of amulets coincides with ‘amulets’ in the Aquinas conception. The first unlawful class would be what this authors calls ‘talismans’ (a word with is never used by any of the studied authors), which contain words, letters or characters and which may carry an implicit or explicit pact.111 Looking now at our studied medical authors, although at times not overstressing the ultimate necessity of the divine origin of the occult virtues which give amulets their medical effectiveness, all of them seem to be very close to this conception. Curvo Semedo, riding on his complicated dual observance of chymistry and Galenism, in his Observaçoens directly mentions that the healing virtues of many chymical remedies lies in the ‘occult virtue, which God gave to it,’ 112 adding further down that ‘[a]dmirable are the secrets of nature; in it we see such rare effects & find with our reason that they seem fabulous or impossible; not because in reality they are so; but because our understanding does not reach them, and God has placed a certain barrier from which this could not pass; & from this it arises that when we see some things so new & so strange, which we cannot identify its cause, we attribute this to occult qualities’.113 This is indeed a remarkable aspect of his practice as a self proclaimed chymist who apparently seems to, in part, attribute the efficiency of this scientific field to divinity and not to the rational understanding of natural properties. As stated, since Curvo Semedo still ascribes to the Galenic paradigm of cure-through-contraries, anything which is observed to be medically efficient and yet breaks this model has its effectiveness attributed to an occult virtue, the best example of which is his claim that Quinine powders or Quinine infused spirits (such as his own Água Lusitana), being a

111 Copenhaver, Magic in Western Culture, 110. 112 ‘occulta virtude, que Deos lhe deo,’ in Curvo Semmedo, ‘Prologo ao Leytor,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 302. 113 ‘[a]dmiraveis saõ os segredos da natureza; nella vemos alguns effeitos taõ raros, & encontramos com a razão, que nos parecem fabuloso, ou impossíveis; não porque na realidade o sejaõ; mas porque o naõ alcança o nosso entendimento, a que Deos poz certa baliza donde naõ pudesse passa; & daqui procede que quando vemos algumas cousas taõ novas, & estranhas, q lhes não sabemos dar as causas, as atribuímos a qualidades ocultas,’ in Curvo Semmedo, ‘Prologo ao Leytor,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 544. 31 hot remedy effective at curing fevers (a hot disease), necessarily works through an explicitly God given occult virtue.114 In the case of Pereira, the issue of occult virtues and their relation to divinity is actually one of the main points exposed and defended in his Discurso. Once this text is broken down, what Pereira seems to attempt with it is a form of ‘divine naturalization’ of all mysterious and incomprehensible phenomena, meaning: salvaging all model breaking phenomena, be they marvels, wonders or occult virtues, by attributing them to ‘the will of the Creator, who placed in many things qualities of such a superior sphere that the debility of the human ingenuity cannot know them, but only admire them as effects of such a relevant cause & praise the supreme Artifice.’115 However, as his medical preoccupations go into much greater detail in regards to the danger or validity of the use of invisible forces, the simple observation of non-natural unknowable qualities does not make these automatically divine, as he places great emphasis on the dissimulated activity of the Devil in such matters. Here enters one of the few explicit uses of the word ‘magic’ by any of the studied authors. Regarding such distinctions of lawfulness or unlawfulness of invisible forces, Bernardo Pereira places down in his book a three-part division of magic: Natural magic, Artificial magic and Diabolical magic,116 which is also present in Bluteau117 but is likely to be drawn by both from Martin Delrio (1551 – 1608)118 (a Low Countries born Spanish Jesuit largely famous for his hugely influential six volume work Disquisitionum magicarum libri, a major influence on Pereira’s writings and the conceptualization of magic in Iberia and the counter reformation in general). Natural magic he sums up as the exact knowledge of ‘natural secret and occult causes,’119 as possessed by such biblical figures as the three Magi, Moses, Jacob, Daniel, Tobias and Solomon; artificial magic is that which ‘by work

114 Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 617. 115 ‘a vontade do Creador, que poz em myutas cousas qualidades de esfera taõ superior, que naõ pode a debilidade do engenho humano conhecellas, mas só admirallos como effeytos de taõ relevante causa, & engrandecer o supremo Artifice,’ in Pereyra, Bernardo, Discurso Apologetico, 23. 116 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 50. 117 Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 5, letter M, 246. 118 Maxwell-Stuart, Martín Del Rio, 32. 119 ‘segredos naturais, e cauzas occultas,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico- Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 50. 32 and industry or art, works things which are superior to the forces of nature,’120 which from his following descriptions relates to remarkable feats of mechanics and engineering; and Diabolical magic is that which is performed with recourse to the Devil and the use of an implicit or explicit pact, where he also places divination techniques such as chiromancy which is deceptively given the title of ‘white magic’.121 Ultimately, the divinity in any procedure (on this point he pays particular attention to the use of genuinely Catholic materia sacra) needs to be determined by proper specialists in the matter, namely, specialized priesthood,122 an opinion which can be read both as a genuine following of Catholic dogma or an attack against the rational arrogance of the ‘moderns’ he protests in the Discurso. Related to this is one other aspect of Pereira’s virtues, the instance that ‘natural remedies’ can be imbued with virtue by a concrete blessing by a priest123 becoming in this way fit for the healing of ‘supernatural illnesses’. From an observant perspective, it might be difficult to completely associate this instance with the concept of occult virtues, even if these are framed as having a divine origin, since Pereira himself does not refer to these blessed items and herbs as having occult virtues. Rather, he refers to this as ‘divine virtue’. Although he does not compare both of them, the distinction ultimately seems to lay in implicit heavenly virtue for the occult, and explicit for the divine. Finally, demonstrating an interesting articulation in his discourse, Pereira, as also Curvo Semedo, does mention that certain occult virtues can also be collected by plants picked at a particular astrological time,124 which is ultimately related to their orthodox acceptance of humor theory and the influence of the heavenly bodies on particular humors according to their similar qualities. Much closer to Curvo Semedo in his more ‘modern’ approach is logical Fonseca Henriques, who affirms the existence of ‘an occult virtue, and a tacit sympathy, which some indiscreetly deny, attributing to the Devil what often are admirable works of God,

120 ‘por obra, e industria da arte, obra couzas superiors às forças da natureza,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 50. 121 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 51. 122 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 132. 123 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 181. 124 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 351. 33 for the feebleness of the human ingenuity cannot understand or investigate them’.125 However, removing his discourse from the authority of the Church and the ‘ancients’ Pereira ultimately roots his thinking in, Fonseca Henriques places himself much closer to the ‘moderns’, particularly to Van Helmont’s magnetism. Possibly due to his observance of both the Galenic and chymical schools, he makes less of a distinction among occult virtues than Bluteau, claiming that there are ‘in nature sympathies, magnetisms, occult virtues and a tacit penetration of ideas, of which we only know the effects, which are not denied by those who are lovers of wisdom, as was said by Avicenna,’126 on which he includes the classical conceptions of the virtues of magnets, amber and diamonds. However, he also warns about the possible pitfall of simply attributing every single ‘absurdity’ to the ‘occult magnetism of nature,’127 claiming this to be a ‘poorness of ingenuity’, an accusation he seems to mostly throw at the ‘moderns’. Curvo Semedo in a very similar way seems to mostly depend on Van Helmont for his conception and expansion of the concept of occult virtues, particularly on his De Magnetica Vulnerum Curatione (1621). As in his general medical practice, his issue here is not to contrast the chymical and the Galenic school, but rather look at the chymical as the natural development of the Galenic. Still on the issue of ‘amulets’ in themselves, beyond the ultimate source of their power, one issue which should also be noted is their description as remedies of irreducible materiality. Going back to Bluteau, he offers a small list of what he calls amulets, such as a tooth of a male dog or the jawbone of a hedgehog, both used for toothache.128 This then identifies amulets as a concrete single object which should be carried in proximity to the patient in order to influence his healing. This type of conception of the

125 ‘hũa occulta virtude, e de hũa tacita sympathia, que alguns indiscretamente negaõ, attribuindo a o Demonio muytas vezes o que saõ obras admiraveys de Deos, porque a tenuidade do engenho humano as naõ pode compreender, nem investigar,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 152. 126 ‘na natureza sympathias, magnetismos, occultas virtudes, e huma tacita penetraçam de ideas, que só conhecemos os effeytos, os quays naõ negaõ os que saõ amantes da sabedoria, como disse Avicenna,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 151. 127 ‘occulto magnetismo da natureza,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 151. 128 Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 1, letter A, 356. 34 materiality of amulets seems to be accepted by all three authors, with the hedgehog jawbone even being mentioned by both Curvo Semedo129 and Fonsenca Henriques.130 However, Fonseca Henriques, when prescribing ‘amulet cures’, instead of an explicitly material object seems to often refer to complex recipes, bordering equally on Galenism, chymistry and folk medicine, particularly prolific in the use of animal excrement.131 The origin of this seems to be that he makes complete synonyms out of the words ‘amulet’, ‘magnetism’, ‘sympathies’ (or ‘antipathies’) and ‘occult virtues’ causing him to quite loosely use any of these terms to categorize remedies (be they objects or complex recipes) for which he simply cannot find a reasonable form of functioning. One other prevalent form of amulets prescribed, mostly by Fonseca Henriques and which he equally frames in term of occult virtues, are those requiring the proximity and gradual drying or death of a living ‘amulet’. Particularly he mentions hanging a living lizard from a person’s neck which will gradually heal epilepsy (gota coral).132 Even if examples of these types of cures can be found from the medical to the purely folk magical, analyzing their internal logic, they can be very easily comparable in structure to very common love and manipulation magic practices from all over Europe (and likely the world), following a basic structure of ‘as this so shall you’. The logical functioning of these usually resorts to a simulacrum which becomes magically identified with a target (in the medical case, via an intrinsic occult virtue), with the result that any harm which may come to the simulacrum will also befall the target, which in this case is an illness. One further articulation of this form of amulets connects it with the concept of disease transplantation between humans or between a human patient and an animal. This practice among the studied authors seems to have several different approaches, from the direct transfer of a disease or poison via the physical proximity or contact between the patient’s body and that of an animal (such as pigeons, which Fonseca Henriques

