Human Rights and Democratization in the Republic of Georgia
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The Role of the United Nations in the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict
The Role of the United Nations in the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict SUSAN STEWART The Mannheim Centre for European Social Research, University of Mannheim, Germany Issue 2/2003 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbrücke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany ( +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de The Role of the United Nations in the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict* SUSAN STEWART The Mannheim Centre for European Social Research, University of Mannheim, Germany This article analyses UNOMIG efforts at stabilization and mediation in the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict, arguing that while progress in both realms has been slight, there is reason to conclude that stabilization attempts have been more successful than those of mediation. The author contends that difficulties in the mediation sphere can largely be attributed to UN insistence on Georgian territorial integrity and on a comprehensive settlement including continued substantial progress on the question of Abkhazia’s political status. While coordination between the CIS peacekeepers and the UN has proceeded smoothly, the multidimensional involvement of the Russian Federation has complicated the constellation of actors surrounding the conflict. Owing to these external as well as other internal factors, the author concludes that the outlook for Georgian-Abkhazian negotiations in the short to medium term appears bleak, but that the conclusions drawn from the role of the UN in the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict can be useful for understanding difficulties the UN is likely to encounter in similar interventions. I. Introduction The recent war in Iraq has again called into question the potential role of the United Nations in world affairs. -
Georgia/Abkhazia
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ARMS PROJECT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH/HELSINKI March 1995 Vol. 7, No. 7 GEORGIA/ABKHAZIA: VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OF WAR AND RUSSIA'S ROLE IN THE CONFLICT CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................5 EVOLUTION OF THE WAR.......................................................................................................................................6 The Role of the Russian Federation in the Conflict.........................................................................................7 RECOMMENDATIONS...............................................................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Republic of Georgia ..............................................................................................8 To the Commanders of the Abkhaz Forces .....................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Russian Federation................................................................................................8 To the Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus...........................................................................9 To the United Nations .....................................................................................................................................9 To the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe..........................................................................9 -
Politics of Memory in Independent Georgia. Selected Aspects. Institute
283 Wojciech Górecki Centre for Eastern Studies, Warsaw, Poland POLITICS OF MEMORY ARTICLES IN INDEPENDENT GEORGIA SELECTED ASPECTS Abstract This article outlines the question of politics of memory in independent Georgia (since the collapse of the USSR). The author argues that Georgia is not yet conducting such a policy, but we may nevertheless discuss a sum of activities which during the rules of Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1990–1992) and Eduard Shevardnadze (1992–2003) were sporadic and intuitive, but since the Rose Revolution and the government of Mikheil Saakashvili (2004–2013) have become more thoughtful and methodical (the Museum of Soviet Occupation was opened in Tbilisi during this time). The actions taken were influenced by the political situation – the civil war, the wars in South Ossetia and Abkhazia in the 1990s, and the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 – as well as the regional diversity of the country, its multi-ethnicity, and its position in the South Caucasus (which in Soviet times was known as Transcaucasia). This article discusses the most important topics that appear in Georgian narratives about the past, highlighting the historical ties between it and the West (the aim is to prove that in cultural-axiological terms Georgia belongs to Europe, and thus to justify Tbilisi’s aspirations to integration with the EU and NATO), and depicting Georgia as the victim of the Russian and Soviet empires (and whose successor is contemporary Russia). However, the Georgian message is hindered by the existence of the Joseph Stalin State Museum, which glorifies the Soviet dictator. Keywords: Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Gori, Tbilisi, Joseph Stalin, USSR, Russia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze, Rose Revolution, Mikheil Saakashvili, politics of memory, Transcaucasia, Southern Caucasus Institute of National Remembrance 1/2019 284 1. -
