Historical

The State Historical Society of Missouri

COLUMBIA, MISSOURI BOARD OF EDITORS J

LAWRENCE 0. CHRISTENSEN SUSAN M. HARTMANN University of Missouri-Rolla Ohio State University, Columbus

WILLIAM E. FOLEY ALAN R. HAVIG Central Missouri State University, Stephens College, Warrensburg Columbia

JEAN TYREE HAMILTON DAVID D. MARCH Marshall Kirksville

ARVARH E. STRICKLAND University of Missouri-Columbia

COVER DESCRIPTION: In January 1939 hundreds of south­ east Missouri sharecroppers moved their belongings onto the roadsides in protest of farm owners' practices. Amber Clifford examines this event and its aftermath in "To the Disinherited Belongs the Future" in this issue. [Cover illustration courtesy of Western Historical Manuscript Collection-St. Louis.] MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

Published Quarterly by THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI

COLUMBIA, MISSOURI

JAMES W. GOODRICH EDITOR

LYNN WOLF GENTZLER ASSOCIATE EDITOR

LEONA S. MORRIS RESEARCH ASSISTANT

ANN L. ROGERS RESEARCH ASSISTANT

Copyright 1993 by The State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201

The Missouri Historical Review (ISSN 0026-6582) is owned by The State Historical Society of Missouri and is published quarterly at 10 South Hitt, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Send communications, business and editorial correspondence and change of address to the State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201. Second class postage is paid at Columbia, Missouri.

SOCIETY HOURS: The Society is open to the public from 8:00 A.M. to 4:30 P.M., VOLUME LXXXVIII Monday through Friday, and Saturday from 9:00 A.M. to 4:30 P.M., except legal holidays. NUMBER 1 Holiday Schedule: The Society will be closed November 25-28, December 24-26 and December 31-January 2. OCTOBER, 1993 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of the State, shall be the trustee of this State-Laws of Missouri, 1899, R.S. of Mo., 1969, chapter 183, as revised 1978. OFFICERS 1992-1995 Avis G. TUCKER, Warrensburg, President JAMES C. OLSON, Kansas City, First Vice President SHERIDAN A. LOGAN, St. Joseph, Second Vice President VIRGINIA G. YOUNG, Columbia, Third Vice President NOBLE E. CUNNINGHAM, Columbia, Fourth Vice President R. KENNETH ELLIOTT, Liberty, Fifth Vice President ROBERT G. J. HOESTER, Kirkwood, Sixth Vice President ALBERT M. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer JAMES W. GOODRICH, Columbia, Executive Director, Secretary and Librarian

TRUSTEES Permanent Trustees, Former Presidents of the Society WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville FRANCIS M. BARNES III, Kirkwood ROBERT C. SMITH, Columbia RUSH H. LIMBAUGH, Cape Girardeau JOSEPH WEBBER, St. Louis

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1993 HENRIETTA AMBROSE, Webster Groves FREDERICK W. LEHMANN IV, H. RILEY BOCK, New Madrid Webster Groves LAWRENCE O. CHRISTENSEN, Rolla GEORGE MCCUE, St. Louis ROBERT S. DALE, Carthage WALLACE B. SMITH, Independence Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1994 ILUS W. DAVIS, Kansas City DALE REESMAN, Boonville JOHN K. HULSTON, Springfield ARVARH E. STRICKLAND, Columbia JAMES B. NUTTER, Kansas City BLANCHE M. TOUHILL, St. Louis BOB PRIDDY, Jefferson City HENRY J. WATERS III, Columbia Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1995 WALTER ALLEN, Brookfield W. ROGERS HEWITT, Shelbyville JAMES A. BARNES, Raytown EMORY MELTON, Cassville VERA H. BURK, Kirksville DOYLE PATTERSON, Kansas City RICHARD DECOSTER, Canton STUART SYMINGTON, JR., St. Louis

BOARD OF TRUSTEES The Board of Trustees consists of one Trustee from each Congressional District of the State and fourteen Trustees elected at large. In addition to the elected Trustees, the President of the Society, the Vice Presidents of the Society, all former Presidents of the Society, and the ex officio members of the Society constitute the Board of Trustees.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Eight Trustees elected by the Board of Trustees together with the President of the Society consti­ tute the Executive Committee. The Executive Director of the Society serves as an ex officio member. WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington, Chairman BLANCHE M. TOUHILL, St. Louis FRANCIS M. BARNES III, Kirkwood Avis G. TUCKER, Warrensburg H. RILEY BOCK, New Madrid JOSEPH WEBBER, St. Louis JAMES C. OLSON, Kansas City VIRGINIA G. YOUNG, Columbia ROBERT C. SMITH, Columbia EDITORIAL POLICY The editors of the Missouri Historical Review welcome submission of articles and documents relating to the history of Missouri. Any aspect of Missouri history will be considered for publication in the Review. Genealogical studies, however, are not accepted because of limited appeal to general readers. Manu­ scripts pertaining to all fields of American history will be consid­ ered if the subject matter has significant relevance to the history of Missouri or the West.

Authors should submit two double-spaced copies of their manuscripts. The footnotes, prepared according to The Chicago Manual of Style, also should be double-spaced and placed at the end of the text. Authors may submit manuscripts on PC/DOS, 360K disk. The disk must be IBM compatible, preferably the WordPerfect 5.1 program. Otherwise, it must be in ASCII for­ mat. Two hard copies still are required, and the print must be let­ ter or near-letter quality. Dot matrix submissions will not be accepted. Originality of subject, general interest of the article, sources used, interpretation and style are criteria for acceptance and publication. Manuscripts should not exceed 7,500 words. Articles that are accepted for publication become the property of The State Historical Society of Missouri and may not be pub­ lished elsewhere without permission. The Society does not accept responsibility for statements of fact or opinion made by the authors.

Articles published in the Review are abstracted and indexed in Historical Abstracts, America: History and Life, Recently Published Articles, Writings on American History, The Western Historical Quarterly and The Journal of American History.

Manuscripts submitted for the Review should be addressed to Dr. James W. Goodrich, Editor Missouri Historical Review The State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street Columbia, Missouri 65201 CONTENTS

MU BECOMES A SYSTEM. By James C. Olson 1

To THE DISINHERITED BELONGS THE FUTURE. By Amber R. Clifford 22

UNION TROOPS AND THE CIVIL WAR IN SOUTHWESTERN MISSOURI AND NORTHWESTERN ARKANSAS. By Marvin R. Cain and John F. Bradbury, Jr. 29

CHESTER A. FRANKLIN AND HARRY S. TRUMAN: AN AFRICAN-AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE AND THE "CONVERSION" OF THE FUTURE PRESIDENT. By Thomas D. Wilson 48

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

Society Libraries: Reference Library 78

News in Brief 79

Local Historical Societies 82

Gifts 92

Missouri History in Newspapers 95

Missouri History in Magazines 102

In Memoriam 109

BOOK REVIEWS 110

BOOK NOTES 117

HISTORIC MISSOURI COLLEGES: PRITCHETT COLLEGE Inside Back Cover MU Becomes a System

BY JAMES C. OLSON*

Founded in 1839, the University of Missouri is the oldest public university west of the Mississippi River.1 The pioneer legislators who established the University sought a location that would be accessible to citizens in all parts of the expanding state and, fairly early in their deliberations, agreed that the insti­ tution should be established in one of the central counties along the Missouri River. The precise location was to be determined by a process that would give the University to the county submitting the highest bid in cash and/or land. The legislators assumed that these funds, plus the proceeds from the sale of two townships granted by the federal government at the time the state was admitted to the Union "for the use of a seminary of learning," would provide all the money needed for the support of the institution. This assumption, unfortunately, governed the state's approach to the University for many years and may be

* James C. Olson is president emeritus of the University of Missouri. This article is adapted from the introduction to his Serving the University of Missouri: A Memoir of Campus and System Administration, to be published in December by the University of Missouri Press. 1 For the history of the University of Missouri see Jonas Viles, The University of Missouri: A Centennial History (Columbia: University of Missouri, 1939); Frank F. Stephens, A History of the University of Missouri (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1962); James and Vera Olson, The University of Missouri: An Illustrated History (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1988). 2 Missouri Historical Review seen a century and a half later as a precursor of the Missouri tendency to inau­ gurate activities with little regard for their continued financial support. Boone County submitted the highest bid, and the University was located in Columbia, then a village of about two thousand inhabitants. As the years wore on, the University, instead of being accessible, seemed to be increasingly remote. Even as transportation improved, the bitter sectional divisions in the state—Missouri was almost torn apart by the Civil War—made it difficult for the University to establish itself as a statewide institution. There were repeated efforts to move the institution, and in the controversy over the location of a col­ lege of agriculture and mechanic arts provided by the Morrill or "Land-Grant" Act of 1862, the University was saved for Columbia only through a compro­ mise. The concession provided that the board of curators—the institution's governing body—would establish a school of mines and metallurgy in the min­ ing district of southeastern Missouri. The curators, using the same bidding process that had resulted in the selection of Columbia, located the Missouri School of Mines in the little village of Rolla, a community even more outside the mainstream of Missouri life than Columbia.2 Despite its relative isolation, Columbia developed into a pleasant academic community, and the University of Missouri, although woefully underfunded, had become an institution of considerable regional and some national impor­ tance by its centennial in 1939. It was an early member of the Association of American Universities, a small group of the leading graduate and research uni­ versities of the United States and Canada; some of its professional schools were nationally prominent; its College of Agriculture, through an unusually effective extension service, influenced the lives of farmers all over the state; the School of Mines at Rolla, in addition to serving the educational needs of southeastern Missouri, had become recognized nationally as a source of well- trained mining engineers. Yet the University had failed to make a significant impact on the state's two major metropolitan areas, Kansas City and St. Louis. After World War n, as the drive for increased access to higher education mounted everywhere, the University faced increasing pressure from the two cities—neither of which had a public four-year institution—to expand its services. Although circumstances and needs in Kansas City and St. Louis were quite different, the University dealt simultaneously with both problems, and the solution became the University of Missouri System. Kansas City had a well-established, high-quality public junior college; a well-regarded liberal arts institution (Rockhurst College, established by the Jesuits in 1910) and the University of Kansas City, a private, nonsectarian

2 For a good history of the University of Missouri-Rolla see Lawrence O. Christensen and Jack B. Ridley, UM-Rolla: A History of MSM/UMR (Columbia: University of Missouri Printing Services, 1983). MU Becomes a System 3

institution established in 1933. Park College in Parkville, William Jewell College in Liberty and the University of Kansas, located forty miles away in Lawrence and, in many respects, the dominant institution in the area, also served the city. Through these institutions, Kansas City provided fairly adequate oppor­ tunities for undergraduate education—the University of Kansas City was particularly strong in the liberal arts—but the city was woefully lacking in opportunities for graduate work. The University of Kansas, a member of the Association of American Universities and a comprehensive university of considerable distinction, did not offer much for Missouri residents. The University of Kansas City had acquired through merger a number of well- established professional schools—dentistry, law, music and pharmacy—but it did not offer graduate work in the arts and sciences or other disciplines. The University of Missouri, located 125 miles away in Columbia, sought to meet the needs of the city, particularly in the areas of government, business and industry, by teaching masters courses at night at Rockhurst College, Kansas City Junior College and in rented quarters downtown. This was sat­ isfactory neither to the University nor the city. As a means of improving its situation in Kansas City, the University included a request for funds to construct a building to house its various pro­ grams in its budget for 1963-65. Before action could be taken on the request, however, an entirely different solution was found for the problem of higher education in Kansas City—the merger of the University of Kansas City and the University of Missouri.

The William S. Dickey house (right) served as the University of Kansas City's adminis­ tration building when the institution opened in 1933. The library (left) opened in 1936.

State Historical Society of Missouri 4 Missouri Historical Review

Despite its idyllic setting on a beautiful, rolling, wooded site just south of Brush Creek and east of the Country Club Plaza in an area of fine homes and important cultural institutions, the University of Kansas City had never been able to realize its potential. It was underfunded from the beginning, and as the trustees sought to cope with the inflationary pressures of the 1950s, the hopeless nature of their situation became increasingly evident. Although a substantial number of the trustees remained sincerely committed to the ideal of maintaining a private university in Kansas City, pressure for merger with the University of Missouri steadily mounted. An early manifestation of this pressure appeared in a study of higher education in Kansas City conducted in 1957 by Dean McHenry of the University of California at Los Angeles under the auspices of the Kansas City Association of Trusts and Foundations. McHenry recommended that if the University of Kansas City could not raise an adequate endowment— $20,000,000 as a minimum—it should seek to become a campus of the University of Missouri. The McHenry report was followed by repeated unsuccessful fund drives and deepening crises at the University of Kansas City.3 In January 1962 John A. Morgan, chairman of the board of trustees, directed a memorandum to the members, stating his belief that the board must devise a plan to broad­ en the base of financial support for the University and decide whether the institution should seek affiliation with the University of Missouri. Early in the summer, Lieutenant Governor Hilary Bush, himself a Kansas Citian, appointed a committee of sixteen citizens to examine the sta­ tus of higher education in the greater Kansas City area. Homer Wadsworth, president of the Kansas City Association of Trusts and Foundations and a longtime advocate of the merger of the University of Kansas City and the University of Missouri chaired the committee.4 The trustees of the Univer­ sity of Kansas City reacted to the appointment of this committee by express­ ing the belief that "this metropolitan community needs, deserves, and should continue to operate a quality-oriented private university," and they reaf­ firmed their determination "to press on with long-range plans designed to maintain and further develop the University of Kansas City as presently constituted."5

3 Carleton F. Scofield, A History of the University of Kansas City: Prologue to a Public Urban University (Kansas City: The Lowell Press, 1976), 40-45, provides a good brief discussion of the crisis by the acting chancellor. 4 As early as December 1, 1961, Wadsworth had written Elmer Ellis, president of the University of Missouri, about "the rising tide of opinion favorable to the location of a branch of the University in Kansas City" and asking for a conference. Memorandum, Paul M. Peterson to the board of curators, August 1968, subject: Transfer of the University of Kansas City to the Curators of the University of Missouri, University of Missouri Archives, Columbia. ^ Ibid., 44. MU Becomes a System 5 Meanwhile, private, informal discussions were being held to explore the possibility of merging the two institutions. Carleton Scofield, acting chan­ cellor of the University of Kansas City, who more than any other person was aware of the university's financial plight, journeyed to Columbia for an informal discussion with Elmer Ellis, president of the University of Missouri, "to sound out his attitude toward the University of Kansas City being taken over by the State without complete loss of autonomy." Ellis's response was "encouraging."6 Ellis, after visiting informally with members of the board of curators, Governor John M. Dalton and various legislative leaders, felt encouraged to pursue the matter with appropriate people in Kansas City. He first saw Wadsworth, who immediately arranged an appointment with Arthur Mag, a founding trustee of the University of Kansas City and one of the city's lead­ ing lawyers. Subsequently they visited with Morgan and a number of other trustees.7 Although a number of the University of Kansas City trustees remained bitterly opposed to a merger with the University of Missouri—some re­ signed rather than participate in the process—the course of events seemed to indicate that merger was the only feasible solution to the university's

6 Ibid., 45. 7 Elmer Ellis, My Road to Emeritus (Columbia: State Historical Society of Missouri, 1989), 212. Ellis described Morgan as "a very statesman-like businessman." Ellis's account of the events leading up to the merger is generally corroborated by James A. Finch, then president of the board of curators, and a major participant in the negotiations. Phil Connell, interview with James A. Finch, 15 April 1985.