129 Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 610. 130 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 338. 131 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 317. 132 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 125. 35 claims have a virtue to attract poison),133 or the transfer of a disease via the use of some excretion of the patient (such as making a loaf of bread using a fever patient’s urine and feeding it to a dog).134 Alternatively, and apparently combining the two previous forms of amulets, a disease may be transferred into some form of perishable amulet by contact with the patient’s excretions and left to dry or decay, such as soaking a cloth in the urine of a jaundice patient and leaving it to dry under the waning Moon.135 Overall on the topic of amulets, looking at all three studied authors, the one which clearly seems to go much more into ambiguous and even dangerous territory in the exploration of occult virtues and their effects is without a doubt Curvo Semedo. Looking at his impressively long list of treatments one can find a number of items in it which, given their medical and religious unorthodoxy, he himself feels the need to assure the reader that they are not sorceries. Examples among these are the uses of a dead man’s shirt to correct a fallen rectum,136 or a cross made from melted begged coins placed under a church ostensory and worn around the neck (meant to prevent ‘uterine accidents’).137 These he always defends by mentioning that in such practices no suspicious words or actions are performed which could hint of sorcery, leaving (intrinsically divine) occult virtues as their only explanation.

4.3. Divine and Heavenly Healing Departing from occult virtues, closely connected to this is the topic of healing through divine agency. The issue of the position of God within medical healing is of course long and multifaceted, with Paracelsus being one of the most original physicians in regards to the direct inclusion of the divine within his medical conceptualization, as already stated. For him God was the very root of medicine, its ultimate origin which all physicians should try their outmost to reach through their interaction with Nature and its virtues by the practice of magic. 138 In fact, beyond purely medical issues,

133 Fonseca Henriques, Ancora Medicinal, 157. 134 Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 86. 135 Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 409. 136 Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte, 541-542. 137 Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte, 404. 138 Webster, Paracelsus, 62. 36

Paracelsianism implies a complete and unified medical, social and philosophical cosmovision139 which has God at its base. But be that as it may, what will always distinguish the studied authors (and other like them in Iberia) from the general European trends regarding the place of the divine in medicine is the ultimate conformity and support their writings have to give to Catholic orthodoxy and hierarchy, of which Paracelsus did not approve.140 This irreducible point ultimately places all of these physicians on a completely different discourse compared to those of Protestant countries when it comes to issues dealing with the framing of the divine within a medical system. On the topic of direct divine healing, Curvo Semedo seems to be quite consistent in his approach to it, prescribing prayer and religious devotion for both natural diseases (three Our Fathers and three Hail Maries dedicated to Saint Steven in order to be preserved against ‘throat fluxes’ which may cause suffocation, for example)141 as well as the plague. This is of course a complex disease with an overlapping of occult, astrological and even divine origins:

The first and most effective method to preserve from the Plague is to reach God by means of Confessions, penitence & alms, for it is known that it is due to sin that God many times causes diseases, as is mentioned in Saint John, Saint Matthew, the Book of Kings, the Ecclesiasticus, the Prophet Amos, the Holy Canon & even Hippocrates, who being a Gentile, advises that to have health we should first seek God.142

139 Shackelford, ‘To Be or Not To Be a Paracelsian,’ 36. 140 Webster, Paracelsus, 171. 141 Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 610. 142 ‘O primeyro, & mais eficaz preservativo da Peste he chegar a Deos por meyo das Confissões, penitencias, & esmolas, porque he de fé que por causa dos pecados dá Deos myutas vezes as doenças, como consta de Saõ Joaõ, de Saõ Ma eus, do Livro dos Reys, do Ecclesias co, do Profeta Am s, dos Sagrados Canones, & at Hippocrates, sendo Gen o, aconselha q para ter sa de busquemos primeiro Deos,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 747. 37

Underlining the Catholic aspect of this form of treatment is also Curvo Semedo’s advice in the Atalaya that, in plague cases, one should try to reach God through the intersection of the Virgin Mary, offering an effective Antiphona to do so.143 Pereira logically falls in line with religiousness and the evocation of holy names as a form of cure, although his greatest preoccupations are supernatural diseases which have their root in the Devil and which will be explored below. Given his starting point of taking Scripture as the source of all medicine, regarding divine remedies he affirms that ‘it is in the Divine and Ecclesiastic Remedies in which there is the true Medicine and certainty of perfect health; for only God Our Lord is its author’.144 For him, the recourse to the divine is not only valid for supernatural healing but there is also a strict relation between spiritual and physical health. Looking firstly into his approach to words/prayers as a means of healing, this reveals itself to be somewhat complex. He very directly says that words have no healing power, being transitory and unsubstantial, even if these may be ‘good and holy’. Furthermore, he refers to Galen’s definition of medicine in order to underline that words cannot have effective bodily influence,145 and at most these will have an effect through the patient’s imagination.146 While this might seem like a contradiction, what Pereira simply means is that words by themselves have no inherent power, but power can be given to them by an external force, such as a saint, the Church or the Devil. So, while a word (be it a curse or prayer) is no more than a circumstantial sound of absolutely no medical consequence, there is the possibility that together with that sound there is the transference of an effective and invisible power which may have a healing or harmful effect. A prayer, when correctly performed in an orthodox religious environment is perceived to express something very concrete which goes beyond the mere sound of its words. It brings forth a whole situation of divine proximity which may then generate a cure, consequently, isolating the sounds/words of the prayer from its proper and

143 Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte, 522. 144 ‘[s]aõ os Remedios Divinos, e Ecclesiasticos, em que ha verdadeyra Medicina, e certeza de perfeita saude; pois só Deos N.S. he Author della,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 129. 145 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 88. 146 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 90. 38 sanctioned religious environment results in the voidness of significance Pereira is denouncing as ineffective and ‘superstitious’. In terms of the use of materia sacra for healing purposes, among the studied authors, he seems to be the one which stresses this the most clearly. An evidence of this can be seen in his description of holy water as being particularly useful against serpent poison (which implies an influence over the humors) and having ‘such great effects that it is used to cure the infirmities of the body and the soul’.147 Turning to Fonseca Henriques, he seems to be the most complex and even contradictory of the three. While dealing with issues of the evil eye (discussed below), he mentions that words have no power to cure or preserve from such an illness,148 but merely a page later he mentions a possible cure consisting of whispering the names of the three Magi in the patient’s ear or writing them down on a piece of paper which should be worn around neck.149 While this may seem like a similar situation to Pereira, it is actually quite different given the fact that Fonseca Henriques does not offer enough elements in his discourse to justify the healing powers of such particular words within his claim of the lack of power of words in general. Overall, his concern with words or religious forms of healing is actually the least of the three authors. Looking at his book Aquilegio Medicinal, while describing various fountains, hot springs and wells, he will occasionally refer to apparently miraculous cures which are often credited to the power of the water source’s namesake saint. However, while not at all denying such instances, on numerous such occasion he will offer this merely as one of the possible explanations for the cure, the other being the simple natural (or occult) virtue of the waters, apparently not wanting to overly compromise himself to a necessarily supernatural explanation for them. Finally, the most ambiguous issue of divine healing comes as the saludadores. These are typically described as a form of folk healer (most often a male) who claimed to derive his healing power from a God-given virtue bestowed at birth. These, according to José L. Vasconcelos, could be identified by a number of ‘remarkable birth’ signs,