Géorgie 1985-1995 Economie Et Transition
Géorgie 1985-1995 Economie et transition Kevin Tuite hiver 2014 Uprisings & protests in the Georgian SSR • Uprising against Soviet rule in Aug-Sept 1924 (10K + killed in fighBng or executed aerwards) • Demonstraons on 3rd anniversary of Stalin’s death, 6-9 March 1956 (100-200 killed by Transcaucasian Military District troops) • Demonstraon in support of the official status of the Georgian language, 14 April 1978 AWempted hijacking of Aeroflot airliner, 18-19 November 1983 (3 hijackers & 5 others killed at airport; 3 hijackers & priest executed 3 Oct 1984) The Perestroika Years (1985-1989) • Economy • Society • Culture & educaon • Religion « Taux de change » mulBples: 1. Rouble vs. $ (taux officiel, marché noir) 2. Heures de travail (1 R = 0,5-1 h) 3. « Indice des prix à la consommaon » Prix de la nourriture en 1985-86 • Prix officiel en roubles sovéques • Prix en $ selon le taux de change officiel • Prix en $ selon le taux du marché noir • Heures de travail (salaire mensuel de 300R) Prix du transport et de produits culturels Prix du marché noir (produits importés) • Burda: catalogue de mode avec patrons de couture Social rituals: the banquet (supra) • (L) Birthday party in Tbilisi, Janury 1986 • (R) impromptu supra inside medieval church in SvaneB, June 1988 Pre-perestroika Georgian cinema • 1980 La migraon des moineaux (Beghurebis gadaprena, Temur Babluani) • 1981 Le nageur (Motsurave, Irakli Kvirikadze) • 1983 Les montagnes bleues (Tsisperi mtebi, Eldar Shengelaia) • 1983-86 RepenBr (Monanieba, Tengiz Abuladze; début du tournage, avec Gega Kobakhidze -
Recent Elections in Georgia: at Long Last, Stability?
Recent Elections in Georgia: At long Last, Stability? DARRELL SLIDER G eorgia held its fourth contested parliamentary elections 31 October 1999 (the fifth, if one includes the 1918 multiparty elections that produced a Social Democratic government that was forced into exile by the Red Army in 1921) and its fourth presidential election on 9 April 2000. Press reports emphasized the endorsement the elections provided to President Eduard Shevardnadze and his party, the Citizens' Union of Georgia, which won a clear majority in the parlia- ment. At the same time, both the parliamentary and presidential elections were marred by heavy-handed manipulation of the political atmosphere preceding the balloting. The parliamentary elections also continued a troubling trend in Geor- gian politics: the exclusion of significant segments of the political spectrum from representation in the legislature. Perhaps more than any other former Soviet republic, Georgia has emphasized the development of political parties. Party list voting is the chief method for choosing members of parliament: lince 1992, 150 of 235 parliamentarians have been chosen by proportional voting.' The remainder, just over one-third, are cho- sen from single-member districts that correspond to Soviet-era administrative entities.2 Each election, however, has taken place under a different set of rules, which has had a major impact on the composition of the parliament. The party list system was also employed in November 1998 to choose local councils. In theory, a party list system should contribute to the formation of strong par- ties and a more stable party system. In practice, however, Georgian political par- ties remain highly personalized and organizationally weak. -
Georgia/Abkhazia: Violations of the Laws of War and Russia's Role in the Conflict
Georgia2 Page 1 of 15 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map March 1995 Vol. 7, No. 7 GEORGIA/ABKHAZIA: VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OF WAR AND RUSSIA'S ROLE IN THE CONFLICT I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS On August 14, 1992, a fratricidal war broke out on the resort beaches of Abkhazia, a small territory located on the Black Sea coast of the newly independent Republic of Georgia. A sixteen-month conflict ensued between, on the one hand, Abkhaz forces aided by local civilians as well as fighters from other countries, primarily neighboring areas of the Russian Federation, and, on the other hand, the central government of Georgia, in the form of National Guard, paramilitaries and volunteers. The Abkhaz fought for expanded autonomy and ultimately full independence from Georgia; the Georgian government sought to maintain control over its territory. Intensive battles raged on land, air and sea. Several thousand were killed and many more wounded on both sides1; hundreds of thousands were displaced from their homes. Human Rights Watch takes no position concerning the causes of the conflict or the status of Abkhazia. It has, however, documented that both sides of the conflict showed reckless disregard for the protection of the civilian population, and are responsible for gross violations of international humanitarian law - the laws of war. Combatants both deliberately targeted and indiscriminately attacked civilians and civilian structures, killing hundreds of civilians through bombing, shelling and rocket attacks. Combatants deployed and used major weapons in civilian areas, recklessly endangering peaceful residents by situating legitimate military targets close to their homes. -