University of Missouri-Kansas City Archives

Elmer Ellis and Carleton Scofield headed the University of Missouri and the University of Kansas City when the two schools merged in 1963. 6 Missouri Historical Review problems. The fund drive sputtered, and in December 1962 the Wadsworth committee published its report recommending a merger of the two institu­ tions.8 In January 1963 committees representing the two boards held a series of closed-door meetings to determine whether a merger could be worked out.9 Characterized from the start by mutual suspicion and even hostility, the meet­ ings were held under the pressure of time—if the merger were to be consum­ mated, the General Assembly, already in session, would have to approve and provide an appropriation. At several points the meetings came close to break­ ing up in failure. The trustees tried to retain as much autonomy as possible; the curators were determined to assume complete control if they took over the institution. These attitudes unfortunately persisted after the merger, creating a thicket of problems for future boards, faculties and administrators.

8 Homer C. Wadsworth, et al., The Need for Expanding and Developing Higher Education Facilities to Serve the Kansas City, Missouri Metropolitan Area (Kansas City: Kansas City Metropolitan Area Committee on Higher Education, 1962). 9 Oliver Ferguson of Fredericktown, Robert Neill of St. Louis and Doyle Patterson of Kansas City represented the board of curators. The trustees were represented by Dr. Charles Kimball, Henry Haskell and Arthur Mag. James A. Finch and John A. Morgan, president of the board of trustees, took part in some of the sessions. Ellis and Scofield also participated, as did attorneys for the two institutions, Paul Peterson and Myron Ellison.

University of Kansas City personnel involved in the merger planning included (left to right) Myron Ellison, Arthur Mag, Charles N. Kimball, Carleton E Scofield and John A. Morgan. Kansas City Star

! : : Bf" -if * '--' > ^T.'Pt IMP •>•:> ^^t^pyl •'•••'mm: TpifHpll k • %-f 1*1 • -IMP! """ Br ?! ^k -^ MA. K " * MU Becomes a System 1 In the end, the curators prevailed. Paul Peterson, general counsel to the curators, and Myron Ellison, the trustees' attorney, hammered out the final draft of the agreement in an all-day meeting in the Kansas City law offices of Stinson, Mag, Thomson, McEvers and Fizzell, where Ellison was a partner. Arthur Mag was frequently called upon to deal with disputed points; Peterson later stated, "Personally I believe Mr. Mag alone was responsible for the transfer of the University of Kansas City to the Curators."10 Ellis, commenting on the legal wrangling, said, "Frankly, there were many details here that I thought Scofield and I could have settled more quickly and more amicably than the lawyers."11 The situation in St. Louis differed from that in Kansas City. Although St. Louis was the largest city in the United States without a public university, it had two good, well-established, comprehensive private universities: St. Louis University and Washington University. A member of the Association of American Universities, Washington University, in particular, had a national reputation for quality. In addition, St. Louis had a number of small, private, church-related colleges. State legislation adopted in 1961, authorizing the establishment of a junior college system in St. Louis with state support, promised to provide at least two years of publicly supported postsecondary education. But until those institutions could be opened, the only public junior college in the St. Louis area was operated by the Normandy School District at the old Bellerive Country Club. The Normandy School District had purchased the Bellerive Country Club, a beautiful, rolling tract of land about two miles east of Lambert International Airport, with the proceeds from a bond issue. Their immediate objective was to establish a junior college, which, with University help, they accomplished in 1960. From the beginning, Ward Barnes, superintendent of the Normandy schools, envisioned a campus of the University of Missouri on the Bellerive site, and he worked tirelessly to achieve his goal. There was no question about the need. A greater demand existed for extension courses, par­ ticularly at the graduate level, than the University could readily fulfill from Columbia. Moreover, a realization grew in St. Louis that the city could not afford to continue much longer without a public university, although the sup­ porters of St. Louis and Washington universities, who would have preferred a state college to a state university, evinced little enthusiasm for such a project.12

10 Peterson Memorandum, 14. 11 Ellis, Road to Emeritus, 212. 12 Governor James T. Blair had appointed a committee to survey the needs of higher educa­ tion in the state. Ellis and Father Paul Reinert, president of St. Louis University, served as co- chairmen. A special committee appointed to study the problem in St. Louis recommended the establishment of a state college in the city. Ellis recalled: "This report had created only the barest interest in St. Louis and I think it was generally looked upon as a way of protecting the two private universities from what might become serious competition if a state university, independent or part of the University of Missouri, became a reality." This statement does not appear in Ellis's autobi­ ography, My Road to Emeritus, although it is in the manuscript version that Ellis loaned the author. 8 Missouri Historical Review

As support for the project grew, and as the Normandy site came to be more broadly discussed, St. Louis leadership expressed interest in having the University locate in the city—Normandy is in St. Louis County. Mayor Raymond Tucker urged Ellis to consider a site in the city. Ellis replied that the only site in the city superior to Normandy was Forest Park, and he knew that it would not be available. St. Louis school superintendent Paul Hickey talked to Ellis about the University taking over the district's teacher-training institution, Harris College. Ellis did not want the site, and he did not want to take over all of the Harris College faculty. He did indicate, however, that if the University were to establish a campus in St. Louis, he would be glad to include Harris College as the teachers college of the new institution, keeping the name.13 Meanwhile, Barnes and his associates continued to gather support for the idea that the University of Missouri should establish a campus at the Bellerive Country Club. The idea was really one whose time had come. The junior col­ lege, a success from the beginning, was rapidly outgrowing the old clubhouse. At the same time, the University found it increasingly difficult to serve the needs of St. Louis through the extension program. The obvious solution was that which Barnes had been pushing—have the University take over the Normandy property and develop the junior college into a university. With the understanding that the Normandy School District would convey the country club property to the University without charge, Ellis secured board approval to go ahead. Unlike the University of Kansas City trustees, the Normandy school board approached the merger with enthusiasm. Ellis enlisted the support of Governor John Dalton, and at this juncture the Kansas City and St. Louis projects were merged through the drafting of legislation that provided an appropriation of $7,100,000 for each campus.14 Tying the two together, thus bringing into play the political clout of the two big cities, was a stroke of genius. Elmer Ellis, who more than any other person was the architect of the University of Missouri System, later recalled:

I was surprised at the ease with which we, meaning primarily Bus Entsminger with Brice Ratchford who had begun to help with some of the lobbying, were able to carry this through. I had always had little difficulty getting support from St. Louis County but had great difficulty getting as good support from Kansas City as I thought the University deserved. In this case we worked directly with the politi­ cal factions, the organized labor groups, particularly with James H. Davis, lobby­ ist for the AFL-CIO, and with our usual farm organization support. It went through in the spring of 1963. Without both Kansas City and St. Louis involved this would have been impossible. The next fall we had four campuses.15

13 Had this come about, it surely would have changed the course of higher education in St. Louis. Harris College, renamed Harris-Stowe College, became an independent state college in 1979. 14 C. Brice Ratchford, then serving as dean of extension at the University of Missouri and active in the negotiations and the lobbying, later recalled that the $7,100,000 requested for begin­ ning operations at St. Louis "grew out of the air. . . . That was the amount of money to take over UKC." Phil Connell, interview with C. Brice Ratchford, February 1985. 15 Ellis, Road to Emeritus, 215. MU Becomes a System

University of Missouri-St. Louis Archives The Normandy School District purchased the Bellerive Country Club in 1960. School board president Edward Monaco signs the deed as other board members and Superintendent Ward Barnes (standing to Monaco's left) look on.

The University did indeed have four campuses. Almost overnight the University of Missouri had grown from its campus in Columbia, with a sep­ arate School of Mines in Rolla, into a genuine multicampus institution. Much needed to be done, however, to weld it into anything resembling a coherent university system. Neither President Ellis nor the board of curators had developed a formal plan for the operation of the University as a multicampus institution. They had consulted with William Friday, president of the University of North Carolina, and with representatives of the University of California, but had established no organized planning process. Ellis wrote: "I felt my way using largely North Carolina and California as guides. . . . The great danger in moving into this was to overelaborate administrative structure in a way that it would be highly uneconomical and inefficient."16 A skilled and canny administrator, Ellis worked well with a minimum of structure. As Brice Ratchford once put it: "Elmer Ellis . . . didn't bother to work out all the details, because he knew if he had control of . . . [the] money it didn't matter."17 With the concurrence of the board, he put the sys­ tem together on an ad hoc and, at times, quite informal basis.

i6 Ibid., 216. 17 Ratchford interview. 10 Missouri Historical Review

An immediate problem was the actual physical location of the central administrative offices. Of course, they would be in Columbia, but probably removed from Jesse Hall where the university administration had been located since the building's completion in 1895.18 Ellis favored a site on the northwest corner of the campus, which would remove the central adminis­ tration from Jesse Hall but keep it conveniently close to campus services, which, Ellis assumed, would be used in common. In a rare display of inde­ pendence—Ellis had remarkably good relations with the board—the cura­ tors did not accept this recommendation, but selected a site on Stadium Boulevard between Memorial Stadium and the A. L. Gustin Golf Course. Ellis's objection to the board's location "was chiefly that it separated the central administration from all faculty and students and made it far more of a government bureau than I approved." He added, "In fact, I told the Board that I saw little difference in putting it on the golf course and moving it to Jefferson City, a fate that I dreaded beyond all else."19 The new building, to be called University Hall, could not be built until an appropriation was secured. It was not completed until 1970, and Ellis served out the remainder of his presidency in his old office in Jesse Hall. This gave the impression that the entire University was to be administered from the Columbia campus, creating concern in Columbia as well as on the other campuses. The fact that all of Ellis's initial appointees were from his staff in Columbia added to the concern. Indeed, in the beginning they were simply assigned central administrative tasks without any change in title: Ray Bezoni, director of finance; Dale Bowling, director of the physical plant; Raymond A. Peck, dean of the Graduate School and research administrator; C. Brice Ratchford, dean of extension; and Vernon Wilson, dean of the School of Medicine and director of the medical center. In 1963 Peck and Ratchford became vice presidents.20 Throughout Ellis's administration, Bezoni and Bowling continued to carry their Columbia titles and to fulfill both campus and central responsibilities.21 While Wilson became heavily involved in University-wide activities, he continued to operate with his Columbia campus title until 1968 when John Weaver appointed him vice president for academic affairs.

18 The building that became Jesse Hall in 1921 replaced the main academic building destroyed by fire in 1892. The original building also had housed the president's office. 19 Ellis, Road to Emeritus, 216. 20 Ratchford recalled the informality with which the appointments were made. Ellis had not told any of them that they were to be appointed vice president. He simply put the title on the annual appointment papers that indicated their salary for the coming year. Ratchford interview. 21 Bowling also recalled the informal way in which Ellis operated. WTien queried as to when he was asked to become a part of the central administration, he responded, "I guess the only way I could answer that is that it was just automatically assumed." Phil Connell, interview with Dale Bowling, 20 May 1985. MU Becomes a System 11

In the very sensitive matter of dealing with the campuses, Ellis moved cau­ tiously, treating each one differently in accordance with local conditions. Gradually, however, a degree of uniformity was built into campus structures and relationships, although the conflict between campus and system authority would remain an enduring theme of the University's history. For Kansas City, the first campus to be dealt with, the relationships and struc­ tures were developed to a considerable degree during the process of negotiating the merger agreement. All agreed that the title of the chief executive officer of the campus would be "chancellor," but there was considerable discussion of his rela­ tionships to the president and the board of curators. The University of Kansas City trustees wanted the chancellor to be able to submit a budget and work direct­ ly with the board of curators on all matters affecting the campus. This, of course, was satisfactory neither to Ellis nor the curators. In final form, the agreement pro­ vided that the chancellor would serve under the direction of the president, but would "have the privilege of presenting any matters to the Board of Curators of the University of Missouri which he may desire with respect to the operations of the University of Missouri at Kansas City; provided, however, he shall first con­ sult with the President of the University of Missouri on such matters."22

22 Peterson Memorandum, 17; Board of Curators, Minutes, 9 March 1963, Office of the Secretary to the Board of Curators, University Hall, Columbia. The agreement also provided that the curators were not irrevocably bound either to the title or the reporting relationships. As a matter of practice, the chancellor of the campus has never presented anything to the board without the approval of the president and, indeed, through the president. This holds true for the other campuses as well.