147 ‘taõ grandes effeytos, que serve para curar as enfermidades do corpo, e da alma,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 137. 148 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 162. 149 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 163. 39 such as having cried or spoken inside their mother’s womb or having a cross drawn on their palate.150 As pointed out by Walker, in the time frame under consideration (18th century) this activity and described source of power posed one of the greatest theological challenges for the Inquisitorial persecution of folk healers, given that, even if rare and unlikely, the Catholic worldview could not outright deny the existence of such God-given powers in humans,151 if for nothing else, the example of the saints. Looking at Bluteau, he initially defines these as simply ‘the man who gives health’152 and the verb saludar as ‘healing with grace gratis date, particularly cattle’.153 However, immediately after this he adds: ‘this name is used unworthily by certain swindlers, who with certain words & herbs, which they usually do not know, are deceiving the world without any shame or punishment’.154 This means that genuine saludadores, from a religious perspective, were certain to exist (at least in theory), but as exemplified by Bluteau, the people frequently claiming such a title were mostly dealt with as charlatans. Exploring Bluteau’s definitions further, even though in a folk environment the designation of saludador could be interchangeable with that of benzedor or benzedeiro (a blesser), this last category for him possesses wholly negative significance, as in a ‘swindler, who blesses cattle and people, breathing on them in the form of a cross & making crosses with his hand; some also add superstitious words’.155 This distinction leads us back to the issue of the power of words, as benzedores would be individuals who would use prayers, blessing and holy words outside of the context of orthodox religion, rendering them meaningless and they themselves cheaters and charlatans. Genuine saludadores, who performed their healings frequently through

150 Vasconcelos, Etnografia Portuguesa, Vol. 7, 554. 151 Walker, ‘The Role and Practices of the Curandeiro and Saludador in Early Modern Portuguese Society,’ 229. 152 ‘o homem que dá saude,’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 7, letter S, 460. 153 ‘[c]urar com graça gratis date, particulamente o gado,’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 7, letter S, 461. 154 ‘Indignamente usuràrão este nome certos embusteiros, que com certas palavras, & hervas, que de ordinario não conhecem, andão enganando o mundo sem vergonha, nem castigo,’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 7, letter S, 460. 155 ‘[e]mbusteiro, que benze o gado, & gente, bafejando-os em forma de cruz, & fazendo cruzes com a mão; alguns lhe acrescentão supersticiosas palavras,’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 2, letter B, 105. 40 touch and the use of saliva, on the other hand represented free religious agents still acting within the accepted manifestations of the divine in the mundane world and which could not in theory be denied. Being agents and sources of divine cure, it is interesting to see that Fonseca Henriques, likely the least religiously oriented of the studied authors, admits to the power of genuine saludadores, rationalizing this point by the supposed divine virtues which are observed in some Christian Kings in the healing of diseases.156 This type of reasoning can in a way be seen to be quite similar to the difficulties experienced by religious authorities in denying the existence of saludadores. Fonseca Henriques seems to support the idea of saludadores likely due to not being able to deny them based on what he takes to also be an observable fact. As such, he mentions the divine power that King Clovis I of France and the Kings of Aragon have for the curing of scrofulas, the power of the English Kings in curing gota coral and the power of the Castilian Kings in casting out demons157 as ‘proven’ examples of direct Godly investment to heal, which then validate the possibility of effective saludadores. Pereira goes into much more detail, simultaneously admitting to this instance, but equally noting the difficulties in finding a genuine saludador, the limitations of this practice and how most who claim the title are charlatans. In terms of rationalization, he equally mentions the virtues attributed to certain Christian kings,158 as well as those attributed to ‘seventh sons’ as examples.159 Ultimately, God given virtue as attributed to saludadores, undeniable as it may be, for Pereira can only exist in those of unblemished character,160 and that these typically can only cure one single type of illness,161 not using words or written characters. However, even if he cannot deny saludadores, he also posits that these same kinds of virtues can be acquired and simulated through the influence of the Devil, and that the large majority (if not all) of known saludadores are ‘vagabonds, vicious outcasts and bad Christians, to whom with

156 For an analysis of this set of beliefs see Marc Bloch’s The Royal Touch. 157 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 408. 158 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 125. 159 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 127. 160 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 94. 161 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 95. 41 all reason one may say that God does not communicate such virtue’.162 Consequently, coming to the real world issue of divine healers, even if this power does exist, none should be trusted, for most likely one will be dealing with unlawful sorcerers and witches.163

4.4. Natural Evil Eye Having gone through the medical conceptualizations of unseen forces and agencies on the body as originating from purely external sources, the next relevant aspect to be covered is that which originates (naturally) from within bodies and can be transmitted invisibly between them. It should be remembered that the concept of disease contagion between bodies was not properly accepted in this particular time frame; disease was mostly taken to be an internal problem arising from imbalanced humors and not something which was acquired from the environment. However, the reason behind the humoral unbalance could in fact be environmental, such as the exposure to ‘bad airs’, planetary rays or vapors from the earth. The ultimate point becomes that, apart from the case of disease transplantation mentioned above (which could happen between humans), disease was the final expression of an external root problem, it was not contagious in itself although its root cause could spread and generate the same disease in others. This situation becomes slightly different when we now approach the evil eye. This is obviously an immensely large and complex topic with numerous expressions and conceptualization from literally all over the world. An overview of all of these is not what is intended here, but rather what the studied authors understood when they referred to the evil eye as a medical issue. Analyzing all the references to what might be understood as forms of the evil eye in the studied literature, referred alternatively as mau olhado or mal de olho (evil eye), fascinação (fascination) and quebranto (the breaking), the initial conclusion that can be drawn is that all of these have at their root the treatise ‘Da Fascinaçam, Olhado, ou

162 ‘vagabundos, perdidos viciozos, e maos Christaõs, aquem com toda a razaõ se pode dizer , que não communica Deos tal virtude,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico- Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 95. 163 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 95. 42

Quebranto’ (‘Of Fascination, The Eye or the Breaking’) by Friar Manuel de Azevedo (alternatively spelled Manoel de Azevedo). According to Bethencourt this is the only treatise ever written in Portuguese specifically dedicated to this topic,164 and although its author is an ordained priest, it can be seen to deal with the issue from a largely medical perspective Looking into Barbosa Machado, Manuel de Azevedo was a medical doctor from Lisbon whose success led him to be appointed as the protomedico for the Portuguese Ocean Fleet in 1638. Having held this position for ten years, in 1648 he became a Carmelite friar, living a largely cloistered life except for four months out of the year in which he was allowed to practice medicine.165 His published works consist of two volumes of collected medical texts entitled Correcçam de Abusos Introdusidos Contra o Verdadeyro Methodo da Medicina (Correction of Abuses Introduced Against the True Method of Medicine), with the said evil eye treatise being on the second volume of this work, originally published in 1690. His theory of the natural evil eye (as opposed to the supernatural evil eye), which stands as a precursor to the ones by the studied authors, conceptualizes this as basic humor retention and putrefaction, focusing largely on women and holding that the evil eye can most often be found in ‘ill menstruated old women and widows.’166 This follows a completely Galenic view of the generation and flow of blood, which is taken as a nourishing humor continuously consumed by the members and limbs in accordance with the natural heat of the body. Being that women are naturally colder than men, their bodies do not consume the entirety of the produced blood and as such this is periodically expelled by their menstrual flow. Should there be a situation in which the natural overflow of blood is blocked in a woman, this will eventually corrupt itself into a form of poison ‘rising up in smokes and malignant vapors which further vitiate the vital spirits, infecting & killing anyone they may find’.167 ‘Fascination or the Eye, is an evil produced from the spirit of the fascinating, coming out of the porosities

164 Bethencourt, ‘Portugal: A Scrupulous Inquisition,’ 415. 165 Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana Historica, Critica, e Cronologica, Vol. 3, 184. 166 ‘velhas, & viuvas mal menstruadas,’ in Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 6. 167 ‘se levantão fumos, & vapors malignos, com os quaes viciados mais os espiritos visivo, inficionaõ, & mataõ a qualquer corpo que topaõ,’ in Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 11. 43 of the body & mainly from the eyes, which corrupts the temperament of that subject to which the said vital spirit was directed, imprinting on him a malignant, venomous and deadly quality, however natural, & especially if this is accompanied by envy’.168 This overall evil is then the product of two separate effects: the first is the corruption of blood or humors, which become poison inside the body, and the second a particular look of envy, wrath or occasionally excessive love169 which moves this poison and projects it out of the body ‘as a swift flying arrow,’170 acting as a poison and altering the humors of its victim. Although focusing on women, Azevedo equally admits that men can be the vehicle of the evil eye should these have an unhealthy cold temperament, which will equally cause them to have unconsumed blood which may turn poisonous inside their body.171 Women are however still the greatest problem, for these are ‘usually much more envious than men, more fraudulent & more filled with fecal humors.’172 Not only this, but how these corrupted humors become even more violent and dangerous in a woman has also to do with her own ‘semen’, which, in the absence of the male seed, will itself also grow corrupt and poisonous, being dangerous not only for the surrounding environment but the woman herself if she does not evacuate it.173 This translates the very relevant idea that, even with a healthy menstrual flow and uncorrupted humors, a woman’s menstrual blood is always poisonous in the Galenic conception. Boiling it down, the evil eye being a completely natural humoral health issue equivalent to a poison, its cure falls back on either traditional Galenic therapies aiming at humor balance, namely purging and bloodlettings for both the ‘fascinator’