The-Caucasus.Pdf
THE CAUCASUS The Caucasus is one of the most complicated regions in the world: with many dif- ferent peoples and political units, differing religious allegiances, frequent conflicts, and where historically major world powers have clashed with each other on many occasions. Until now there has been no comprehensive introductory book for those wishing to learn about this complex region. This book fills the gap, providing a clear, comprehensive introduction to the Caucasus, which is suitable for all readers. It covers the geography; the historical development of the region; economics; poli- tics and government; population; religion and society; culture and traditions; along- side its conflicts and international relations. Written throughout in an accessible style, it requires no prior knowledge of the Caucasus. The book will be invaluable for those researching specific issues, as well as for readers needing a thorough introduction to the region. Frederik Coene is currently Attaché dealing with post-conflict assistance in the Delegation of the European Commission to Georgia. His research on the Caucasus began in 1999 during his internship in the Private Office of the Secretary-General at NATO Headquarters. Since then he has researched, worked and travelled in all parts of the Caucasus. ROUTLEDGE CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA AND EASTERN EUROPE SERIES 1 LIBERAL NATIONALISM IN CENTRAL EUROPE Stefan Auer 2 CIVIL–MILITARY RELATIONS IN RUSSIA AND EASTERN EUROPE David J. Betz 3 THE EXTREME NATIONALIST THREAT IN RUSSIA The growing influence of Western rightist -
CPY Document
Interviews with Tengiz Sigua and Jaba Ioseliani Dodge Billingsley Following are interviews with Tengiz Sigua, former Georgian Prime Minister, and Jaba Ioseliani, the colorful leader of the controversial Mkhedrioni armed formation. Both were intimately involved in Georgia’s state-building process in the early 1990s. They were two-thirds of the Military Council (the remaining member, Tengiz Kitovani, now resides in Moscow), an interim government that replaced first president of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia’s, government. They were also jointly responsible for Eduard Shevardnadze’s rise to power in Georgia as well as the initiation of the conflict in the separatist region of Abkhazia. Both interviews were conducted during summer 2001. At times their answers and comments are at odds with each other and challenge the “facts” behind the issues. However, both provide insight as to the workings of the Military Council, armed formations, war with Abkhazia and relations with Russia. INTERVIEW WITH TENGIZ SIGUA Q: Please tell us about the Military Council, who was members increased from 40 to 60. Shevardnadze was involved in it and how did it operate elected head of the Council. The Military Council was formed 2 January 1992, after the transfer of power from President Gamsakhurdia. It Q: How was the decision made to send Georgian consisted of three persons: Tengiz Kitovani, Jaba Ioseliani military forces into Abkhazia? and me. It existed until 7 March 1992, when Eduard In the spring of 1992, a very unpleasant series of Shevardnadze returned to Georgia. On 10 March 1992, events took place in Abkhazia, namely, the systematic the Military Council announced its self-dissolution and the robbery of railway and motor transport. -
Abstract Autonomy in Georgia's Ajaria Region
ABSTRACT AUTONOMY IN GEORGIA’S AJARIA REGION: ITS BENEFIT FOR THE STATE AND HOW IT HAS EVOLVED SINCE THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION by Michael James Browne This thesis asks how Ajarian autonomy has evolved since the collapse of the Soviet Union and inquires as to why autonomy remains necessary for the Georgian state. I construct a framework from scholarly literature on separatism, integration, and autonomy and how it shapes regional identity in Ajaria. This framework creates a basis to understand Ajaria’s history and how it has shaped its autonomy today. To answer my research question, I conducted a qualitative analysis by interviewing Georgian political and academic elites. Additionally I used secondary data and government documents. I argue that autonomy in Ajaria benefits from unusual circumstances and remains as a tool within the broader Georgian geopolitical discourse to help mend Georgia’s territorial issues. Second I argue that autonomy in Ajaria is protected by international treaties involving Georgia’s neighbors who have historically