Elmer Ellis selected Columbia campus staff to help administer the new University System. Pictured left to right are Dale Bowling, Brice Ratchford, Ellis, Ray Bezoni and Raymond Peck. State Historical Society of Missouri 12 Missouri Historical Review

It was a foregone conclusion that Carleton Scofield, president of the University of Kansas City, would become chancellor, and the board of cura­ tors made the appointment in the action creating the campus. In the same action the board designated the schools and colleges of the University of Kansas City as similar entities of the University of Missouri at Kansas City: School of Administration, College of Arts and Sciences, School of Dentistry, School of Education, School of Law, School of Pharmacy and Division of Continuing Education.23 The board further provided that, wherever practica­ ble, practices and procedures at Columbia and Rolla would be adopted in Kansas City.24 This seemingly innocent directive created an inordinate amount of bick­ ering between campus and system administrators as they argued about the applicability of Columbia regulations. From the outset serious problems occurred, exacerbated by intransigence on both sides. Illustrative were dif­ ficulties surrounding the purchase of a truck. When the bids came in, the low bidder was only $12.00 below the next lowest bid. Dale Bowling, func­ tioning in his system capacity, automatically awarded the contract to the low bidder. It turned out, however, that the second lowest bid had been submit­ ted by a strong supporter of the University of Kansas City. The Kansas City business manager protested, taking the matter to Paul Peterson, general counsel, who supported Bowling on the grounds that state regulations per­ mitted no other action. Peterson recalled that as the Kansas City business manager left his office, he said, "If that is going to be your policy, you are going to wreck our University."25 Problems arose in almost every area as the Kansas City administrators tried to retain their customary ways of doing things, and those from the cen­ tral administration frequently took a narrow view of what was possible under board regulations or state law. The transition from private to public status proved painful, although the fact that there was considerably more money available for the operation of the University eased the pain. Faculty and staff salaries increased, the University undertook long-neglected repairs and construction resumed on the Katz Pharmacy Building. In the community at large there was an air of optimism. Dr. Charles N. Kimball, president of the Midwest Research Institute and a University of Kansas City trustee (the University of Kansas City continued to exist as a corporate entity, and the trustees became a strong and effective support group for the University of Missouri-Kansas City), commented: "I've been

23 Board of Curators, Minutes, 13 July 1963. On February 25, the University of Kansas City trustees had changed Scofield's title from acting president to president "because of the role he must play in the future." Scofield, History of the University of Kansas City, 46. 24 Board of Curators, Minutes, 5 June 1963. 25 Peterson Memorandum, 36. MU Becomes a System 13 complaining for five years that Kansas City has been held back by lack of a major university here. . . . Now we've gained a decade. We're off to a run­ ning start."26 The Kansas City Times said: "There are no limits for U.M.K.C. ... It would be difficult to exaggerate the importance of this development."27 For his part, Ellis left administrative details to his lieutenants and con­ centrated on major problems, particularly personnel matters and the devel­ opment of the professional schools. In contrast to what later became cus­ tomary practice, he worked fairly closely and directly with the various deans, especially with Dr. Hamilton B. G. Robinson, dean of the School of Dentistry, the most solidly established of the professional schools in Kansas City, who was working to move the dental school out of its antiquated and wholly inadequate quarters at Tenth and Troost. Ellis also involved himself closely in the selection of new deans for the School of Law and the School of Administration. Ellis's major problem in Kansas City, however, was finding a replace­ ment for Scofield, who would reach the University's mandatory retirement age in 1965. Hearing from Homer Wadsworth, president of the Kansas City Association of Trusts and Foundations and a major force behind UKC's merger with the University, that Mrs. James M. McCain, wife of the presi­ dent of Kansas State University, would like to live in a larger place than Manhattan, Ellis tried to persuade McCain to take the job. He had worked

26 Kansas City Times, 26 July 1963. 27 Ibid.

The Katz Pharmacy Building was finally completed after the University of Missouri assumed control of the Kansas City campus. University of Missouri-Kansas City Archives 14 Missouri Historical Review

with McCain in various capacities over the years and had a high regard for him. Although apparently intrigued with the job, McCain turned it down in the end. He told Ellis that taking a position at the University of Missouri "would be too much like going over to the enemy."28 Several people were interviewed, but for one reason or another, they were not well received by key faculty leaders or the University of Kansas City trustees whom Ellis involved in the process. Finally, they settled on Randall M. Whaley, vice president for graduate studies and research at Wayne State University in Detroit. Whaley, and particularly his wife, Mim, charmed people in Kansas City, and he had excellent credentials, having taught successfully at Purdue as well as at Wayne. Moreover, he brought the kind of urban university experience that seemed particularly appropriate for Kansas City. Despite his excellent record, Ellis remained uncertain that Whaley was right for the job and expressed his reservations to the board at the time he recommended Whaley's appointment. Ellis later said that the appointment was "the biggest mistake of my administration."29 Although Whaley proved very popular in Kansas City, he had a stormy career as a system officer, resigning after two years. During the meeting at which the curators formally established the Kansas City campus, they also took action with respect to St. Louis, autho­ rizing the payment of $100,000 to the Normandy school board for the Bellerive Country Club and the equipment being used in the junior college program. Additionally, they directed the business manager to negotiate with the architectural firm of Hellmuth, Obata and Kassabaum of St. Louis for the design of the initial buildings. The next month they formally established "a campus of the University of Missouri to be known and designated as the University of Missouri-St. Louis campus" and provided that the chief exec­ utive officer should be a dean. They accepted the plans of Hellmuth, Obata and Kassabaum for a classroom building and a science building and, in an action that greatly influenced the development and appearance of the cam­ pus, ordered "all future buildings to be uniform in general design and use of materials."30 To head the new campus Ellis chose a close friend, James Bugg, Jr., chairman of the Department of History at Columbia.31 The important ques­ tion of campus mission Ellis handled forthrightly and directly. He told Bugg that while graduate work would be developed at Kansas City, St. Louis would be an undergraduate campus. As he addressed the dedicatory

28 Ellis, Road to Emeritus, 222. Unless otherwise indicated, this account is based on Ellis. 29 Conversation with the author. For an extended account of Ellis's difficulties with Whaley see Ellis, Road to Emeritus, 224-226. 30 Board of Curators, Minutes, 13 July 1963. 31 Unless otherwise indicated, this account is based on Blanche M. Touhill, The Emerging University: The University of Missouri-St. Louis, 1963-1983 (Columbia: University of Missouri Printing Services, 1985). MU Becomes a System 15 convocation on September 15, 1963, he again described the mission of the campus as undergraduate, with emphasis on the arts and sciences. Ellis rec­ ognized the possible need for some graduate and professional programs, but did not think that the number required would ever be large. He told the ded­ icatory audience, "What our successors in another generation will seek to build into it only time can tell, but as far as we are concerned that is what we see [as] the need, that is what we are going to build."32 Although future generations of faculty and administrators would chafe under this restricted mission—indeed, the central theme of UMSL's history has been the struggle to add new programs—the prevailing mood on dedica­ tion day was one of anticipation and celebration rather than apprehension. Dean Bugg likewise wasted little time fretting over any supposed narrow­ ness of mission.33 He worked closely with his former colleagues at Colum­ bia in establishing the new campus and recognized from the beginning that their cooperation depended on the understanding that he was not trying to build a competitive institution. Moreover, his principal interest lay in devel­ oping high-quality, demanding and innovative programs in the arts and sci­ ences. Although innovative programs did not evolve to the degree originally envisioned, Bugg proved remarkably successful in building a high-caliber faculty, concentrating on the selection of young scholars with great promise.

32 Ibid., 14. 33 Touhill, it should be noted, devotes considerable attention to an analysis of the prob­ lems that Ellis's view of the campus's mission could be expected to engender. Ibid., 12-16.

When the University of Missouri-St. Louis officially opened in September 1963, 673 students crowded into the old Bellerive Country Club.

University of Missouri-St. Louis Archives

'1^4 'N&* w fc, iMK. *^m^r^3mJ^ SjBKc.1 -«5s|&'\fc UN? ^«!S**i B™11LT 16 Missouri Historical Review

For the most part, these young people were committed to the ideal of high- quality undergraduate education. As they matured into positions of influ­ ence—and they did so very rapidly at the bustling new university—they tended to resist curricular additions that might dilute quality as they under­ stood it. From the beginning, UMSL seemed constantly to be in danger of burst­ ing at the seams, both in program offerings and physical space. Although the capacity of the old Bellerive clubhouse, the only structure available, was believed to be five hundred students, six hundred enrolled in the fall of 1963. Somehow, they all squeezed in—the most serious problem was one that became endemic in the life of the campus: parking. The administration admitted more than a thousand students in the fall of 1964, and as the junior and senior programs were added in 1965 and 1966, enrollments increased correspondingly. To help solve the space problem, an Evening Division was created in 1964, with Arthur Mallory, a well-known Missouri educator, as dean. Mallory resigned in 1965 to become president of Southwest Missouri State College at Springfield and was succeeded by Joy Whitener, who continues as the present dean of the Evening College. Administrators took a small ini­ tial step toward providing career-oriented educational opportunities with the establishment of a Division of Teacher Education in 1964 and a Division of Business in 1965. The Extension Division, which had been the University's principal interface with St. Louis for a number of years, was moved to the campus and, under the leadership of Virgil Sapp, operated effectively to pro­ vide University-wide and campus outreach programs.

University of Missouri-St. Louis Archives

James L. Bugg, Jr., chairman of the University of Missouri-Columbia his­ tory department, became the first chancellor of the St. Louis campus. MU Becomes a System 17

Space and parking continued to be the campus's major problems. Although construction began on a science classroom building (Benton Hall) in 1963, it was not completed until 1967. A second classroom building (Clark Hall) was finished in 1968, and the Thomas Jefferson Library in 1969. A number of other buildings were completed in the early 1970s, but during the first six years of UMSL's existence, these structures plus the old clubhouse provided all of the space available to house an enrollment that had grown to more than ten thousand. The establishment of two new campuses and the creation of a central administration necessitated some changes in the president's relationships with the two older campuses, Columbia and Rolla. In the beginning Ellis effected the changes quite informally. The campus at Rolla, created in 1870 as the Missouri School of Mines, had operated as a division of the main campus at Columbia, and the relation­ ship was an unhappy one almost from the beginning. Columbia treated the school as something of an unwanted stepchild, and there were frequent efforts in Rolla, sometimes involving legislators, to secure independence from Columbia. Gradually, the mining curriculum was expanded into a general school of engineering, and in the years immediately after World War n, the enrollment grew rapidly, increasing to 2,711 in 1949. In the late 1950s, enrollment dropped to about 1,000 students, but it began to increase again in the 1960s, reaching a peak of 6,416 in 1970. Wretchedly housed, the school at Rolla used some buildings that should have been condemned years before. As a result of the bond issue approved during the administration of Governor Phil Donnelly in the 1950s, some new buildings, including a library, were constructed with state funds. The board of curators issued bonds to build dormitories and a small student union, but the physical plant would require—and receive—substantial additions during the late sixties, seventies and eighties. Curtis Wilson, an able administrator appointed by President Frederick Middlebush, guided the campus through its postwar ups and downs. He was nearing retirement, however, and so while Ellis was adding the two urban campuses to the University, he faced the need to find a dean for the School of Mines at Rolla. In what apparently was a first for Rolla, he appointed a search committee to assist in the process. He also told the committee that they did not have to limit their search to mining engineers, but could consider anyone whose field was represented at Rolla. Ellis and the committee decided early in the process to go outside, finally selecting Merl Baker, a forty-one- year-old professor of mechanical engineering at the University of Kentucky, who also served as executive director of the Kentucky Research Foundation. 18 Missouri Historical Review

Young, attractive and energetic, Merl Baker and his wife, Emily, were like a breath of fresh air in Rolla. They turned the monstrosity of a building that served as the Dean's Residence into a much-used center of campus and com­ munity entertainment. Both were instantly popular, and Baker effectively accomplished what many of the Rolla faculty were hoping for: further expan­ sion out of the mining curriculum and freedom from domination by the Columbia campus. In April 1964 the board of curators, on Ellis's recommen­ dation, changed the name of the campus, effective July 1, to "University of Missouri at Rolla" and designated Baker as chancellor.34 (In the same action, "so that the name[s] of the three campus[es] other than the one at Columbia would be uniform," the board changed the designation of the St. Louis campus to "University of Missouri at St. Louis" and provided that, at such time as four- year courses were established, Bugg's title would be changed to chancellor.) The board provided that Ellis and Baker should work out the organiza­ tion of the campus, and when it came into being on July 1, the University of Missouri at Rolla had a School of Mines and Metallurgy, a School of Engineering, a School of Science, a Graduate School and an Extension Division. Its enrollment totaled just over four thousand students. On the surface, the campus at Columbia experienced no immediate, per­ ceptible change as a result of the expansion of the University that took place in 1963, but the changes ran deep and the effects were traumatic. As elsewhere when multicampus systems grew out of old, single-cam­ pus institutions, the faculty at Columbia viewed developments with consid­ erable alarm. They saw the new campuses as competitors for already inade­ quate state resources. They feared that the urban campuses, and particularly the one in St. Louis, which furnished almost half of Columbia's students, would drain away enrollment and thus weaken Columbia's standing with the state legislature. They worried about maintaining Columbia's preeminent position as the state's principal public source of graduate and professional education. Ellis's prediction that the students who would attend the St. Louis campus would be those who could not afford to go to Columbia and his statement that the St. Louis campus would confine itself to undergradu­ ate education only partially reassured them. Faculty fears were transmitted to the alumni, and almost from the beginning, alumni hostility developed toward the system and the new campuses. Ellis's initial administrative arrangements also created some confusion and consternation on the Columbia campus. As mentioned above, he initially asked his principal lieutenants to deal with problems on the other campuses as

34 Board of Curators, Minutes, 11 April 1964. Although this was a great step forward for the campus, many of the older alumni never reconciled themselves to the change in name, and to this day the alumni association is the "MSM-UMR Alumni Association." MU Becomes a System 19

they came up, and for a time, even after their roles in the University-wide administration had been formalized, they continued to fulfill their campus responsibilities.35 Ellis, for all practical purposes, remained the chief executive officer of the Columbia campus, although he came to rely increasingly on John Schwada, a professor of political science whom he had appointed as his assistant. Schwada had served for a number of years as comptroller and director of the budget for the state of Missouri. He was well known in Jefferson City and throughout the state. Ellis first thought that Schwada would continue to assume greater responsibility for the Columbia campus in his role as assistant to the president. With the appointment of chancellors on the other campuses, however, this arrangement collapsed, and in 1964 Schwada was given the title of chancellor. Even with the change in title, Schwada remained dissatisfied with the situation. He did not like his office arrangements in Jesse Hall; he was the only chancellor not furnished with a residence. Ellis refused to provide the office space Schwada desired, but assured him that when he (Ellis) retired, the President's Residence on Francis Quadrangle would become available—it was assumed that the new president would be provided with a residence off campus.