168 ‘Fascinaçaõ, ou Olhado, he hũ mal produsido do espirito do fascinante, saindo pelas porosidades do corpo, & principalmente dos olhos, que corrompe o temperamento daquelle sujeyto, a que foy dirigido o tal espirito visico, imprimindolhe hũa qualidade maligna, & peçonhenta, & mortífera, porém naturalmente, & principalmente se for acompanhada com inveja,’ in Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 9. 169 Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 68. 170 ‘ao modo de hũa setta volante, & ligeyra,’ in Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 10. 171 Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 16. 172 ‘de ordinario muyto mais invejosas que os homẽs, mais fraudulentas, & mais cheias de humores fecaes,’ in Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 11. 173 Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 20. 44 and the victim,174 or on the use of specialized occult quality amulets, herbs and stones such as jet (still used today against the evil eye).175 Consulting Bluteau, he also offers this same kind of fully naturalized conception of the evil eye as a completely understood medical circumstance. It can be even observed that Bluteau in his description at times repeats Azevedo verbatim, suggesting he took the definition from him:

FASCINATE. Staring with a melancholic, cloudy & sulky aspect, & together with envy or hate or wrath, or another violent passion, mixing the venomous spirits of the said passions with the spirits & humors of the body and altogether alter, distemper and corrupt them (…) for the spirit which is the cause of the fascination exits the body as an arrow, which, not finding any resistance, penetrate the tender, porous & delicate body, in such a way as it takes it down & weakens it so much, that without any other thing will wound and sometimes kill.176

Of the three studied authors, Pereira is the one who follows Azevedo the closest, and one may even say that his Anacephaleosis at times reads like a slightly more ‘modern’ expansion and direct continuation of Azevedo’s treatise with a few extra elements from both Fonseca Henriques and Curvo Semedo. Consequently, his idea of the generation of poisons, their transmission and overall cure (once again falling into the use of jet, coral and certain astringent precious stones,177 placing a particular emphasis on verbena and St. John’s wart)178 is in everything a parallel to Azevedo’s and, apart

174 Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 67. 175 Vasconcelos, Etnografia Portuguesa, Vol.9, 213. 176 ‘FASCINAR. He olhar com aspecto melancolico, turvo, & carrancudo, & juntamente com enveja, ou odio, ou ira, ou outra paixaõ violenta, misturando-se os espíritos venenosos das ditas paixoens comos espiritos, & humores do corpo, & juntamente alterando-os, destemperando-os, & corrompendo-os (…) porque o espirito que he causa da fascinação sahe do corpo a modo de setta, a qual naõ achando resistência, penetra o corpo tenro, poroso, & delicado, de modo que o deriba, & enfraquece tanto, que sem outra cousa alguma enferma, & às vezes morre,’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 4, letter F, 39. 177 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 213. 178 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 115. 45 from a few language changes, he brings very few elements to it which could be considered new:

‘[Q]uebranto, the evil eye, is nothing other than the communication of an occult quality, pernicious and malignant, introduced by the sight, evaporation or contact in any person, whose humors and spirits it alters in such a way and with such excess that it sprouts great fevers, acute pain and body exaution.179

Looking back at his debate on the legitimacy and possibility of saludadores (which Azevedo fully denies exist),180 he takes the lead of the idea of transmittable harm having an origin in the ill disposition and corruption of the bodily humors to question the possibility of the existence of men who, due to their perfect constitution and balance could also transmit this in the form of natural healing. While he ultimately denies this idea, stating that one requires much less to do harm than good and that while a remarkable humoral arrangement may easily cause the evil eye, a proper one is not sufficient to cause health,181 it still demonstrates an active engagement with Azevedo’s theory, meaning that he wasn’t passively reciting it but in fact integrating it into his own medical world view. Resulting from this, even if it is a rather small point, by quoting Martin Delrio (also a major influence in Azevedo’s writings) he likewise mentions that menstrual blood may be used as a repellent of sorcerers and the Devil, although he offers no explanation for this except that this is likely due to an occult virtue,182 apparently overlooking its inherently poisonous nature described by Azevedo. Analyzing Curvo Semedo, he actually seems to be quite silent regarding the issue of the evil eye, never addressing it directly. However, spread out though his writings one may

179 ‘[Q]uebranto, ou mal de olho, que naõ he outra couza mais, que a comunicação de huã qualidade oculta, perniciosa, e maligna introdusida pella vista, vaporaçaõ ou contacto em qualquer pessoa, cujos humores e spiritos altera de tal sorte, e com tal excesso, que faz suscitar grandes febres, dores agudas, extenuaçoẽs do corpo,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 23. 180 Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 34. 181 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 121. 182 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, Magica, Juridica, Moral, e Politica, 228-229. 46 find several instances and discussions which indicate that he largely followed the idea presented by Azevedo regarding the intrinsically venomous nature of menstrual blood:

It is so venomous that the trees, herbs in which a single drop of the said blood touches will dry or sterilize; cloths which are soaked with it, even if washed a thousand times, are poisonous to heal wounds, or even just threads from these.183

In his Observaçoens he mentions a particular case of sorcery (feitiço) which was performed using such venom. He describes this as a love sorcery in which a woman had given a man her menstrual blood, and ‘as the said blood does not have any such effect, but it is rather so venomous & prejudicial, which causes the mentioned effects of madness, fury, taciturnity, fears, tears & a thousand other shameful symptoms’184 had made him mad. His cure for this particular case remarkably stays away from the remedies of Azevedo and Pereira, maintaining a much more orthodox Galenic attitude of simple purging (mostly thought the use of antimony and a treatment of lemon balm water).185 Having his own view on the matter, Curvo Semedo is not entirely dogmatic about the effect and properties of the female genitalia, and on occasions will admit that ‘uterine accidents’ may occur not due to menstrual retentions or the absence of male seed, but that these may arise from an occult quality of the uterus or vagina ‘as an aura or venomous vapor rises from the madre & irritating or enraging it, emits from itself such a quality or vapor which offends the transverse septum, the lungs & the breathing organs’.186 ‘If the accident arises from an aura, vapor or occult quality, we

183 ‘He taõ venenoso, que as arvores, ervas em que tocar qualquer gotta do dito sangue as secca, ou as esteriliza; pannos que forem molhados com elle, ainda que os lavem mil vezes, saõ venenosos para curar feridas com elles, ou comos seus fios,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte, 183. 184 ‘como o ditto sangue naõ tenha tal effeito, antes seja taõ venenoso, & prejudicial, que causa os sobreditos effeitos de loucura, furias, taciturnidades, medos, lagrimas, & mil outros symptomas lastimosos,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 568. 185 Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 568. 186 ‘que a modo de aura, ou vapor venenoso sobe da madre, & irritandoa, ou enfurencendoa, deita de si huma tal qualidade, ou vapor, que offende o septo 47 shall not deal with it with purges or bloodlettings, nor with foul fumigations.’187 This same occult quality of the vagina seems to be, for him, a complex and ambiguous issue, as he once again mentions this in a cure of a burn victim who he treated with water which had been used to wash the pudenda of a slave girl,188 having thus a potentially beneficial use. Other than this, the blockage and putrefaction of humors seem to be addressed by him as a genuine problem, but this is often related to what he calls ‘malignant fevers’, which, like the emotional poison of the evil eye described by Azevedo and Pereira, are ‘rotten humors, altered by some venomous occult quality. The remote cause of this are obstruction, which, impeding the ventilation of the humors make them rot & acquire a more exalted putrefaction, from which necessarily follows venomous or deadly qualities.’189 But, even if similar to the evil eye in its origin, ‘malignant fevers’ do not appear to be transmissible. Fonseca Henriques is likely the one who deviates the most from the general theory of the evil eye as associated with menstrual blood, and this is intrinsically related to his adoption of an altered humor theory which shoots down a lot of Azevedo’s fundamental points. Addressing the issue of the production of menstrual blood he largely accepts the idea that this is consumed by the natural heat of the body (which contradicts his following of the theory of blood circulation) and that women naturally have an excess of this due to their lack of heat.190 Expanding the issue, he does not make this into dogma, as he admits that robust and exercised women may lack in menstrual flows not due to blockages or illness but due to their bodies possessing enough heat to fully consume their blood. Likewise, ‘effeminate and soft’ men may not

transverso, o bofe, & os órgãos da respiração’ in Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 205. 187 ‘se o acidente proceder de aura, vapor, ou qualidade oculta, naõ vamos de porfiar com purgas, nem com sangrias, nem com fumaças fedorentas,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 205. 188 Curvo Semmedo, Atalaya da Vida Contra as Hostilidades da Morte, 229. 189 ‘humores podres, alterados com alguma qualidade occulta venenosa. A causa remota saõ as obstruçoens, que impedindo a ventilação dos humores, os fazem apodrecer, & acquirir huma podridão mais exalada, de que se seguem necessariamente qualidades venenosas, ou mortíferas,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 641. 190 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 23. 48 be able to fully consume their blood and, as in women, this is naturally expelled by hemorrhoid bleeding.191 Having this unified view of hemorrhoid and menstrual blood flow, he then goes on to fully deny any intrinsic poisonous character to the latter, as this to him is of the exact same nature as any other blood.192 Denying thus any kind of special poisonous quality in menstrual blood, his overall idea also implies that, should a person have corrupted blood (for whatever reason), the menstrual blood will be equally corrupt, having the possibility to create venomous milk in lactating women (for Fonseca Henriques, the excess blood is used up in the creation of the fetus during pregnancy and the creation of milk during child rearing).193 In line with the remaining authors, although slightly more complex, Fonseca Henriques’ ultimate properties of corrupt blood and/or humors ends up being exactly the same as theirs, namely, death of plants and possible madness.194 Coming now to the particular case of fascination and the evil eye in itself, Fonseca Henriques dedicates a full chapter to this illness in his Medicina Lusitana, not straying far from the Azevedo theory:

The cause of quebranto is an occult venomous quality, which from the person who casts the eye is transfused into the child, or into any person who receives it; which quality, without any embargo, is communicated through the breath, breathing, or by contact and by occult effluvia which exist from body to body (…) And this quality which is communicated from body to body, is commonly found in depraved natures and ill constitutions; for from the corruption of humors expires a most noxious aura, which moved by the passions of spirit, or by envy, or by wrath, placing the eyes on any object, vitiate and offend.195

191 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 24. 192 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 27. 193 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 27. 194 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 138. 195 ‘A causa do quebranto hé hũa occulta qualidade venefica, que da pessoa que dá o olhado se transfunde no menino, ou em qualquer pessoa que o recebe; a qual qualidade sem embargo de se communicar pelo halito, ou respiraçam, por contacto e pellos occultos effluvios, que há de corpo a corpo(…) 49

This same effect he refers to as a ‘preternatural poison’, in the sense that this is the rare instance in which a poison affects those of the same species as that which produced it.196 Joining Pereira, he also distinguishes between those who cast the evil eye as an ‘accidental virtue’ (i.e. momentaneously corrupted and venomous humors) and those who cast it due to a natural quality. This last category he conceives as people who, during their generation were affected by certain elemental and celestial influences which made their humors naturally venomous. Going into further detail regarding the symptoms of fascination, he describes these as general weakness, nausea and, in children, constant vomiting of ingested milk, being this often found curdled and sour.197 One further very interesting symptom he describes is that in those afflicted the left leg will be shorter than the right, as the fascinating quality will always seek the left ventricle of the heart and the muscles from this side of the body will naturally contract.198 Regarding cures, apart from his own complex recipes meant for purging and the Galenic bloodlettings, Fonseca Henriques seems to also fall back on the recurrent traditional remedies which can be seen to repeat themselves in all studied authors. Prescribing Saint John’s wart and jet, he however mentions that these should be administered as fumigations, as also those of sweet smelling herbs such as sage, rosemary and marjoram. This method he defends by stating that such fumes have the virtue to counteract the fascinating quality, without any further justification, and a lot of his prescriptions seem to be based on changing of the patient’s environment into that of freshness and pleasant scents.199 Logically above all of these, as an evil eye cure he places his own secret Evil Eye Powders, which can both cure the evil eye as well as prevent its entering into the body

E esta qualidade que de corpo a corpo se communica, regularmente se acha em naturezas de depravada, e morbosa constituição; porque de corrupção dos humores expira hũa aura nocentíssima, que comovida das paixoẽs do animo, ou por enveja, ou por ira, pondo os olhos em algum objecto, o inquinam, e ofendem,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 157-158. 196 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 158. 197 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 159. 198 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 160. 199 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 160. 50 and which are much better than ‘jet, diamonds, corals, emeralds and other things which are prescribed for that'.200 Still not falling far from tradition, in his prescribed method of administration of these powders, these are often mixed with other ingredients mentioned by Curvo Semedo, such as lemon balm, and equally with elements he himself also proposes as standalone cures for fascination, such as orange flower water.201 Exploring other aspects of Fonseca Henriques’ evil eye, one other medical ailment which seems to be extremely close to this is the harmful influence of the Moon’s rays.202 This he mostly describes in classical humoral theory, with the Moon having a particular influence over the human head due to its humid nature, being able to cause epilepsy, stupidity, convulsions and muteness.203 This same lunar influence is also noted by Curvo Semedo, although from his description he seems to downplay the similarities between the Moon’s rays and the evil eye, going with just the humoral theory of its influence over cold and humid things.204

4.5. Diabolical Evil Eye and Sorcery Moving from the evil eye as a natural health affliction into completely supernatural health issues, it should be noted that all the authors who deal with the evil eye divide it into two categories: natural fascination (the one originating from the bodily humors and emotions) and diabolical fascination (that which is performed with the aid and action of the Devil). Trying to isolate the topic of diabolical fascination is actually quite complicated, as the authors who deal with these issues extensively do not seem to distinguish it from sorcery as a diabolical activity. Consulting Bluteau on this, he quotes Azevedo word for word in the Vocabulario’s definition of ‘fascination’,205 offering the distinction between the natural and the diabolical:

200 ‘azeviche, diamantes, corays, esmeraldas, e outras cousas que para isso sam decantadas,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 829. 201 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 829. 202 Fonseca Henriquez, Apiarium Medico-Chymicum, 344-346. 203 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 129. 204 Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 73. 205 Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 4, letter F, 39. 51

It is very necessary, in order to understand the difficulty of this question, to explain which thing is Fascination, a word which properly means to do harm. And if we take also that which is considered Fascination by art of the Devil, as some say that this comes from the verb Fando: for certain men and women by speaking certain words, form an enchantment, & sorcery with which any are bound, and completely lose the ability of being their own masters in order to escape the inclination of the Fascination or sorcery.206

As such, the diabolical evil eye is at most a particular form of sorcery which takes the form of an unnatural disease which has as its root the Devil. Expanding our view fully into the topic of sorcery, Bluteau’s dealing with this issue makes it first and foremost grounded in the Biblical narrative: sorcery is an undisputed reality due to it being described in the Bible.207 Looking into his explicit definition, he seems to once again simply repeat Azevedo’s opinion in that this is ‘something which in itself ordinarily does not have the effect it causes & enacts, making it only the Devil due to that which he adds to it so as it may work, with which he fools his confederates.’208 However, Bluteau does seem to offer further clarifications on this definition by offering examples of sorcerous action:

And thus a lizard, who a certain sorcerer placed under a door of a farmer, which during the entire time is was there, no woman nor animal in that house could give birth, was a sorcery, for a lizard placed under a door does not have any natural virtue to produce these effects; but the Devil places in this a malefic virtue & this is the reason why (as mentioned by Philo Judaeus)

206 ‘Muy necessrio he, para se entender a difficuldade desta questão, explicar que cousa seja Fascinaçaõ, ou Fascinio, a qual palavra propriamente quer dizer, fazer mal. E se se tomar em quanto compreende também a Fascinaçaõ por arte do Diabo, como dizem alguns que procede do verbo Fando: porque falando homens, ou mulheres certas, & determinadas palavras, formaõ hum encanto, & feitiço, com que myutos assi ficaõ ligados, que perdem totalmente o serem senhores de si para fugirem da inclinação do Fascinio, ou feytiço,’ in Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 4. 207 Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 4, letter F, 64. 208 ‘hũa cousa, q em si ordinariamente naõ tem o efeyto que causa, & obra, fazendo-o só o diabo com aquilo que lhe ajunta, para que possa obrar, cõ o q engana aos seus confederados,’ in Azevedo, Correcçam de Abusos, Part II, 43. 52

against this kind of evils, caused by the Devil, natural remedies have no power.209

Ultimately, the idea here seems to be that sorcery, even if an undisputed reality, is itself an illusion and an error whose only effectiveness is given to it externally by the real power of Devil. This means that the effectiveness of sorcery is not based on natural occult virtues but rather on completely immaterial and supernatural forces. Even looking into Bluteau’s definition of sorcerer (feiticeiro) once again underlines this, as this is a ‘[m]an who, with Diabolical Art & pact, explicit or implicit, does things superior to the forces of nature.210 Besides Bluteau’s full acceptance to Azevedo’s definition of sorcery, it can also be observed to be repeated, at times in the exact same words by Pereira,211 which is likely to make it the most widely accepted one in 18th- century Portuguese Enlightenment circles. Looking into the studied authors, Fonseca Henriques seems to avoid the topic altogether. Even if he does mention the existence of the diabolical fascination ‘which is a kind of enchantment or sorcery with the virtue of certain words, are many people bound, without liberty or sanity, shriveling to an extreme level’,212 he specifically mentions that he will not be dealing with this, focusing rather on the natural one. The only other digression he seem to take on assumedly supernatural grounds concerns the mention of blood sucking witches (bruxas) ‘which are women who have a pact with

209 ‘E assi a lagartixa, que certo feiticeiro poz na couceira da porta de hum lavrador, a qual em todo o tempo, que ali esteve, nem a molher nem animal algum de casa paria, era feitiço, porque nenhuma virtude natural tem huma lagartixa, metida na couceira de huma porta, para produzir estes effeytos; mas poemlhe o Demonio a virtude maléfica, & esta he a razão, porque (como adverte Philo Hebreo) conta este género de males, causados pelo Demonio, nenhum poder tem remedios naturaes,’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 4, letter F, 65. 210 ‘Homem, que com Arte Diabolica, & com pacto, ou explicito, ou implícito faz couzas superiores ás forças da natureza,’ in Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 4, letter F, 64. 211 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 3. 212 ‘que hé hum genero de encanto, ou feytiço com que por virtude de certas palavras ficaõ myutas pessoas ligadas, sem liberdade, nem juizo, secando-se extemosamente,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 157. 53 the Devil and change into some night birds which are called Striges,’213 a possible cause of infant atrophy. In this instance he doesn’t seem to interact with this idea in any way, simply paying lip service to a number of classical authors (Pliny and Herodotus) for amulets to keep these away.214 Curvo Semedo on the other hand, while not expanding too much on the topic of sorcery and the direct influence of the Devil, does address it directly a few times. The first direct mention of this is in the Polyanthea, were he displays a quite self contained conceptualization of the Devil’s possible activity on human health, which he inserts into his medical understanding of the body but ultimately excludes its cure from normal medical action:

(…) there are many diseases that (by permission of God) are caused by the Devil & due to this they are called demonic; as are Lycanthropy, Epilepsy, Paralysis, Convulsions, Manias & other similar ones; & if you ask me how can the Devil cause these illnesses; I will say that by moving the humors and faculties, & this he does in the conjunctions of the Moon; because the Devil has not lost the natural sciences, he knows that in those times are the humors more disposed & the judgments of the infirm more capable of falling into various precipices. 37. But due to the mentioned ailments being, at times, humoral and other times demonic, it is necessary to know them so as not to err on the cure. We will know that they are humoral if we see that they are relieved with the remedies of the Art; however, if these do not relieve, we will understand that they are demonic, & then these are cured with exorcisms, prayers, alms, Relics & with other holy and meritorious works.215

213 ‘que saõ hũas mulheres que tem pacto com o Demonio e se convertem em hũas aves nocturnas, a que chamaõ Striges,’ in Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 710. 214 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana (1710 ed), 711. 215 ‘(…) ha muitas doenças, que (por permissão de Deos) as causa o demonio, & por isso se chamão demoniacas; como saõ, Licantropias, Epilepsias, Parlesias, Convulsoens, Manias, & outras semelhantes; & se me perguntaram, como pòde o diabo causar estes achaques; direy, que movendo os humores, & as faculdades, & isto faz nas conjunçoens da Lua; porque como o diabo não perdeo as sciencias naturaes, sabe que 54

This overall idea of the power of the Devil over the humors as a source for supernatural disease is largely the same as that of Pereira, who explores this to a level of detail which is largely absent from any of the other studied physicians. Nonetheless, Curvo Semedo does address the topic of sorcery directly in his Observaçoens. Analyzing his discussion of the topic, for him sorcery is mostly related to actual materiality, meaning, he does not address the issue of sorcery as an intangible agency such as words, but rather something which has a material aspect to it and is consumed (like the issue of menstrual blood discussed above) or placed in close physical proximity to its victim.216 While not describing these objects and substances in detail, he describes the effects of the ones he has observed as causing impotence, repugnance between happily married couples, madness, loss of weight, dryness, bloatedness and terrifying visions of spirits and beasts.217 Addressing these as a medical doctor, his remedies usually fall into either the use of occult virtues (sympathies and antipathies) or purges. These two categories are then revealing of some coherence in his approach as the use of occult virtues of attraction or repulsion seems to be meant to counteract the opposing virtue in the sorcery performed. This does however create a small demonological problem, as it might imply that sorcery is solely effective due to it containing an occult virtue rather than an explicit demonic power. Looking back at Curvo Semedo’s original description of the Devil’s influence on human health in the Polyanthea quote above, he does describe this as knowledge of the natural sciences, meaning that the Devil’s activity depends on ‘this world’ powers to be made manifest, and consequently these can be countered by equally ‘this world’ virtues. This then places Curvo Semedo’s definition of sorcery (and its cure) in

naquele tempo estão os humores mais dispostos, & os juízos dos enfermos mais capazes para se despenharem em vários precipícios. 37. Mas porque os sobreditos achaques, humas vezes saõ humoraes, outras vezes demoníacos, he necessário conhecellos, porque não se erre a cura. Conheceremos, pois, que saõ humoraes, se virmos que se alivião com os remedios da Arte; porém se não se aliviaram, endenderemos que saõ demoníacos, & então se curão com exorcismos, oraçoens, esmolas, Reliquias, & com outras obras santas, & meretoriais,’ in Curvo Semmedo, Polyanthea Medicinal, 228. 216 Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 566. 217 Curvo Semmedo, Observaçoens Medicas Doutrinais, 567-569. 55 complete opposition to that of Azevedo and Bluteau, who explicitly place this above any naturalistic explanation, occult virtues or ‘this world’ powers. This then may mark a very concrete departure from the full acceptance of the religious (Catholic) view of sorcery and the power and activity of the Devil in the world towards more naturalistic explanations by Curvo Semedo. In this way his occult virtue prescriptions involve the use of fumigations from the teeth of a human skull to unbind lovers, secretly smearing the sole of the shoes of a magically bound boy and his sorceress lover with each other’s faeces and amulets of white amber, or fumigations of snapdragon (antirrhinum majus), coupled with the carrying of the same herb as an amulet against visions. The idea behind purging in order to cure sorcery can also be seen as wholly logical in his particular conceptualization. Given that he mostly considers that sorceries are substances that are consumed by their victim, corrupting and disordering their bodily humors, the first step in dealing with these should be the vomiting of the harming substance (for which he mostly prescribes antimony) followed by a gradual rebalancing of the victim’s humors. Once again, this mode of treatment translates a completely material mode of action of sorcery, which to Curvo Semedo has no actual ‘spiritual’ component to it. Coming to the author who explicitly deals with the issues of sorcery and diabolical activity, Pereira describes a complex categorization and conceptualization of sorcery, breaking it down into several categories and modes of action as well as cures. Regarding illnesses resulting from diabolical activity, he divides these into three possible modes of action: 1) movement of the humors; 2) generation of humors; 3) introduction of foreign things into the body by the Devil’s cunning.218 These can themselves be of two kinds: 1) the venefic, or harmful and 2) the amatory, or those aimed at controlling the will and love of an individual.219 This means that by action over the humors, as he states, any infirmity and unnatural behavior may be produced and recreated in an individual, there being a theoretically infinite number of ways in which sorcery can manifest in the body.220

218 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 4. 219 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 5. 220 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 5. 56

This marks for Pereira the main problem in dealing with sorcery, as the observable manifestation of supernatural illness ends up being completely natural and understandable from a medical point of view. If the observable part of the illness is merely that of humoral imbalance or excess, there is no reason to suspect that something which is unnatural is at play.221 The distinction between natural and supernatural illness has to come from careful observation of symptoms (which Pereira mentions frequently confuse spagyric physicians),222 because given their non-natural origin these will not follow a natural order, meaning that they will be disproportionate to the observed disease and above all will not respond to treatment.223 The purpose of ‘material sorcery’, or the introduction of foreign objects into the human body, in fact does not stray from what was just mentioned, it is all still about affecting the humors or the imagination for the creation of illness or manipulation. As such, what distinguishes this type of material sorcery from the previous direct action of the Devil over the body is that this is the action of human sorcerers. Humans, as material beings present in the material world, do not have the ability to enter into the body of their victims and manipulate their constitutions directly, and as such, they are forced to do this manipulation by the introduction of matter with some form of ‘virtue’ into that body. As stated, this ‘virtue’ is in fact illusory, and all the effective power of any of these materials is provided externally by the Devil who in this way tricks his own agents into falling prey to their vices and base emotions. On addressing this material sorcery, Pereira first makes the point of explaining that strange matter may be naturally generated inside the body through humor corruption. As with the case of purely humoral sorcery, the determination of sorcerous action still lies in the non-naturalness of these materials once they are expelled or purged. While some hair might be natural, large agglomerates of this or animal hair is not, as are nails, needles and pins.224 How these elements are introduced into the body can be done in two ways: 1) by ingestion or 2) magically transported into the body by the Devil.

221 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 6. 222 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 17. 223 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 17. 224 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 37. 57

Related to this form of sorcery, although not originally mentioned in Pereira’s divisions is the effect of material sorceries on bodies due to mere proximity. To explain these Pereira uses the same functioning of the magical transportation by the Devil described above, being possible in this way to place these sorcerous bundles inside the walls of houses or mattresses.225 Having set down the general conception of sorcery, Pereira also offers three classes of remedies which may be used to tackle it: 1) magical or superstitious; 2) divine or ecclesiastic; 3) natural.226 The first category (magical and superstitious), while he addresses it to considerable extent, approaching it from the perspectives of Medicine, Law and Theology, can be summarized extremely easily: magical or superstitious remedies are never lawful. The ultimate reason behind this is that, while a sorcerer and other magical worker can in fact remove and nullify sorcery, this is necessarily done by recourse to the Devil, and all such cures require either an explicit or implicit pact.227 Besides this, the Devil, when addressed in this way, does not in fact nullify the illness, he simply returns the health he has taken, and, as this allows him to once again act on the world, it offends God228 and all such treatments are, in the great scheme of things, a victory for the Devil. Still within this category are what he refers to as supernatural remedies, under which he lists the use of ‘characters, nominas and psalms,’229 all typical of folk magic practices. This once again falls into the discussion of the efficiency of words already discussed above, and while he does claim that many of these have an origin in the Catholic church (while other come from ‘Jewish iniquities’)230 they should be avoided due to being suspicious practices on which it is not possible to ascertain if the Devil might have a non explicit part in it.231 On the topic of folk magic, Pereira does demonstrate quite a nuanced view, as he can agree that there are those among the ‘rustics’ who might be referred to on these cases. These he mostly describes as those