invested its interests in the region. Finally I argue that autonomy not only benefits Ajaria, but the rest of Georgia. AUTONOMY IN GEORGIA’S AJARIA REGION: ITS BENEFIT FOR THE STATE AND HOW IT HAS EVOLVED SINCE THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Michael James Browne Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2017 Advisor: Dr. Bruce D’Arcus Reader: Dr. Carl Dahlman Reader: Dr. Stanley Toops ©2017 Michael James Browne This thesis titled AUTONOMY IN GEORGIA’S AJARIA REGION: ITS BENEFIT FOR THE STATE AND HOW IT HAS EVOLVED SINCE THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION by Michael James Browne has been approved for publication by The College of Arts and Science and Department of Geography Advisor___________________________________________ (Dr. -
Copyright by Julie Alynn George 2005 the Dissertation Committee for Julie Alynn George Certifies That This Is the Approved Version of the Following Dissertation
Copyright by Julie Alynn George 2005 The Dissertation Committee for Julie Alynn George certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Separatism or Federalism? Ethnic Conflict and Resolution in Russia and Georgia Committee: Robert G. Moser, Supervisor John Higley Zoltan Barany Harrison Wagner Kenneth Greene Charles King Separatism or Federalism? Ethnic Conflict and Resolution in Russia and Georgia by Julie Alynn George, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August 2005 Dedication To my father, Paul Richard George, and my mothers, Jean S. George and Patricia Aulbach Acknowledgements I owe many debts to those who offered support and guidance during the dissertation process. I have been lucky to have a superb dissertation advisor and mentor in Rob Moser, who tirelessly offered support and advice throughout my graduate career, in particular its culmination in this project. My dissertation committee has been active throughout the process. Zoltan Barany, Ken Greene, John Higley, Charles King, and Harrison Wagner offered cogent suggestions that bettered the finished project. The deficiencies that remain are the results of my own limitations, and not theirs. I am grateful to the many organizations that funded my dissertation research and writing, and language acquisition. A Fulbright IIE grant funded ten months in Georgia. The Government Department at the University of Texas at Austin sponsored a summer of research in Russia with the MacDonald Summer Internship. -
A Heavy Burden
A heavy burden Internally Displaced in Georgia: Stories of People from Abkhazia and South Ossetia A heavy burden Internally Displaced in Georgia Stories of People from Abkhazia and South Ossetia Acknowledgements Mary Kumsiashvili, Russian editor Tina Chkheidze, Georgian editor The completion of life stories, which culminates in the publication of this book, would not have Panos London, Olivia Bennett been possible without the participation of many Panos London, Wendy Davies IDMC, Beata Skwarska people, in particular, the displaced people who IDMC, Edmund Jennings opened their hearts and told their stories. We are English Editors profoundly grateful to them. Without them this Maya Darchia, Georgian translator book and the whole IDP Voices project presented at the web site www.idpvoices.org would not exist. Mari Manvelishvili, Russian translator We also would like to thank the non-governmental Irakli Khutsishvili, Layout organisations involved in this project for offering human resources and facilitating contacts with a Publishing house “Siesta” , Printing large number of the narrators. Photographs: Finally the project was made possible by the The photographs that appear in this book are not the interviewees. contributions of many other people committed to the displaced population in Georgia, including Photograph front cover: Abkhazia and South Ossetia. We would especially Heidi Bradner, Panos Picture like to thank: A Georgian woman hauls a bag of belongings over the Abkhazia-Georgia administrative border, via a footbridge over the Inguiri River, after fleeing an outbreak of fighting between Georgian • Local NGOs involved: “Atinati”, IDP women’s partisans and Abkhaz forces in the Galsky region. association “Consent”, IDP Teachers’ Union Photographs back cover and page 22 (bottom, right), 84, 85, 104: “Lampari”. -
Trans-Territorial Energy Networks in Georgia, 1993-2003
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE State Weakness in Perspective: Trans-territorial Energy Networks in Georgia, 1993-2003 Stacy Renee Closson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations 2007 UMI Number: U226529 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U226529 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 M Library British Library of Political aod .Economic Spence ______ AUTHOR DECLARATION I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Stacy Renee Closson The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without prior consent of the author. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I understand that in the event of my thesis not being approved by the examiners, this declaration will become void.