35 Unless otherwise indicated, the sources for events at Columbia are from Ellis, Road to Emeritus, and Connell's interviews with Bowling and Ratchford.

State Historical Society of Missouri

Curtis L. Wilson served as dean of the Missouri School of Mines and Metallurgy from 1941 to 1963. 20 Missouri Historical Review

Because he was nearing retirement, Ellis did little to change the infor­ mal arrangements he had developed to administer the system. Although Schwada remained generally dissatisfied with his situation at Columbia, he had a much closer association with the board than did the other chancellors. Until July 1965, the chancellors attended only those board meetings held on their campuses, and inasmuch as most meetings were held in Columbia, Schwada was the only regular attendant from among the group. The July meeting, at which all chancellors were present, did not represent a change in policy; throughout Ellis's administration, the chancellors attended board meetings only sporadically. So long as he remained president, Ellis's informal arrangements seemed to work well, but there were festering difficulties, particularly at Columbia. These difficulties, important or trivial as they may have seemed, symbolized the problems of relationships between the head of the system and the chief executive of the major campus. These are always touchy, and they are exac­ erbated when the system offices are located on or near the major campus. Ellis managed to keep the lid on, but it blew off shortly after his retirement. Neither Ellis nor the board was quite ready for his retirement. He records in his memoirs that as he approached his sixty-fifth birthday in July

President Elmer Ellis meets with the four chancellors of the University in the mid-1960s. Left to right are Merl Baker, John Schwada, Ellis, James L. Bugg, Jr., and Randall Whaley. State Historical Society of Missouri MU Becomes a System 21 of 1966, he "was looking forward to retirement with many regrets."36 The board wanted him to stay on for at least a couple of years, but having enforced mandated retirement for administrators at age sixty-five, he felt that he had no choice but to follow the rule himself.37 In so doing, he brought to an end one of the most significant presidencies in the history of the University of Missouri. He served as the architect of the most profound change to occur in the entire history of the institution. Indeed, a central theme of the University's subsequent history is the institution's struggle to accommodate itself to the implications of that change.

36 Ellis, Road to Emeritus, 228. 37 Don Faurot, legendary MU football coach and athletic director, once told the author that he had not wanted to retire at age sixty-five and had asked Ellis if he could stay on as ath­ letic director. Ellis refused to approve his request, saying that he could not make an exception to the rule regardless of the circumstances.

Double Effect Memphis Conservative, April 2, 1869. A student who was riding, being jeered for wearing but one spur, said that if one side of his horse went on, it was not likely that the other would stay behind.

Strange Partnership Palmyra Weekly Southern Sentinel, June 11, 1856. It is understood that the dress-making business is about to be incorporated with cooper­ ing. A number of active coopers will be required to hoop the ladies' petticoats; the model of female elegance being now a melasses [sic] cask or beer barrel.

It's Slander Palmyra Weekly Southern Sentinel, June 4, 1856. Some slanderer asserts that paper makers are the greatest magicians of the age, inasmuch as they transform beggars' rags into sheets for editors to lie on.

A Device of Satan Drexel Star, April 13, 1916. In 1828 the school board of Lancaster, O., refused to permit the school house to be used for the discussion of the question as to whether railroads were practical or not, and the matter was recently called to mind by an old document that reads in part as follows: "You are welcome to use the school house to debate all proper questions in, but such things as railroads and telegraphs are impossibilities and rank infidelity. There is nothing in the word of God about them. If God had designed that his intelligent creatures should travel at the frightful speed of fifteen miles an hour, by steam, he would have clearly foretold through his holy prophets. It is a device of Satan to lead immortal souls down to hell."—Railway Engineering. Courtesy St. Louis Post-Dispatch

To the Disinherited Belongs the Future

BY AMBER R. CLIFFORD*

In the south cotton was king. Farmers and sharecroppers harvested cot­ ton up and down the Mississippi Delta. When the stock market crashed in 1929, agriculture took on a new role. Franklin Roosevelt expected agricul­ ture to feed and employ the population. Roosevelt created the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA) to promote and administer agriculture.1 In the push for more agriculture the sharecropper and his plight were forgot­ ten. By 1939 sharecroppers were desperate. They were being pushed off the land by mechanization and bad government regulations. In Missouri share­ croppers decided to show the world their problems. In protest the share­ croppers turned to the roadside in the Missouri sharecropper demonstration of 1939. The hierarchy of farm labor in the 1930s was clear. Planters were at the top, followed by tenant farmers, sharecroppers and day laborers. Day laborers worked odd jobs for $.50-$ 1.25 per day. They had no share in the land. Sharecroppers lived on the land to raise crops. Sharecroppers, or croppers, were paid the monetary equivalent of one-half the crop they harvested. Day laborers and croppers had no contract and could be evicted at a moment's notice.

* Amber R. Clifford is a freshman at Antioch College, Yellow Springs, Ohio. A native of Knob Noster, Missouri, she won the State Historical Society's Floyd C. Shoemaker Award for this paper at Missouri State History Day, 1993. 1 W. Wilder Towle, Delmo Saga (Lilbourn, Mo.: Delmo Housing Corporation, 1982), 8. 22 To the Disinherited Belongs the Future 23

The tenant farmer was the planter's land steward. Tenants oversaw the work of croppers and day laborers and received one-fourth of each cropper's crop. Tenants were under contract to planters. Planters, who owned the land and the cropper homes, received the last fourth from each cropper.2 Planters had a dilemma. There was new machinery and a crop surplus. To reduce the surplus, the AAA began the parity payment system. Planters received parity payments to keep land free of crops. Planters were expected to share the parity payments with the croppers. Without a crop there was no need for croppers, so planters began firing them. Planters convinced croppers to sign over their shares by promising a laborer job along with their share of the parity payment. As soon as the cropper signed, the planter evicted him and kept the entire parity payment. When the AAA declared that planters had to employ the same number of croppers at all times, planters simply hired laborers to take cropper cabins and kept the parity money.3 In this confusion the Southern Tenant Farmers Union (STFU) was formed in 1934. Out of resentment toward the parity system, past croppers H. L. Mitchell, Clay East and J. P. Butler founded the union to protect crop­ pers, laborers and migrant workers. The STFU was the first biracial union.4 "We had to have an understanding among the members," said East, "and you couldn't have much understanding if you had two separate unions."5 The Missouri bootheel STFU began when planter Thad Snow contacted Mitchell. Snow wanted the STFU to send someone to start a local union on his land. Mitchell sent black poet John Handcox, who organized dozens of Missouri croppers and laborers in 1936.6 One of Missouri's STFU members was Owen Whitfield, a sharecropper and a Baptist minister. As the STFU grew from 1934 to 1937, Whitfield moved to the Farm Security Administration (FSA) LaForge project. At LaForge, Whitfield had a home, livestock and a sharecrop. Whitfield felt that all croppers deserved to live in a place like LaForge. In 1937 Whitfield left his family there to pay the government loan. He began to organize crop­ pers and day laborers "in a movement to secure their freedom from the inequalities within the plantation system."7 Whitfield planned a roadside demonstration. The homeless croppers and the croppers that wished to leave would move to the highway. When Whitfield had organized enough croppers, both white and black, he and

2 Alex Cooper, Director, Delmo Housing Corporation, Lilbourn, Missouri, interview with author, 8 February 1993. 3 Arthur Schlesinger, The Coming of the New Deal (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1959), 77. < H. L. Mitchell, Roll the Union On (Chicago: Charles Kerr Publishing Co., 1987), 23. 5 Institute for Southern Studies, "No More Moanin' Voices of the Southern Struggle: The Southern Tenant Farmers Union," Southern Exposure special publication, 14. 6 Donald H. Grubbs, Cry From the Cotton (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1971), 86. 7 Towle, Delmo Saga, 11. 24 Missouri Historical Review

Thad Snow contacted Sam Armstrong of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch to print Whitfield's plans. On January 8, 1939, the story was printed on the front page, and no one believed it.8 At a union meeting in the Sweet Home Baptist Church near Wyatt, Missouri, Whitfield gave his last speech before the demonstration. "Would you rather starve to death, like an old hound wandering from door to door, or make a stand? Then, if we're gonna fight, let's starve right out on the highway so the whole world can see."9 On January 9, 1939, under darkness and Whitfield's leadership, sharecroppers took to the road.10 More joined Whitfield's group on the road on the morning of the tenth. The FBI reported that there were 251 sharecropper families—1,161 individu­ als—along Missouri highways 60 and 61. The largest camps numbered several hundred croppers. The families formed thirteen camps along seventy miles of Highway 61 from Sikeston to Hayti and thirty-eight miles of Highway 60 from Charleston to Sikeston. The majority of the strikers were homeless, evicted by planters. Owen Whitfield fled to St. Louis due to threats to his life.11 Press from across the country came to the strike. Reporters from the St Louis Post-Dispatch and the New York Times covered the cropper demonstra­ tion. Despite Armstrong's story, the strike was "so sudden, the powers had

8 Ibid., 11. 9 Mitchell, Roll the Union On, 47. 10 Towle, Delmo Saga, 12. 11 Louis Cantor, A Prologue to the Protest Movement (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1969), 64, 94.

The protesters set up camp along routes 60 and 61 with little to eat and inadequate shelter. The Red Cross refused to help; private organizations and individuals smuggled in food, money and clothing to the people. Courtesy St. Louis Post-Dispatch To the Disinherited Belongs the Future 25 no handle."12 By January 11, two inches of snow had fallen. Groups from Lincoln University, the St. Louis Industrial Union Council and the STFU tried to get assistance to the croppers.13 Police did not allow union assis­ tance across state lines, so the STFU smuggled food, money and clothing across the Arkansas border at night.14 The Red Cross refused to send aid because "it was a man-made disaster."15 In Washington, D.C, H. L. Mitchell spoke to Eleanor Roosevelt. Mitchell asked the first lady to speak to President Roosevelt about sending National Guard tents and supplies to the croppers. Mrs. Roosevelt addressed the croppers in her "My Day" col­ umn and asked her readers to send food and clothing. President Roosevelt instructed Missouri Governor Lloyd Stark to mobilize a National Guard unit, but it was too late.16 The state police decided to move the croppers out of sight. State health commissioner Dr. Harry Parker declared the cropper camps a public health danger. The next day police and deputized planters forced the croppers off the highway. A few croppers chose to leave, but most refused to move. Some camps were forcibly broken up. The police forced the croppers to the opposite roadside while their belongings were searched. Whites and blacks were then separated, loaded into twenty-four highway department trucks and scattered. A group of five hundred was left near the Birds Point-New Madrid spillway. The spillway, dubbed "Homeless Junction," was a swamp with no drinking water. Another group was left in the same condition at the river levee near Dorena, Missouri. Some blacks were left in shacks and barns. The rest were left at the Sweet Home Baptist Church.17 While some groups dispersed, the Homeless Junction and Sweet Home groups stayed intact. The Homeless Junction group was under police super­ vision. Only government officials were allowed access to the camp. The press called the Junction a "concentration camp."18 On January 19, when the FSA announced that tents had been ordered to Homeless Junction, the state police loaded the protesters into county trucks and scattered them across five counties. R. C. Smith, regional FSA director, was on his way to New Madrid when he heard they had been moved. The croppers who want­ ed to continue the demonstration joined the others at the Sweet Home Baptist Church. The demonstration had been reduced to 134 people.19 Conditions at the church were almost as bad as conditions on the road. Croppers made tents from sheets and quilts. They slept on makeshift beds

12 Cooper interview, 8 February 1993. 13 Cantor, Prologue to the Protest Movement, 81. 14 Mitchell, Roll the Union On, 51. 15 Cantor, Prologue to the Protest Movement, 75. 16 Mitchell, Roll the Union On, 51. 17 Cantor, Prologue to the Protest Movement, 84-86. 18 Kansas City Times, 16 January 1939. 19 Cantor, Prologue to the Protest Movement, 89-90. 26 Missouri Historical Review

Southern Tenant Farmers Union Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill After the state health commissioner declared the demonstrators a public health threat, state police forced one group of croppers to move to an area between a levee and the Mississippi River in New Madrid County. between church pews. Ten percent of the protesters were ill from the condi­ tions. At the end of January, FSA tents arrived. The croppers were not allowed to vote because of "resentment over the recent demonstration." Despite efforts to remove them, they stayed in the church until April. In April the landowner sued the church trustees. The croppers had to move.20 In St. Louis, Whitfield had been busy. With the help of the St. Louis Committee for the Rehabilitation of the Sharecroppers, Whitfield had raised money to buy ninety acres of land near Harviell, Missouri. The purchase was announced the same day the croppers were forced to leave the church. The Sweet Home group moved directly onto the land and never dispersed. Whitfield opened the camp to all refugees, both black and white. On June 17, 1939, ninety-five families moved into the camp. Many had to move in at night to protect themselves, and guards were posted each night. Food came in from relief groups. By the spring of 1940, forty acres of land were cleared and FSA grants came in regularly. The area became known as "Cropperville."21 In early 1940 Whitfield and a group of croppers went to Washington, D.C, to see FSA officials about their housing plan. The group met with Governor Stark and the FSA. The FSA decided to build community-type

20 Ibid., 90-91. 2i Ibid., 92-94. To the Disinherited Belongs the Future 27 farms for the croppers. In May 1940 government plans called for ten villages of six hundred homes.22 Each house would have three bedrooms, a kitchen, electricity and water. At each village a community building with a clinic, showers, laundry facilities, demonstration kitchen and assembly rooms was built. Each village had a well, water tower and boiler for hot water. Construction of the villages was completed in 1941. Six hundred families were accepted on a low-rent basis. Families were given canning equipment, farm and garden implements and sewing machines. An FSA supervisor was assigned to each community to teach and counsel in everything from sewing to sanitation. These villages became the FSA Delmo Labor Homes.23 On March 6, 1945, Congress ordered all community farm projects sold to the highest bidder and moved off government land. When Representative Jerry Voorhis of California, a supporter of the Delmo communities, ran for reelection against a young Richard Nixon, Nixon branded Voorhis a commu­ nist because of his involvement with Delmo. Voorhis met with Episcopal min­ ister Charles Wilson, who worked under Bishop William Scarlett and minister David Burgess, longtime Delmo supporters. Wilson had decided to run for office as a representative due to the order to sell the Delmo homes. Voorhis and Wilson discussed buying the homes and selling them to the people.24 Burgess and Wilson raised $87,000 and bought 550 homes.25 On December 17, 1945, the same group of St. Louis citizens who had been interested in the demonstration formed the Delmo Housing Corporation. Wilson secured down payments from the home residents, and in 1947 the mortgages ended. "Five