225 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 39. 226 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 49. 227 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 54. 228 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 54. 229 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 85. 230 ‘impiedades Judaicas,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 86. 231 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 86. 58 people who are skilled in the use of herbs and who do not use ‘superstitions’, but that these should be addressed under the label of natural remedies.232 Regarding Divine and Ecclesiastic remedies, beyond what has already been mentioned in respect to the use and power of words/prayers and holy water, the most relevant aspect of Pereiras’ divine medical arsenal is the ritual of exorcism. To his merit, he very carefully delimits the concrete nature and range of action of this form of therapy, always keeping present his ultimate belief in the voidness of the words by themselves. First of all, according to his explanation, exorcism, in order to be a safe, legitimate and lawful ritual, can only be performed by those experts who have been approved by the Church to do so, in order to prevent possible superstitions in this practice.233 Then, in order to justify the reality and effectiveness of this ritual, and defend it against the attacks of Luther’s ‘sacrilegious and impious mouth’234 (‘Devil that he was and is, and of the Catholics a cruel enemy, without any other difference than he being corporeal and the other a spirit),235 he goes on to explain the non-human origin of the power of exorcism, which removes it from the mundane sphere into that of the divine. Exorcism is a ritual given to the priesthood by Jesus via the apostles, and this does not cure by the virtue of the words which are said in it, but rather by a ‘particular grace of the Providence of God, who provided this power, and communicated it to his ministers, who are the priests.’236 However, the most interesting aspect of exorcism in his medical view is that this isn’t, in itself, a cure for anything concrete. Exorcisms are meant to drive demons away from bodies and places, not diseases. This mean that while the exorcism is the ultimate method to banish the root of a supernatural illness, once this is gone one still needs to cure the illness, which should now respond appropriately to natural remedies.237

232 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 67. 233 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 149-150. 234 ‘sacrilega e impia boca,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 148. 235 ‘Demonio que foi e h , e dos Catholicos cruel inimigo, sem mais diferença, que ser elle corpóreo e o outro espirito,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 148. 236 ‘particular graça da Providencia de Deos, que se dignou dar este poder, e de o communicar aos seus Ministros, que saõ os Sacerdotes,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 150. 237 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 151. 59

Regarding these and their effect over supernatural illness, Pereira points out that, as material in essence, natural remedies do not have power to directly counteract the Devil, given that this is a spiritual being. Apart from instances where these may be blessed by a priest and become spiritual weapons,238 natural remedies can only affect the body and its humors, bringing it into a proper state and temperament. But this same virtue can be used indirectly against immaterial enemies by bringing an afflicted human body into a state wholly unpleasant for the Devil’s presence.239 In this way, the appropriate method of action against supernatural illness using natural remedies is to continuously treat the symptoms until the cause removes itself out of frustration or discomfort. An interesting example he mentions in this respect is the use of music. This, contrarily to words, seems to be ascribed concrete power against the Devil by its capacity to change the mood of the listener and particularly by its power to reduce one’s melancholy.240 This reduces the Devil’s ability to influence the body, as according to him, and likely quoting Bluteau,241 melancholy is the ‘Devil’s bath’.242 Besides this, music is also ascribed power by, in some way, representing the choirs of the Angelic Hierarchies, and harmonious sounds, being divine in nature, are unpleasant to the Devil.243 Overall, in terms of natural treatments for sorcery and the Devil, tackling melancholy seems to be the most common avenue described by Pereira. For this end he list herbs such as St John wart (which Fonseca Henriques claims can even cure the diabolical evil eye)244 or hellebore, which to him is superior to the previous one. Apart from this, he, like Curvo Semedo, recommends antimony and emetics (particularly useful for the instance of ingested material sorcery).245 Looking in particular into some of the natural herbs, plants and minerals Pereira describes, their effectiveness seems to not be solely based on their general accepted

238 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 182. 239 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 163. 240 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 87. 241 Bluteau, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, Vol. 5, letter M, 404. 242 ‘banho do Diabo,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 6. 243 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 164. 244 Fonseca Henriquez, Medicina Lusitana, 160. 245 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 204-205. 60 medical use, as all of the ones he describes seem to be read as religious and demonological allegories which somehow endow them with extra efficiency against the Devil. In this way he lists the root of the pentaphylão (Dorycnium pentaphyllum?) as a remedy, as when one cuts it, it reveals the image of the Cross; rue equally represents the bitterness of the suffering of Christ (with rue being a long time talisman against witchcraft);246 jet is the symbol of sadness, which reminds the Devil of his sorry state; sulfur represents the fires of hell, where the Devil suffers; diamond the hardness of his obstinacy.247 This is obviously a confusing aspect to make sense of, since it does seem to suggest that these natural/material remedies do possess some intrinsic virtue to directly affect the spiritual nature of the Devil, but reading on, what Pereira proposes with this is that these do not affect the Devil in a real direct way. The indirect nature of their effect is simply of a slightly different nature from a regular humoral treatment, as these types of natural remedies are meant to cause sorrow and emotional discomfort to evil spirits by reminding them of their fallen state.248 Reading him on this topic, it is somewhat confusing if this apparently inherent property of certain natural remedies to make the Devil feel uncomfortable can be ascribed to any kind of divine virtue: an extra ‘unnatural’ God-given power. Even though he does continue with this kind of symbolic reading of material remedies, this issue does not seem to be unambiguously clarified. Parallel to all of this, logically Pereira still seems to largely support the more traditional occult virtue remedies/amulets against sorcery, but being once again on shaky grounds, it does not seem clear if he regards these as completely natural remedies, or, if given the divine origin of occult virtues, he considers these to be divine in nature. Likely as in the issue of words and exorcism, his conception of such remedies is that they, in themselves, are purely material and ineffective for such cures, but through these a certain divine or occult quality is transported which may counteract such ailments, as ‘God Our Lord, predicting the Demonic infestations which could invade us, conceded

246 Vasconcelos, Etnografia Portuguesa, Vol.7, 140. 247 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 165. 248 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 165. 61 us antidotes so as to be preserved from them.’249 In this category he lists the classical jet, coral, agate, verbena, the anti melancholic St John wart, rue and fennel among others.250 As he then goes on to present an extensive list of elaborate and complex recipes for remedies against sorcery, it is easy to observe that, even though these do seem to come from a variety of different schools, they all refer back to this handful of substances. Finally, as the ultimate medicinal remedy, returning to his starting point of Pia Medicina, Pereira, on closing his book, offer what he refers to as the ‘Spiritual recipe’; an elaborate moral code of conduct for the spiritual healing of the individual by the Divine Physician, the seven sacraments as holy remedies and the exercise of Christian virtues which should render any man immune to the operations of the Devil. Ultimately, even if counteracting the Devil and his sorceries can be accomplished by the use of remedies and humoral control, these will always stand as second grade treatments when compared with the proper exercise of Christian (Catholic) piety.

5. Conclusions Looking into the lists of quoted authors in Curvo Semedo’s Polyanthea and Fonseca Henriques’ Medicina Lusitana, it is very clear that they were reading several authors external to the Iberian scene with influential and long lasting conceptualizations of magic and immaterial agencies in a medical world. Yet, reading through their own offered concepts of sorcery and the activity of spirits and the divine over the human body, it is somewhat puzzling to observe that all of the three studied authors, apart from the concept of magnetism taken from Van Helmont, do not seem to engage with ideas on magic from any of their non-Iberian readings. Taking the particular example of Fonseca Henriques, while he deals extensively with issues of fascination, and he claim to have read Marsilio Ficino (1433 – 1499) and Giambattista della Porta (1535 – 1615), two Italian authors of extremely relevant influence on the scientific conceptions of

249 ‘Deos N.S prevendo as infestaçoens Demoniacas, que nos podiaõ invadir, foy servido conceder-nos antidotos para dellas nos preservar,’ in Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 214. 250 Pereyra, Anacephaleosis Medico-Theologica, 214-216. 62 natural magic, astrology,251 the imagination and fascination,252 he does not seem to bother in relating his own ideas on this topic with those by these authors. Even the magical concepts by those non-Iberian authors the studied physicians do actively engage with in a medical/chymical level seem to be completely put aside. Even if quoting Paracelsus and his followers (such as Van Helmont), apart from magnetism and naturalized occult virtues, there are no mentions whatsoever of concepts used by these such as the Light of Nature, the Grace of God or even Natural Magic. What can perhaps be taken from this observation is that, when stepping outside of what might be called strict ‘materialistic science’ (if such a concept can be considered to exist in the studied time period) it seems that none of the studied authors are comfortable with falling outside of orthodox Catholicism and their Aristotelian conception of the Universe. While authors such as Curvo Semedo and Fonseca Henriques were some of the ones pushing for the recognition of non-Iberian science in Portugal, the intellectual isolation of previous centuries seems to have had an even more dramatic effect on the topics of magic and conception of immaterial agencies in medical circles as no foreign influence can be easily detected on the studied literature. Yet, even within this restricted space of strict adherence to Aristotelian and Catholic concepts of spirit and magic, all the studied authors clearly demonstrate extraordinarily creative and intelligent ways of expressing such concepts. As mentioned for the world of Portuguese medicine, this observation, and the fact that when dealing with ‘magic’ and related topics, Portuguese authors will most often just quote others from their own background (such as Azevedo or Delrio), equally suggests an overarching conception of ‘magic’ organized along clear confessional and national lines which is still to be explored. Focusing on the studied authors themselves, from Pereira to Curvo Semedo to Fonseca Henriques, even within this restricted adherence to orthodoxy, a certain gradual change in the concepts of invisible and immaterial agencies and properties also seems to be detectable. Pereira is located in a worldview where the miraculous and diabolical is amply accepted; such agencies are logical, immediate and observable. To deny such agencies is for him effectively to deny observable reality and the whole construction of