22 Towle, Delmo Saga, 16, 18. 23 Ibid., 19. 24 Cooper interview, 8 February 1993. 25 Towle, Delmo Saga, 21.

Near Harviell, the Farm Security Administration funded the Delmo Labor Homes, which provided affordable housing and garden plots to the former share­ croppers. State Historical Society of Missouri 28 Missouri Historical Review

hundred forty-six former croppers became home owners." Croppers who had no home or hope in 1939 now owned land. This is known as the "Miracle of Delmo."26 The croppers strike brought the plight of the sharecropper into public view, not only in Missouri, but across the country. The STFU became the National Farm Labor Union and supported the rights of migrant workers and farm labor.27 The farm laborer became the subject of books and films, like The Grapes of Wrath by John Steinbeck. The strike showed the public that croppers were not only black men, but black and white families. Another effect was making the need for human rights in the United States known. Delmo brought new ideas of day care, education, help for illiteracy and community living.28 Delmo housing is still in operation. Its current director, Alex Cooper, is the grandson of a cropper and the son of a tenant farmer who saw the roadside demonstrations. The black press who came to the strike stayed in his home.29 The most important aspect of the 1939 demonstration is that it was a bira- cial movement. "A precedent was set of biracial cooperation to overcome diffi­ culties."30 In social change in American history, people have put aside their race and prejudice to raise their voices in a common cause. One of our most impor­ tant forms of communication is the protest—to gain our rights or to defend them. The Missouri roadside demonstrations were the beginning of protests and boycotts by farm laborers across the country. In those protests were people of different races. The Missouri demonstrations were the impetus for civil rights marches and sit-ins, where whites and blacks came together and communicated in protest to change the conditions that they faced. The Missouri croppers were the impetus for antiwar sit-ins and rallies to end the Vietnam War. In those protests people of every color communicated, by using protest, their wish to end the war. "Whitfield said all the people, all colors, should leave the land. People went on the road, they all went out. The demonstration was between a protest and boycott. Whitfield said instead of getting put off, let us leave."31 One of our strongest forms of communication is the protest, the boycott, the demonstra­ tion. Protest combines voices and actions in a common cause. It bridges age, color and religion to overcome even the highest obstacles. The sharecroppers lived on the road to show their refusal to live in adverse conditions. When they bought homes in Delmo, they achieved their goal. In a time when our country is separating itself by race and economic status, the Missouri sharecroppers demonstration is a sterling example. The croppers put aside their racial differences to use the communication of protest to improve their lives.

26 Cooper interview, 8 February 1993. 27 Mitchell, Roll the Union On, 54. 28 Dr. George Suggs, Professor of History, Southeast Missouri State University, interview with author, Cape Girardeau, Missouri, 9 February 1993. 29 Cooper interview, 8 February 1993. 30 Suggs interview, 9 February 1993. 31 Cooper interview, 8 February 1993. ,rJ*T:

State Historical Society of Missouri Union Troops and the Civil War in Southwestern Missouri and Northwestern Arkansas

BY MARVIN R. CAIN AND JOHN F. BRADBURY, JR.*

Historical studies of military operations in Missouri have largely dealt with guerrilla warfare, Confederate raids and military oppression against the citizens of a state divided between Northern and Southern sympathies. Scholars who have followed this theme include Richard S. Brownlee, Jay Monaghan and, most recently, Michael Fellman. These historians character­ ize the Civil War in Missouri simply as the continuation of the bloody warfare on the Missouri-Kansas border in the 1850s, marked by an assortment of small engagements, skirmishes and brief but violent combats characteristic of guerrilla warfare. Thus generalizations based on events widely scattered over place and time have been made to serve for the states of Missouri and Arkansas. While the preoccupation with guerrilla warfare may be appropriate for certain areas under specific conditions, the war in the Ozarks featured a substantial number of conventional operations, including the battles of Wilson's Creek, Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove. These engagements chal­ lenge the traditional "guerrilla" interpretation of the war and suggest that the efforts of thousands of Union soldiers need to be reevaluated.1 *The late Marvin R. Cain was professor emeritus of history at the University of Missouri-Rolla. He held the B.S. degree from Southwest Missouri State University, Springfield, and the M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Missouri-Columbia. John F. Bradbury, Jr., is a senior manuscript specialist at the Western Historical Manuscript Collection-Rolla. He received the B.A. in history from the University of Missouri-Rolla. 1 Richard S. Brownlee, Gray Ghosts of the Confederacy: Guerrilla Warfare in the West, 1861-1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1958); Jay Monaghan, Civil War on the Western Border, 1854-1865 (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1955); Michael Fellman, Inside War: The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri During the American Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989). 29 30 Missouri Historical Review

Historians have examined the battles of Wilson's Creek and Pea Ridge and, to a lesser extent, Prairie Grove, but only Wiley Britton, Ed Bearss, Thomas Belser and Barry R. Sude have given much attention to convention­ al military operations throughout southern Missouri and northern Arkansas. A thorough study of the Pea Ridge campaign did not appear until 1992, and there are no comparable monographs on the Prairie Grove campaign in 1862 or Sterling Price's expedition in 1864. The lack of scholarly focus is unusu­ al since the soldiers who served in the region were part of the largest armies in the Trans-Mississippi West and participated in engagements that, in terms of casualties and strategic importance, far exceeded the armed actions in central and northern Missouri and along the Kansas border. Conventional military operations and battles in the Ozarks did more to determine the out­ come of the war in the Trans-Mississippi West than did guerrilla warfare.2 By the war's end Union armies composed of approximately seventy- five thousand soldiers had served in this distinctive geographical area of southern Missouri and northern Arkansas. The region was the strategic western flank of both Confederate and Union forces operating in the Mississippi Valley, and it straddled the political and military boundary between the loyal and rebel states in the Trans-Mississippi. Most of the action occurred in a distinct subtheater of the Ozarks. The towns of Rolla and Springfield, Missouri, and Fayetteville and Batesville, Arkansas, served as the corners for this rectangular area (counterclockwise from the north). The northern boundary of the subtheater in Missouri approximated the interior ridge route through the northern Ozarks. The Union command and supply center at St. Louis connected with the area via the South West Branch of the Pacific Railroad, which terminated at Rolla, a critical position 120 miles southwest of St. Louis. Federal troops occupied the railhead in June 1861, a day before Nathaniel Lyon's men captured the state capital at Jefferson City. Springfield, another 110 miles to the south­ west, lay at the junction of the corridor linking the Missouri and Arkansas

2 Some of the better battle studies include Edwin C Bearss. The Baltic of Wilson 's Creek ([Diamond, Mo.]: George Washington Carver Birthplace District Association, 1975); Edwin C. Bearss, "The First Day at Pea Ridge, March 7, 1862," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 17 (Summer 1958): 132-154: Walter Brown, "Pea Ridge: Gettysburg of the West," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 15 (Spring 1956): 3-16: Albert Castel, "A New View of the Battle of Pea Ridge," Missouri Historical Review 62 (January 1968): 136-151; Stephen B. Gates, "The Prairie Grove Campaign, 1862," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 19 (Summer 1960): 119-141; LeRoy H. Fischer, ed., Civil War Battles in the West (Manhattan. Kans.: Sunflower University Press. 1981). Military operations in the Ozarks are described in Wiley Britton. The Civil War on the Border. 2 vols. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1890 and 1899): Thomas A. Belser. Jr., "Military Operations in Missouri and Arkansas" (Ph.D, diss., Vanderbilt University, 1958): Barry R, Sude. "Federal Military Policy and Strategy in Missouri and Arkansas" (Ph.D. diss.. Temple University, 1986); Alvin M. Joseph), Jr., The Civil War in the American West (New York- Alfred A. Knopf, 1991); William L. Shea and Earl J. Hess, Pea Ridge: Civil War Campaign in the West (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992). Union Troops and the Civil War 31 regions and the interior route from St. Louis. As an entrepot, Springfield served as a gateway to Indian Territory, Texas and New Mexico. Both Rolla and Springfield became headquarters posts of the district system established by the Union army in Missouri and the principal forward supply depots for armies in the field in the northern Ozarks.3 The southern boundary of the Ozark region lay in northern Arkansas and followed a line from Fayetteville southeasterly along the Buffalo and White rivers to Batesville. These towns were the hubs of travel, commerce and agriculture for northern Arkansas. Each became a staging area for Confed­ erate offensives into southern Missouri, and Fayetteville provided an impor­ tant jumping-off point for military operations along a corridor that skirted the western edge of the Ozark hills and continued northward to the Missouri River country. These towns were the largest population centers within the area of strongest Union sentiment in Arkansas. Many Fayetteville and Batesville citizens welcomed the Union soldiers, who first passed through in 1862, but the army found it logistically difficult to garrison the towns perma­ nently. Ultimately, after the capture of Little Rock in September 1863, Union authorities controlled Batesville from the state capital. Not permanently

3 Carl O. Sauer, The Geography of the Ozark Highland of Missouri (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1920), 139, 219-220; William D. Butler, "The Ozarks As a Barrier During the Civil War" (M.A. thesis, University of Missouri, Columbia, 1983), 5-11; Milton D. Rafferty, The Ozarks: Land and Life (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980), 105- 106. Military and political authorities recognized Rolla and Springfield as the critical points for Union control of southwestern Missouri and northwestern Arkansas. President Abraham Lincoln expressed strong interest in completing the South West Branch of the Pacific Railroad from Rolla to Springfield. Order Extending the Pacific Railroad, 11 July 1862, Lincoln to Samuel R. Curtis, 12 October 1862, Lincoln to Samuel T. Glover, 20 January 1863, and Lincoln to William S. Rosecrans, 10 March 1864, in Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1953), 5: 314- 315, 459-460, 6: 66, 7: 237-238.

Springfield, with its two thousand inhabitants, was perceived as strategically important by both sides during the Civil War. State Historical Society of Missouri 32 Missouri Historical Review occupied until late 1863, Fayetteville provided federal troops a base for raids south of the Boston Mountains to the Arkansas River.4 The line between Fayetteville and Batesville marked the effective limit of federal military power based on overland transportation from St. Louis through the depots at Rolla and Springfield. Although Union armies could operate south of this line as far as the Arkansas River, they could not do so for long given the logistical difficulties of the rugged, thinly populated and forage-poor Ozarks. While extremely difficult for main force operations, the rugged Ozark barrier proved porous enough to be penetrated by Confederate cavalry expeditions and small groups of guerrillas. The most remote areas provided sanctuaries for bands of bush­ whackers.5 Within the boundaries of this subtheater, four separate armies fought three critical battles between Springfield, Missouri, and Fayetteville, Arkansas. Numerous engagements and skirmishes, many associated with the Confederate raids by Generals John S. Marmaduke and Joseph O. Shelby in 1863 and Sterling Price's expedition of 1864, occurred in the region. In northwest Arkansas alone, Union forces participated in hundreds of military opera­ tions, including the battles of Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove. One of every ten Northern soldiers became a casualty of battle or disease, and hundreds more returned home maimed or broken in health.6 In addition to soldiers who fought in their home states, Union volun­ teers who served in the region came from Kansas, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Minnesota, Ohio and Wisconsin. Foreign-born troops, primarily German, from ethnic communities throughout the Midwest added substantial num­ bers to the Union ranks. Indian troops also served in the federal army and

4 Nola A. James, "The Civil War Years In Independence County," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 28 (Autumn 1969): 234-236, 252-266; Michael B. Dougan, Confederate Arkansas: The People and Policies of a Frontier State in Wartime (University: University of Alabama Press, 1976), 33-34; Rafferty, The Ozarks: Land and Life, 51-52, 271-272. Fayetteville remained under the administrative control of Union headquarters at Springfield, Missouri. 5 Belser, "Military Operations in Missouri and Arkansas," 398, 538-541; Butler, "Ozarks As a Barrier," 4-16, 65-68; Leo A. Huff, "Guerrillas, Jayhawkers and Bushwhackers in Northern Arkansas During the Civil War," Ozarks Watch 4 (Spring/Summer 1991): 52-57. 6 The Union armies campaigning in the Ozarks in 1861 were Nathaniel Lyon's Army of the West and John C. Fremont's army of the same name. The latter was actually a much larg­ er, reconstituted force. It fought no big battle, but some of its soldiers formed the nucleus of the Army of Southwest Missouri that Samuel R. Curtis led to victory at Pea Ridge in 1862. The Army of the Frontier had its first encounter with the enemy at Newtonia in 1862. Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion (Dayton, Ohio: Morningside House Bookshop, 1978), 540-545. Michael A. Hughes, "Wartime Gristmill Destruction in Northwest Arkansas and Military-Farm Colonies," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 46 (Summer 1987): 167; John F. Bradbury, Jr., and Richard W. Hatcher III, "Civil War and the Ozarks," [map and textj (Springfield: Center for Ozarks Studies, Southwest Missouri State University, 1991). Union Troops and the Civil War 33 campaigned in Missouri and Arkansas until Union forces occupied Indian Territory in 1863.7 These soldiers made up the armies that fought the major battles in the Ozarks at Wilson's Creek, Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove. All conventional operations, the battles featured infantry assaults supported by field artillery. Cavalry squadrons screened the movements of the armies and gathered intelli­ gence. Cavalrymen, in units numbering from ten to over one hundred, con­ ducted countless reconnaissances. These surveys, called "scouts," provided area commanders with early warnings of Confederate operations. Large caval­ ry patrols acted as strike forces, pursuing local guerrilla forces and eliminating bushwhackers. Union commanders routinely sent patrols into the hill country along the valleys of the Gasconade, White and Current rivers. Troopers and infantrymen shared the burden of escorting the hundreds of government supply wagons that shuttled between the depots and the forces in the field. They trav­ eled between Rolla and Springfield with stagecoaches that carried mail, pay­ masters, military officials and occasional politicians. The infantry also built and manned field fortifications at Rolla, Springfield and Fayetteville. During the first eighteen months of the war, many soldiers expressed naive expectations of quick victory and individual martial exploits. The soldiers of the Army of the West viewed Nathaniel Lyon and John C. Fremont as heroes, despite the death of the former and the removal from command of the latter. Far more than the disaster at Wilson's Creek, the conclusion of Fremont's abortive 1861 campaign, which ended in the abandonment of southwestern Missouri for the second time, left the army temporarily demoralized. At Rolla, veterans and incoming reinforcements glumly considered the prospect of a winter of inactivity at the railhead, rather than an advance to what most of them assumed would be certain victory if Price's Missouri State Guard would stand for another fight. Morale declined as the men prepared winter encampments, drilled and idled away time.8

7 The Trans-Mississippi theater is rarely mentioned in the studies of the common soldier in the Civil War. Historians have concentrated on troops in the major armies of the Eastern and Western theaters. Bell I. Wiley, The Life of Billy Yank: The Common Soldier of the Union (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1952); Bruce Catton, America Goes to War (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1958); Fred Albert Shannon, The Organization and Administration of the Union Army, 1861-1865, 2 vols. (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark, 1928); Gerald F. Linderman, Embattled Courage: The Experience of Combat in the American Civil War (New York: Free Press, 1987); Pete Maslowski, "A Study of Morale in Civil War Soldiers," Military Affairs 34 (December 1970): 121-126; Michael Barton, Goodmen, The Character of Civil War Soldiers (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1981); James I. Robertson, Jr., Soldiers Blue and Gray (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988); Reid Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers (New York: Viking, 1988); Joseph A. Frank and George A. Reaves, "Seeing the Elephant": Raw Recruits at the Battle of Shiloh (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989). 8 Christopher Phillips, Damned Yankee: The Life of General Nathaniel Lyon (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990), 238-239, 248-249; "H" to editor, Woodstock (111.) Sentinel, 22 January 1862; E. C. Hubbard to brother, 22 January 1862, Edward C. Hubbard Papers, Chicago Historical Society. 34 Missouri Historical Review

State Historical Society of Missouri

Early in 1862, however, the Army of Southwest Missouri, led by Brigadier General Samuel R. Curtis, made the long-awaited march back to Springfield, reoccupied the city and pursued the enemy into northwestern Arkansas. There the soldiers discovered substantial Union sentiment and many Arkansans willing to enlist in the federal army. The first successful Union campaign in the Trans-Mississippi culminated in March 1862 with the defeat of a larger Confederate army at Pea Ridge. Ultimately, the Army of the Southwest moved to the west bank of the Mississippi River at Helena, Arkansas. As the army left the Ozarks, garrisons stayed behind to defend the line of communications and the depots at Rolla and Springfield against Confederate main force units, guerrillas and bushwhackers.9 Southern Missouri, however, remained far from secure, and the war along the Arkansas border was not over. In the fall of 1862 Union military authorities responded to resurgent Confederate military strength in northern Arkansas by organizing the Army of the Frontier, led by Brigadier General John M. Schofield. This army first encountered the enemy at Newtonia, Missouri, in September 1862 and fully engaged a Confederate army in the hard-fought battle at Prairie Grove near Fayetteville in December. Although

9 Dougan, Confederate Arkansas, 87-88; Britton, Civil War on the Border, 1: 197-214; Edwin C. Bearss, "From Rolla to Fayetteville With General Curtis," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 19 (Autumn 1960): 225-259; Belser, "Military Operations in Missouri and Arkansas," 357-361; James L. McDonough, "'And All For Nothing': Early Experiences of John M. Schofield in Missouri," Missouri Historical Review 64 (April 1970): 313-315; Samuel P. Curtis, "The Army of the South-West and the First Campaign In Arkansas," Annals of Iowa 3 (April 1866): 642-687, 4 (October 1866): 721-735, 7 (January 1869): 2-9; Elmo Ingenthron, Borderland Rebellion: A History of the Civil War on the Missouri-Arkansas Border (Branson, Mo.: Ozarks Mountaineer, n.d.), 171-179; William E. Parrish, A History of Missouri, Volume HI, 1860 to 1875 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1973), 45-46. Union Troops and the Civil War 35 sometimes described as a draw, the battle of Prairie Grove was followed by the virtual dissolution of the rebel army upon its withdrawal.10 Despite these impressive successes, by late 1862 many Union soldiers in the Ozarks felt that their fellow countrymen undervalued their efforts. Although they contended with the same hardships, diseases and battle losses as Union troops elsewhere, many in the ranks believed that they made their sacrifices in vain. The newspapers that the soldiers read contained extensive reports about the battles at Antietam and Stones River and the Mississippi Valley campaigns, but rarely carried news of actions in the Trans-Missis­ sippi. Consequently, many officers and men expressed the desire to transfer to General Ulysses S. Grant's army, then moving toward the Confederate stronghold at Vicksburg.11 The frustration evidenced by Union soldiers in the Ozarks may have contributed to the impression that the conflict in southwestern Missouri and northwestern Arkansas was small-scale and insignificant. Statistical evi­ dence belies this impression. During the years 1861-1865, units serving in this region participated in approximately 290 engagements, skirmishes, expeditions and actions. These included the battles of Wilson's Creek, Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove as well as the lesser, but still bloody, engagements at Salem, West Plains, Crane Creek, Newtonia, Springfield and Hartville in Missouri, and Cross Hollows and Fayetteville in Arkansas. There were 13 engagements, operations or actions in 1861, 99 in 1862 and 95 in 1863. In 1864 the number of military actions dropped to 65, and in 1865 there were only 15. Over 75 percent of the actions took place in the years 1862 and 1863. Although soldiers fought the battles of Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove in the winter months, the battle of Wilson's Creek, along with the majority of the other engagements, occurred during the traditional campaigning sea­ son between April and October.12

10 Dougan, Confederate Arkansas, 93-94; Dwight T. Pitcaithley, Let the River Be: A History of the Ozark's Buffalo River (Santa Fe, N.M.: National Park Service, Southwest Cultural Resources Center, 1987), 41-49; Britton, Civil War on the Border, 1: 357-431; Oates, "The Prairie Grove Campaign," 119-122, 141; Stephen B. Oates, Confederate Cavalry West of the River (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1961), 112; Sude, "Federal Military Policy," 94-114; Belser, "Military Operations in Missouri and Arkansas," 435-438, 441; Edwin C. Bearss, "The Army of the Frontier's First Campaign: The Confederates Win at Newtonia," Missouri Historical Review 60 (April 1966): 283-319; Josephy, Civil War in the American West, 359-368. 11 Eugene B. Payne to his wife, 11 April 1862, Eugene B. Payne Letters, Lake Forest College, Lake Forest, Illinois; George Crooke, The Twenty-First Regiment of Iowa Volunteer Infantry (Milwaukee: King, Fowler & Co., 1891), 24-25; William G. Thompson, The Civil War Letters of Major William G Thompson of the 20th Iowa Infantry Regiment (Fayetteville, Ark.: Washington County Historical Society, 1966), 57, 60, 70, 72; Michael A. Mullins, The Fremont Rifles: A History of the 37th Illinois Veteran Volunteer Infantry (Wilmington, N.C.: Broadfoot Publishing Company, 1990), 120, 131. 12 Dyer, Compendium, 675-688, 797-815; Maxine Dunaway, comp., Civil War Operations in Missouri (Springfield, Mo.: n.p., 1986); Allen W. Jones and Virginia Ann Buttry, "Military Events in Arkansas During the Civil War, 1861-1865," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 22 (Summer 1963): 124-170; Bradbury and Hatcher, "Civil War and the Ozarks." 36 Missouri Historical Review

Of the 290 military actions in the subtheater of southern Missouri and northern Arkansas, volunteer units participated in approximately 146. The Missouri State Militia (MSM) was involved in 113, and the Enrolled Mis­ souri Militia (EMM) and Home Guards in 13. Militia and volunteer units joined forces in 17 actions, or slightly less than 7 percent of the total num­ ber. The volunteers, including those from Missouri, engaged in approxi­ mately 57 percent of the actions, the militia in slightly over 44 percent and the EMM in just over 5 percent.13 Volunteers participated in 14 combat actions that resulted in substantial casualties (15 or more), 3 that caused moderate casualties (7 to 14) and 11 in which there were light casualties (1 to 6). The MSM fought in 5 battles, engagements and skirmishes that resulted in significant losses, 4 in which there were moderate casualties and 9 in which there were light losses. The EMM and Home Guard units participated in 3 battles and skirmishes where they suffered heavy casualties and in 2 that resulted in light casualties.14 Union battlefield losses in southwestern Missouri and northwestern Arkansas varied from year to year and reflect the military situation. The figures for 1861 are high because of Wilson's Creek, where 311 soldiers died and another 819 were wounded. In 1862 Union casualties included 203 dead and 980 wounded at Pea Ridge, and another 175 killed in action, 813 wounded and 213 taken prisoner at Prairie Grove. Excluding these two

13 Dyer, Compendium, 675-688, 797-815. These figures should be considered as esti­ mates, rather than absolute numbers. An exhaustive study would have to reconcile data from official records, the adjutant general's reports and regimental returns. 14 Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Illinois Containing Reports For the Years 1861-1866, 8 vols. (Springfield: Phillips Bros., 1900-1902), 1: 647-671, 2: 323-352, 691-713, 3: 3-34, 39-70, 298-327, 4: 128-164, 7: 230-246, 8: 213-257, 406-421, 590-592; Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Indiana, 8 vols. (Indianapolis: Alexander H. Connor, 1865-1869), 4: 110-128, 372-389, 588-612, 8: 15-18, 41-46, 75-80, 101-102, 492- 519; Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the Rebellion Together With Historical Sketches of Volunteer Organizations, 1861-1866, 6 vols. (Des Moines: Emory H. English, 1908-1911), 1: 3-88, 534-672, 3: 117-222, 225-338, 341-438, 441-555, 4: 3-211, 419-635, 639-841; Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Kansas, 1861-65, 2 vols. (Leaven­ worth: Kansas State Print. Co., 1867-1870), 1: 2-123, 124-160, 286-391, 392-523, 524-649, 755-892, 893-996, 997-1109, 2: 73-145, 336-343, 593-607, 608-620; Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers, War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865, 2 vols. (Madison: Democrat Print. Co., 1886), 1: 50-90, 604-633, 2: 140-163, 846-867; Annual Report of the Adjutant General of Missouri (Jefferson City: R. P. Studley & Co., 1865), 314-320, 362-370, 479-486; miscellaneous card abstracts, Fifth Missouri State Militia Cavalry and Fifteenth Missouri Cavalry, Compiled Service Records of Volunteer Troops Who Served in Organizations From the State of Missouri, National Archives Microfilm Publication M405, rolls 738, 756 (hereafter cited as Compiled Service Records, NA); compiled regimental returns, Eleventh Missouri Cavalry, 1864, in Records of Movements and Activities of Volunteer Union Organizations, National Archives Microfilm Publication M594, roll 95 (hereafter cited as Records of Movements and Activities, NA); Report of the Adjutant General of Arkansas For the Period of the Late Rebellion and to November 1, 1866 (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1867), 55-56; Desmond Walls Allen, First Arkansas Union Cavalry (Conway, Ark.: Desmond Walls Allen, 1987), 5-109; Desmond Walls Allen, Second Arkansas Union Cavalry (Conway, Ark.: Desmond Walls Allen, 1987), 7-91. Union Troops and the Civil War 37

State Historical Society of Missouri One of the thirteen engagements in Missouri in 1861 occurred in Salem when Rebel forces surprised Union troops early one December morning before dawn. major battles in Arkansas, approximately 158 soldiers lost their lives in other actions in 1862 and 1863. Fourteen Union soldiers made the supreme sacrifice in 1864, and only one was reported wounded that year, although soldiers from the districts of Rolla and Springfield participated in the pursuit of Price's army and suffered casualties at Westport and Mine Creek. Price's expedition effec­ tively ended organized campaigning in the Ozarks. No battle deaths occurred in 1865, and relatively few soldiers were listed as wounded.15 Understandably, most volunteer units that fought in one or more of the major battles had a higher number of casualties during their service in southern Missouri and northern Arkansas than did units not participating. At Wilson's Creek, the First Kansas Infantry and the First Missouri Infantry lost 106 and 103 men, respectively, killed in action or mortally wounded. These statistics rank the two regiments among those with the highest single battle losses of the entire Civil War. At Pea Ridge, the Ninth Iowa Infantry suffered more than any other Union regiment, with 38 men killed and 176 wounded. The Third Iowa Cavalry, which took the brunt of the first Confederate charges around Leetown, counted 24 dead among 50 total casualties, a strikingly high number of deaths for a cavalry unit. The Thirty-seventh Illinois Infantry lost 20 men and 121 were wounded in the same battle.16

15 Ibid.; Dyer, Compendium, 675-688, 797-815. 16 William F. Fox, Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865 (Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus Reprints, 1977), 75-76, 79; Shea and Hess, Pea Ridge, 334; Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 3: 39-70; "Return of Casualties in the Army of the Southwest," U.S. War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 4 ser. 128 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1880- 1902), ser. 1, vol. 13,204-205. Hereafter cited as O.R.; all references are to series 1. 38 Missouri Historical Review

Three weeks prior to the Pea Ridge battle, in skirmishes near Sugar Creek, Arkansas, 6 Union soldiers were killed and 14 wounded in actions preceding the battle. After Pea Ridge, 11 more were sacrificed and 30 wounded in sepa­ rate conflicts along the Spring and White rivers. An action near Fayetteville, Arkansas, in July 1862 resulted in another 150 casualties. In the fall of 1862, units in the Army of the Frontier engaged at Newtonia, Missouri, lost 52 killed, 80 wounded and 115 missing, and at Cane Hill, Arkansas, another 9 were killed in action and 32 wounded. The Union loss at Prairie Grove exceeded a thousand men, 175 of them slain in action. These casualties occurred in areas of southwestern Missouri and northwestern Arkansas that some historians dis­ miss as having been secured by the Confederate defeat at Pea Ridge.17 At Prairie Grove, the Thirty-seventh Illinois Infantry added 6 soldiers to its list of men killed in action. The loss appeared light in comparison to the Twentieth Wisconsin Infantry, which counted 50 dead, and the Nineteenth Iowa Infantry, which buried 45 of its men on the battlefield. In the same battle, the Twenty-sixth Indiana Infantry lost 23 outright, and another 16 later died of wounds. Some infantry units lost significant numbers in battles other than Wilson's Creek, Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove. The Ninth Wisconsin Infantry, for example, had 25 killed and mortally wounded at Newtonia.18

17 Dyer, Compendium, 675, 676, 677, 804; the returns of casualties at Cane Hill and Prairie Grove are in O.R., 22, pt. 1: 46, 86; Oates, "The Prairie Grove Campaign," 141; Dougan, Confederate Arkansas, 87; Brownlee, Gray Ghosts, 28, 49; Shea and Hess, Pea Ridge, 306-309. The battle at Pea Ridge did not settle matters in the Ozarks. See Castel, "A New View of the Battle of Pea Ridge," 149-151, and Sude, "Federal Military Policy," 73. 18 Fox, Regimental Losses, 18, 29, 427, 432-433, 515; Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 95; Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 3: 39-70; Mullins, Fremont Rifles, 163; Jeremy H. Wilder, "The Thirty-Seventh Illinois at Prairie Grove," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 49 (Spring 1990): 13; Report of the Adjutant General of Indiana, 4: 588-612, 8: 101-102; Daily Milwaukee News, 20 December 1862.