251 Roy, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind, 173. 252 Schott, 'Paracelsus and Van Helmont,' 136. 63 human knowledge, particularly codified by the Catholic Church and the ‘ancients’. The level of compromise he makes with the ‘moderns’ (or feels he must make) is thus reduced in the face of the ultimate certainty of his religious/philosophical position. Curvo Semedo seems to have the most complicated position to come to terms with. While supporting a wholly classical view of the world and the body, his observations, experiments and medical practices seem to, at every step, want to erode the stability of the Galenic and Aristotelian universe. While, as probably the foremost Portuguese chymist of the 18th century, one would expect him to be the most forward thinking of the studied authors, the ultimate debate on the exact nature of the universe and the functioning of the body (the ‘modern’ versus ‘ancient’ debate) is largely avoided by him by ascribing an ultimately incomprehensible ‘occult’ quality to chymisty. Such should not be considered a lazy or half hearted solution on his part, but actually one of the few solutions for the observations arising from the use of chymistry and its narratives when placed in an unshakable Aristotelian worldview. Curvo Semedo does not challenge the base of the Galenic system given the fact that the inexplicable and the illogical can be, in a way, logically explained and fitted to his system by the acceptance of the ultimately unknowable reality of medicine and nature as divine things. Fonseca Henriques is the one who is more willing to drop and erode his Galenic and Aristotelian education. But this is not due to him thinking the ‘moderns’ present a better system (something new completely opposed to something old), but because, in his view, it’s simply a better observation and understanding of the overarching universal system which stands outside of any school. Galenism and Paracelsianism, Aristotelianism and Platonism, to him are words with no inherent meaning, they are just bothersome conventions in the way of true rational observation. At times this position seems to place him in complicated contradictions which are most often not addressed by him. In attempting to describe intrinsic poisons, the evil eye and an array of invisible medical agencies, he often needs to fall back on more classical aspects and notions of the body which he, when able, denounces as false (such as the general four humor theory and the continuous consumption of blood by the members of the body). This observation, and the previous ones done on the remaining authors, may actually suggest something quite significant when approaching the medical

64 debate of the ‘moderns’ versus the ‘ancients’, and in particular the debate between Galenists and Paracelsians. The whole array of immaterial agencies and effects addressed in this thesis, when in a Galenic worldview, are actually completely naturalized. The evil eye, planetary influences, the functioning of sorcery, the capacity and action of demons on the material world, all of these things are possible to make sense of in completely naturalistic terms by the use of humor theory, correspondence of Aristotelian qualities and the Catholic cosmovision (being dropped into the basket of ‘occult virtues’ when all else failed). Taking the example of Fonseca Henriques, if he is seen to step back from more progressive medical ideas back into Galenism when addressing invisible agencies (the apparent abandonment of Harvey’s blood circulation theory for example), this is likely because Galenism allows for a simpler and more naturalistic explanation for them. On the other hand, if Galenism and humor theory are fully abandoned, all of these mysterious and immaterial powers, illnesses and cures, not being equally abandoned, are left hanging with no concrete and accepted mode of action in the natural world. So, even if from a contemporary scientific view the abandonment of humor theory can be understood as a step in the right direction for a more correct description of the body and nature, it leaves an immense gap which creates the space and even necessity for the presence of even more immaterial and intangible concepts for their explanation, such as the Paracelsian concepts of ‘magic’ or the ‘Light of Nature’. Alternatively, this may result in the placing of overbearing weight on concepts such as occult virtues, celestial influences253 or imagination.254 Taking the example of the evil eye, while in classical Galenism this is a completely natural occurrence derived from humor corruption which effectively does not need any concept which may be deemed ‘supernatural’, in Paracelsus this becomes intrinsically linked to wrath and imagination.255 While these are also present in the Galenic conception, here these are given as the very source of this particular poison, since there is no other bodily mechanism which may allow for its production. Even the

253 Webster, Paracelsus, 158. 254 Pagel, Paracelsus, 121-122. 255 Pagel, Paracelsus, 148. 65 very notion of ‘magic’, as the unseen influences in nature,256 can be seen to translate this, as the (naturalized) causes for mysterious agencies and powers are removed but not their effects. Looking now at these authors from the perspective of the progress of Portuguese medical knowledge, Pereira seems to have been largely forgotten by history. Given the development that Portuguese medicine was to take in the second half of the 18th century, his classicism and his concern with forms of illness which in a short period of time would be largely disregarded by mainstream medical discourse seems to consign him to oblivion, being today mostly a fascinating author for academic inquiry. On the other hand, Curvo Semedo and Fonsenca Henriques went on to be considered the most influential doctors of their generation by their efforts to bring new innovative medical notions into their country. Still, this is not to say that their works were held in particular high regard for generations to come in terms of concrete medical techniques and methodology, as Jacob Sarmento (a Portuguese Jewish physician exiled in London and one of the most influential physicians from the second half of the 18th century) would not spare either of them from harsh criticism. This either by the fact that their works were too accessible to the ‘vulgar’257 or because of their excessive empiricism, credulity and the absence concrete medical and chemical analysis to determine the exact therapeutic properties of the remedies they constantly prescribed.258 Ultimately, their attempts at describing sorcery, the evil eye and the place of God and the Devil in the medical world would be either ridiculed or simply forgotten by the end of the 18th century and no intellectual continuity of this particular set of medical/magical ideas seems to be detectable. In the second half of the 18th century, the next generation of physicians was finally able to break through the Iberian intellectual blockade and put Portugal largely on-par with the rest of Europe in terms of medical knowledge. With the appointment of the enlightened despot Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, the Marquis of Pombal, to the Secretary of the State of Internal Affairs of the Kingdom by King José I, the Inquisition

256 Pagel, Paracelsus, 62. 257 Pinto, ‘A Materia Medica de Jacob de Casto Sarmento,’ 166. 258 Pinto, ‘A Materia Medica de Jacob de Casto Sarmento,’ 174-175. 66 is made subject to the crown in 1771259 and the traditional curriculum of Coimbra is completely reformed in 1772,260 banishing the teaching of Scholastic Philosophy and putting an end to the long history of the Aristotelian Conimbricencis.261 Even if the progression of the Enlightenment agenda would have its ups and down, by the end of the century, by order of Queen Maria I (the ‘Pious’ or the ‘Mad’), in 1794 the first official Portuguese pharmacopeia is published, the Pharmacopeia Geral,262 largely normalizing the notions, uses and compositions of remedies and therapy and dealing a death blow to the business of the Segredistas. Finally, sorcery, secrets, occult virtues, the evil eye, God and the Devil, all were exorcised by iatromechanics and the lights of a late Enlightenment. Left behind were a richness of concepts and ideas regarding the body, the soul and the world which for centuries of isolation were thought and built upon by generations of brilliant Iberian minds. This is a history that is yet to be fully told.

6. Bibliography

17th and 18th-century sources: Azevedo, Manoel (friar), Correcçam de Abusos, Introdusidos Contra o Verdadeyro Methodo da Medicina, & Farol Medicinal Para Medicos, Cirurgiões, & Boticarios. II.Parte. Em Tres Tratados. O Primeyro da Fascinaçam, Olhado, ou Quebranto, & que he Infirmidade Mortal, Naõ Só Para os Meninos, Mas Tambem Para os de Mayor Idade, cõ Todos os Sinaes Para Se Conhecer, & os Mais Experimentados, & Selectos Remedios Para se Curar. O Segundo da Mais Breve, e Experimentada Curaçaõ das Bexigas, & Sarampaõ. O Terceyro de Quanto Proveyto Sejam os Pós Purgativos do Ouro Preparado, Cujas Excellencias, & Qualidades Se Veraõ Com as Grandes Experiencias, Que Por Muytos, & Diversos Medicos se Fizeraõ Com os Ditos Pós, Lisbon: Officina de Manoel, & Joseph Lopes Ferreyra 1705.

259 Bethencourt, The Inquisition, 66. 260 Walker, ‘Physicians and Surgeons in the Service of the Inquisition,’ 33. 261 Gomes, Os Conimbricenses, 134. 262 Pita and Pereira, ‘A arte farmacêutica no século XVIII,’ 236. 67

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