Over two hundred Union troops died during the two-day battle at Pea Ridge in March 1862. State Historical Society of Missouri Union Troops and the Civil War 39

Some units suffered more than half of their total personnel losses while posted in the Ozarks. The Nineteenth Iowa Infantry sustained 92 deaths during the war; 69 occurred in southern Missouri and northern Arkansas. The Twentieth Wisconsin Infantry had 79 fatalities in the region, out of a wartime total of 105. The Thirty-seventh Illinois Infantry recorded 64 deaths, 45 of them in the Trans-Mississippi, and the Ninth Wisconsin Infantry lost 35 in the same period, nearly half of its 77 war dead. The Third Iowa Cavalry suffered 39 percent of its 84 total fatalities in Missouri and Arkansas.19 The First and Second Arkansas Cavalry regiments (U.S.) and the First Arkansas Infantry (U.S.), all of which served exclusively in the northern Ozarks, experienced extremely high numbers of deaths. The First Arkansas Cavalry sustained a total of 295 battle- and disease-related deaths; 2 soldiers were reported missing in action. The Second Arkansas Cavalry, which served in the region from late 1862 until the end of the war, recorded 92 deaths. Seeing service at Fayetteville, Springfield and in Indian Territory, the First Arkansas Infantry lost 173 men to battle and disease.20 Accurate statistics for Missouri units are difficult to derive. The volun­ teer and militia units did not always maintain complete and reliable records, and the reports of the state adjutant general, regimental muster rolls, person­ al accounts and newspaper articles sometimes contain conflicting informa­ tion. Also, occasionally, abstracts of service for each unit compiled by the War Department mention casualties but do not record individual statistics. Nevertheless, Missouri cavalry units did not sustain the number of losses that the infantry units did. Exceptions occur, such as the First, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Missouri Cavalry regiments at Pea Ridge, the Sixth and Seventh Missouri Cavalry regiments and the Fourteenth MSM Cavalry at Prairie Grove and the Third, Fourth and Fourteenth MSM Cavalry at the Spring­ field engagement in 1863.21 Casualties in the other Missouri units accumulated over the four-year period during dozens of skirmishes in the Ozarks. Without ever having par­ ticipated in a big battle, the Seventh, Ninth and Fifteenth Missouri Cavalry

19 Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, 3: 225-338, 4: 419-635; Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers, 1: 604-633, 2: 140-163, 868-891; Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 4: 413-438. The effect of attrition on a veteran cavalry regiment may be seen in the roll of Company "D," Third Iowa Cavalry, Henry Dysart Diary, Illinois Historical Library, Springfield. Of nine soldiers in the Ninth Iowa Infantry from the small community at Spring Grove, Iowa, three were killed and three disabled in Missouri and Arkansas. Sharon Ham, "End of Innocence," Palimpsest 60 (May/June 1979): 93. 20 The First Arkansas Cavalry, hit hard at Fayetteville in April 1863, lost 52 killed and wounded, O.R., 22, pt. 1: 307; Dyer, Compendium, 679, 997-999; Allen, First Arkansas Union Cavalry, 5-6, 37-109; Allen, Second Arkansas Union Cavalry, 5-6, 31-91; Desmond Walls Allen, First Arkansas Union Infantry (Conway, Ark.: Desmond Walls Allen, 1987), 5, 19-74. 21 Dyer, Compendium, 675-677, 798, 805; O.R., 22, pt. 1: 181. See also the data for Missouri cavalry units in Records of Movements and Activities, NA, rolls 92-95. 40 Missouri Historical Review regiments all recorded 10 or more combat deaths. The Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Missouri Cavalry had less than 6 men in each regiment killed in action. Although the Eleventh Missouri Cavalry had only 4 killed, the enemy captured 47 members of the unit.22 Missouri artillerymen recorded nearly all of their combat-related casual­ ties at the major battles. The First Missouri Light Artillery at Wilson's Creek lost a captain and had 9 enlisted men killed, 16 wounded and 1 miss­ ing in action. During the fighting at Prairie Grove, its batteries had 4 killed and 8 wounded. The gunners of Welfley's Independent Missouri Battery and the First Missouri Flying Battery sustained 3 killed, 8 wounded and 8 missing at Pea Ridge. Other states' artillerymen did not fare much better. The Second Illinois Artillery "Peoria Battery" and the Third Independent Iowa Battery experienced heavy action at Pea Ridge and suffered 39 casual­ ties. Even with conventional infantry support, the artillerymen were at risk from counterbattery fire as well as musketry.23 Duty in the Ozarks was clearly hazardous. The Twentieth Wisconsin Infantry had 79 killed in action or mortally wounded and lost almost that many (61) to disease. Sickness claimed another 22 men. The Nineteenth Iowa Infantry experienced 69 combat-related deaths, and 32 of its soldiers

22 Records of Movements and Activities, NA, rolls 93-95. For an example of the inade­ quacies of some records see the Field and Staff Muster Roll of the Fifth MSM Cavalry for May-June 1863 in which it is noted that the unit suffered "a few wounded" in skirmishes with guerrillas and bushwhackers. 23 Ibid., roll 95; Shea and Hess, Pea Ridge, 331-334.

Battle deaths and injuries mounted as the war in the Ozarks subtheater ground on. State Historical Society of Missouri Union Troops and the Civil War 41 died of disease. The Twenty-second Indiana Infantry lost 11 men and the Twenty-sixth Indiana Infantry 50 men in battle, but the regiments counted another 20 dead from disease. The Fourth Iowa Infantry had 39 killed and mortally wounded and 67 who died of disease. Of the ninety-day volunteers who composed the First Kansas Infantry during the Wilson's Creek campaign, 93 were killed and 36 died of disease. The Thirteenth Kansas Infantry buried 13 battle dead and 67 who died of disease.24 Just as in every other theater of operation, disease killed more Union sol­ diers in the Ozarks than did enemy fire. Although typhoid caused the most deaths, childhood diseases and complications, especially measles and pneumo­ nia, led to many more. Newly raised regiments experienced the heaviest loss­ es. The chances of survival appeared fortuitous, even more so than in combat. Illinois regiments spared heavy casualties in 1862 still paid a high price in dis­ ease-related deaths. The Fifteenth and Twenty-fifth Illinois Infantry regiments lost 62 men during the short time the units stayed in the region. While the Thirty-fifth and Forty-fourth Infantry and the Third Cavalry suffered 24 killed in action at Pea Ridge, sickness claimed the lives of 130 soldiers before the units left the Ozarks. Enemy fire at Prairie Grove killed 5 men in the Ninety- fourth Illinois, but illnesses took another 58 of its number.25 Disease decimated Missouri volunteer regiments as well. During the six- month enlistment of Phelps's Missouri Infantry, 3 officers and 91 enlisted men died of disease. Before leaving their native state in 1863, the Third and Fourth Missouri Cavalry each lost over 100 troopers to disease. The Forty-fourth and the Forty-eighth Missouri Infantry regiments, one-year units organized late in the war, experienced similar losses. The Seventeenth, Twenty-fourth and Thirty-third Infantry regiments recorded scores of deaths due to illness. Thirty- four men of the Eighth MSM Cavalry died of disease. The Twelfth Missouri Infantry lost 68 men, or 7.6 percent of the nominal strength of the unit.26

24 Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, 1: 534-672, 3: 225-338; Report of the Adjutant General of Kansas, 1: 2-123, 2: 73-145; Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 6: 294-310; Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers, 1: 50-90, 2: 140-163; Report of the Adjutant General of Indiana, 4:492-612. 2* Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 1: 647-671, 2: 328-352, 691-713, 3: 298-327, 7: 654-680. It is arguable whether federal troops in the eastern theater or the western, including the Trans-Mississippi, were "healthier." George W Adams, Doctors in Blue: The Medical History of the Union Army in the Civil War (Dayton, Ohio: Morningside House, 1985), 222-224; Stewart Brooks, Civil War Medicine (Springfield, III: Charles C. Thomas, c. 1966), 109-114; Mary C. Gillett, The Army Medical Department, 1818-1865 (Washington, D.C: Center of Military History, 1987), 158. 26 Abstracts of records, Eighth MSM Cavalry, Compiled Service Records, NA, roll 746; Dyer, Compendium, 1304-1305, 1329-1331, 1337-1338; Henry Carroll to his parents, 1 October 1862, Henry S. Carroll Letters, U.S. Army Military History Institute, Carlisle Barracks, Pa.; Earl J. Hess, 'The 12th Missouri Infantry: A Socio-Military Profile of a Union Regiment," Missouri Historical Review 76 (October 1981): 67. The Fourth Missouri Cavalry reported from Rolla that there had been "much sickness," but that it "dissipated" as the unit marched toward Pea Ridge. See the regimental return for the Fourth Missouri Cavalry, February 1862, Records of Movements and Activities, NA, roll 93. 42 Missouri Historical Review

Accidental deaths also were common. In twenty-one units that served in Missouri and Arkansas, nearly 40 mortalities were attributed to accidents. Soldiers fell from horses, were struck by lightning or drowned in streams. One luckless captain in the Fourth Missouri Cavalry died after accidentally poisoning himself. As might be expected, the most common accidental deaths resulted from gunshot wounds. Nearly every regiment recorded at least one death due to this cause. Although one man in the Twenty-second Iowa Infantry reportedly deliberately shot off his thumb, evidence does not indicate that most wounds were self-inflicted. Certainly the Thirteenth Illinois infantryman at Rolla who fired a bullet along with a ramrod through his hand or Jerry Musgrave of the Eleventh Kansas Infantry, who died after shooting himself through the knee while on picket duty, were not intentional suicides. Nor did Colonel Grenville M. Dodge, commanding officer of the Fourth Iowa Infantry and the post at Rolla, entertain some impulse to leave the service when he accidentally discharged a pocket revolver and plowed a six-inch furrow down his leg to the knee.27

27 Walter Lee to his father, 23 November 1862, Walter Lee Papers, State Historical Society of Iowa, Des Moines; "G" to the editor, St. Louis Daily Missouri Republican, 18 September 1861; William S. Burns, Recollections of the 4th Missouri Cavalry (Dayton, Ohio: Morningside House, 1988), 24-25; company muster rolls, Fourth Missouri Cavalry, Compiled Service Records, NA, roll 93; entry, 31 October 1862, "The Civil War Diary of John Howard Kitts," ed. by William E. Connelly, Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society 14 (1918): 325; Henry B. Coughenhower to his mother and sister, 22 December 1861, Henry B. Coughenhower Letters, Illinois Historical Library; William H. Kinsman to editor, Council Bluffs, la., Nonpareil, 18 January 1862; Stanley P. Hirschson, Grenville M. Dodge: Soldier, Politician, Railroad Pioneer (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1967), 53. The Third Wisconsin Cavalry had ten men killed and sixty or seventy injured in a train wreck near Chicago. See Daily Milwaukee News, 3 March 1863.

Accidents, often resulting from gunshot wounds or powder explosions, claimed many soldiers' lives. State Historical Society of Missouri Union Troops and the Civil War 43

Some accidents resulted from horseplay. When Ashael Mather of the Fourth Iowa playfully tried to evade a picket post, the guard charged him with a fixed bayonet, striking the mischief-maker in the ear and killing him almost instantly. In the same regiment a bored sentry carelessly handling his weapon killed another soldier. At Elm Springs, Arkansas, an intoxicated corporal of the guard was blown ten feet into the air when he tried to stamp out caked gunpowder set afire as a prank by Kansas artillerymen.28 Hardened veterans often regarded accidental injuries as the deserved fates of the careless. When a Kansas cavalryman shot himself on the march, his comrades seemed to think it almost amusing. They left the soldier in the care of civilians and did not appear particularly affected by the report of his death twenty-four hours later. Cavalryman Henry Dysart noticed the same callousness in the Third Iowa Cavalry in the case of an unfortunate soldier shot through the leg by a careless comrade. Similarly, Lieutenant Chesley Mosman wrote an admonitory, rather than a sympathetic, account of the sol­ dier in the Thirty-seventh Illinois who unintentionally killed himself while the regiment camped in the Sugar Creek Valley in Arkansas. Accidental deaths could, however, have a deleterious effect on morale. Reportedly, the Ninety-fourth Illinois Infantry was "cast in gloom" after a soldier inadver­ tently shot and killed Captain Joseph Orme, a popular young officer and the brother of the regiment's colonel, during the return march from the success­ ful raid on Van Buren, Arkansas, in January 1863.29 Ten Iowa and five Wisconsin regiments had the highest number of acci­ dental deaths. Several resulted from drowning, such as the men of the Second Wisconsin Cavalry who perished in 1862 while trying to cross the flooded White River on rafts. Another group of soldiers drowned in the treacherous White River at Forsyth in 1863 when a ferryboat broke its guy wires and dumped the passengers. Bodies continued to wash ashore weeks later. In high water, river crossings were dangerous, and other units recorded similar drownings.30

28 "From Rolla," St. Louis Weekly Missouri Democrat, 22 October 1861; entry, 19 October 1861, diary of Nathan D. King, State Historical Society of Iowa, Des Moines; Theodore Gardner, "The First Kansas Battery," Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society 14 (1918): 257-258. 29 August Bondi, The Autobiography of August Bondi, 1833-1907 (Galesburg, 111.: Wagoner Print Co., 1910), 79; Arnold Gates, ed., The Rough Side of War: The Civil War Journal of Chesley A. Mosman (Garden City, N.Y.: Basin Publishing Co., 1987), 5; entry, 12 February 1862, Dysart diary; W J. Lemke, ed., Captain Edward Gee Miller of the 20th Wisconsin: His War, 1862-1865 (Fayetteville, Ark.: Washington County Historical Society, 1960), 12; Nannie M. Tilley, ed., Federals on the Frontier: The Diary of Benjamin F. Mclntyre, 1862-1864 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1963), 88. 30 Entry, 1 March 1863, diary of Timothy Phillips, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison; Tilley, ed., Federals on the Frontier, 116-118; Charles H. Lothrop, A History of the First Regiment Iowa Cavalry Veteran Volunteers, From its Organization in 1861 to its Muster Out of the United States Service in 1866 (Lyons, la.: Beers & Eaton, 1890), 119. Few suicides have been noted in either official records or personal accounts, but the matter-of-fact mention of one case by Charles Lothrop, surgeon for the First Iowa Cavalry, indicates that they were not rare. 44 Missouri Historical Review

State Historical Society of Missouri River crossings proved treacherous, particularly in times of high water. In the Ozarks, as in every other theater, desertion sapped federal mili­ tary strength. Rates varied from unit to unit, and no correlation appears between heavy battlefield losses and high numbers of desertions. In fact the opposite may be true, especially in infantry units. The Ninth and Twentieth Wisconsin Infantry regiments suffered high losses at Newtonia and Prairie Grove, but recorded only 9 and 11 desertions, respectively, in the same peri­ od. In contrast, the Second Wisconsin Cavalry lost only 5 men in battle, but 26 took permanent leave of the regiment. The Third Wisconsin Cavalry counted 14 killed or mortally wounded in action, but 55 of its troopers deserted. The Wisconsin regiments logged 101 deserters, or 20.4 per unit, while 14 Illinois regiments recorded 215 desertions, or 15.3 per unit. The Tenth Illinois Cavalry had the worst record; in 1862-1863 almost 10 percent of the regiment's strength, 89 troopers, disappeared. Nine Kansas regiments averaged 12.6 desertions per unit. Four Indiana and eight Iowa regiments had the lowest desertion totals of all the units that served in the Ozarks, with averages of 6.5 and 6.1 runaways, respectively.31 Desertions rates are difficult to determine. Each state had an individual sys­ tem of record keeping, and the quality and reliability varied from unit to unit.

3i Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers, 1: 50-90, 604-633, 2: 140-163, 846-867, 868-891; Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 1: 647-671, 2: 323-352, 691-713, 3: 3-24, 39-70, 327-398, 4: 128-164, 7: 230-246, 8: 213-257, 406-421, 590-592; Report of the Adjutant General of Indiana, 4: 110-128,372-389,588-612,8: 15-18,41-46,75-80, 101-102,492-519; Report of the Adjutant General of Kansas, 1: 2-123, 124-160, 286-391, 392-523, 524-649, 755-892, 893-996, 997-1109, 2: 73-143, 593-607, 608-620; Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, 1: 3-88, 534-672, 3: 117-222, 225-338, 341-438, 441-555, 559-668, 4: 3-211, 419- 635, 639-841; Ella Lonn, Desertion in the Civil War (New York: Century, 1928), 151-152, 199-200. Union Troops and the Civil War 45 Adjutants frequently complained about the deficiency of personnel records. The incomplete records of Indiana soldiers published by the state probably are examples of inadequate record keeping as well as attempts to keep reputations untarnished. By his own admission, the adjutant of the Twenty-first Iowa Infantry did not publish the names of deserters in his postwar regimental histo­ ry. He omitted them because "in nearly every instance, the deserter had done some good service as a soldier. It has been taken for granted that by consent of the surviving soldiers of the regiment, whatever stained the honor of any of its members should not be perpetuated here."32 The government discharged hundreds of men from units stationed in the Ozarks, particularly during 1861-1863 when the Army of the West, the Army of Southwest Missouri and the Army of the Frontier all conducted operations. Wounds caused many of the discharges, promotions and transfers accounted for others, and the army released some soldiers for being over- or underage. Undoubtedly a few, such as one private in the Ninth MSM Cavalry, were dis­ charged for "general worthlessness." Still others received dishonorable dis­ missals following court-martial convictions.33 Noncombat disabilities and chronic illnesses, however, led to the majority of discharges. The Second Wisconsin Cavalry, which fought at Prairie Grove and campaigned all across the Missouri-Arkansas border through September 1864, discharged 256 men. The hard-luck Eighteenth Iowa Infantry released 182 men from service, the Tenth Illinois Cavalry 134 and the Third Wisconsin Cavalry 126 soldiers while their units served in the Ozarks. The Twelfth Missouri Infantry and the Nineteenth Iowa Infantry each discharged over 100 men who could no longer bear the rigors of military life, and nearly every Union regiment engaged in the Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove campaigns faced similar decimation after six months in service. That battle casualties represent­ ed only a small part of the toll is indicated by the record of the Ninety-fourth Illinois Infantry, which lost only 5 men to enemy action, but dropped 71 men from its rolls during the same period. The Fifteenth Illinois Infantry suffered no battle casualties during its time in the Ozarks, yet discharged 81 soldiers. Similarly, the Fifth MSM Cavalry did not take part in any major engagement but still released 96 men. The Indiana regiments seem not to have been as severely affected. Only the Twenty-sixth Indiana Infantry, with 58 discharges, approached the army-wide average, and at least 15 of those resulted from gun­ shot wounds.34

32 Report of the Adjutant General of Indiana, 4: 110-128, 372-389, 588-612, 8: 15-18,41-46, 75-80, 101-102, 492-519; Crooke, The Twenty-First Regiment of Iowa Volunteer Infantry, 4-5. In January and February 1865, the adjutant of the Fifteenth Missouri Cavalry complained that compa­ ny officers were not filing operations reports. Regimental returns, Fifteenth Missouri Cavalry, Compiled Service Records, NA, roll 756. 33 History of Boone County, Missouri (St. Louis: Western Historical Co., 1882), 481. 34 Roster of Wisconsin Volunteers, 1: 50-90, 140-163; Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, 3: 117-222, 225-338, 341-438; Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 1: 647-671, 6: 294-310, 7: 654-680, 8: 213-253, 536-546; Hess, "12th Missouri Infantry," 67-68; miscellaneous card abstracts, Fifth MSM Cavalry, Compiled Service Records, NA, roll 737; Report of the Adjutant General of Indiana, 4: 588-612, 8: 101-102. 46 Missouri Historical Review

State Historical Society of Missouri Exposure to adverse weather conditions undermined soldiers' health and morale.

The severe losses affected unit efficiency and combat readiness. The Fifty-ninth Illinois Infantry, for example, went into battle at Pea Ridge minus 10 percent of its strength. An Iowa officer wrote that many dis­ charged men never should have been accepted into service in the first place: "None but sound men can hope to endure the strain of active service; all others had better stay at home, they only become dead weights on the army. There must be vitality, recuperative strength, the chasticity [sic] of youth and full manhood in the soldier or he sinks under the march, the night watch, and the camp fare."35 Before becoming seasoned campaigners, Civil War soldiers generally required at least a year in training camps and in active service. After that time unit efficiency reached the point of diminishing return as losses mounted from battle, disease and exhaustion. The human cost varied according to the discipline of a unit, its branch of service and the time actually spent under enemy fire, but every soldier endured the vagaries of the weather and the most adverse physical conditions. The emotional trauma of combat as well as nor­ mal field fatigue manifested themselves in illness and physical breakdown, and

35 Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 4: 128-262; "Kappa" to C. M. Hollis, Cedar Valley (la.) Times, 6 November 1862. Union Troops and the Civil War 47 the high discharge rates of the Army of Southwest Missouri and the Army of the Frontier clearly show the evidence of stress on the soldiers. Yet, despite high casualties and arduous marching, some regiments had relatively low numbers of desertions and discharges, and resignations by officers occurred less frequently. These units seem to have enjoyed good leadership and morale. On the other hand, esprit de corps must have been questionable at best in the Tenth Illinois Cavalry, which lost 203 officers and enlisted men through desertions, discharges, dismissals and resigna­ tions. No other Union volunteer regiment in the Ozarks had higher nonbattle losses and changes in the officer corps.36 Evidence indicates that the service of Union soldiers in southwestern Missouri and northwestern Arkansas cost more in human life than many his­ torians have heretofore noted and that the losses resulted from conventional military operations and service-related disabilities. The soldiers performed largely conventional duties, although the cavalrymen sometimes engaged guerrillas and bushwhackers. Even during the last two years of the war, however, most long-range cavalry patrols were routine operations to gather intelligence on, and prevent incursions by, regular Confederate forces, not mere responses to guerrilla activities. The war in the Ozarks never reached the pro­ portions of the campaigns by the major Union armies in the East and West, but military efforts appear broader in scale and less reactive than suggested by the "guerrilla war" interpretation of murder and rapine. The war in the region featured conventional set-piece battles as well as combat with irregulars and bandits. A sparse population, with pockets of Union sympathizers, in a mountainous region that formed a natural geographical barrier complicated the movement and supply of the armies. It was not a war in which the Union sol­ dier's main preoccupation was always fighting guerrillas.

36 Report of the Adjutant General of Illinois, 8: 213-257. Francis Springer of the Tenth Illinois Cavalry claimed that the regiment suffered from poor administration and because most of the officers were Democrats while the rank and file were Republicans. Oddly, the diary of Sergeant Sardius Smith does not indicate that the regiment was in chaos. See the entry of 3 February 1863 in the diary of Francis Springer, and the diary of Sardius Smith, both in the Illinois Historical Library.

Sorry She Asked Paris Mercury, January 2, 1877. "Pray, Professor, what is a periphrasis?" "Madame, it is simply a circumlocutory cycle of oratorical sonorosity, circumscribing an atom of ideality, lost in verbal profundity." "Thank you, sir." Kansas City Call Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman: An African-American Conservative and the "Conversion" of the Future President

BY THOMAS D. WILSON*

In his insightful and controversial essay, "The Conversion of Harry Truman," William Leuchtenburg argues that Truman's transformation from bigot to civil rights protagonist resulted from his 1940 tour of southern military bases and his view of the Constitution as a "sacred text." Other historians, most convincingly Larry Grothaus, assert that the future president's concern for African Americans began during his years on the Jackson County Court. Still others, Richard Miller and Harold Gosnell among them, question

*Thomas D. Wilson received a B.S. and an M.A. degree from Central Missouri State University, Warrensburg. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate at Brandeis University, where he is studying scientific fraud in the eighteenth century.

48 Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 49 whether Truman "converted" at all, arguing instead that his attention to civil rights was a result of paternalistic racism and political expediency.1 These contradictory interpretations of Truman's attitudes toward African Americans illustrate a situation common to historiographical debates: everyone is partially right. Truman's tour of the South did alter his feelings about discrimination, he did view the Constitution as a "sacred text," he did attend to the needs of the Kansas City African-American com­ munity in the twenties and early thirties, and his actions did appear paternal­ istic and politically expedient. How did these factors fit together? An examination of Truman's personal and political relationship with Chester Arthur Franklin, the African-American publisher of The Call, a black Kansas City newspaper, reveals a possible answer to this question. The evolution of their relationship also reveals the shifting attitudes of black conservatives during a crucial period in African-American political histo­ ry—that is, from the rise of Republican lily whitism through the New Deal and Truman's presidency. C. A. Franklin, as his friends and readers called him, was born June 7, 1880, in Denison, Texas.2 In 1887 he and his parents headed north, intend­ ing to settle in all-black Nicodemus, Kansas. While enroute, they changed their plans and located in Omaha, Nebraska, where Franklin's father, George, opened a barbershop. George sold his shop in 1891 and began pub­ lishing the Omaha Enterprise, a weekly newspaper that prospered. C. A. finished high school and attended the University of Nebraska for two years before returning home to assist his ailing father in the publication of his paper.3 In 1898 George's poor health caused the family to sell the Enterprise and move to Denver, hoping that the drier, cooler climate of the foothills would invigorate the elder Franklin. Shortly after arriving in Denver, the Franklins bought the Colorado Statesman, which they renamed The Star. George's health continued to deteriorate, and his wife, Clara, and son, C. A., soon took charge of the paper's operation. When George Franklin died in 1901, the serious and sometimes volatile C. A. became publisher and editor, while his mother

1 Truman's tour of the South was part of a thirty-thousand-mile trip to investigate rumors of fraud and waste in defense spending. William Leuchtenburg, "The Conversion of Harry Truman," American Heritage, November 1991, 55-68. Larry Grothaus, "Kansas City Blacks, Harry Truman and the Pendergast Machine," Missouri Historical Review 69 (October 1974): 65-82. Richard Miller, Truman: The Rise to Power (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1986), 325-329. Harold Gosnell, Truman's Crises: A Political Biography of Harry S. Truman (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 108-109, 134-136. 2 The following biographical account, except where noted, was compiled from the pro­ gram written for Franklin's seventieth birthday celebration. President's Personal File, Box 548, fol. 2328, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri (hereafter cited as Truman Library). 3 William H. Young and Nathan B. Young, Your Kansas City and Mine (Kansas City, Mo.: Young Brothers, 1950), 12. 50 Missouri Historical Review worked as bookkeeper and circulation manager. The team proved quite suc­ cessful, and The Star grew in size, circulation and reputation even though Denver had a relatively small black population. As his paper prospered, C. A. Franklin joined Booker T. Washington's National Negro Business League, the Prince Hall Freemasons and the Republican party. Like many African Americans at the turn of the century, Franklin suspected that the Democrats were little more than ex-slaveholders who wanted to return to the ways of the antebellum South. He actively campaigned for Colorado Republicans in local and state elections and demanded that African Americans be allowed to share in the spoils of victo­ ry. According to his friends, the young publisher opened government jobs in Colorado to blacks. Despite his success in Denver, Franklin decided that a community with a larger African-American population would offer him greater opportunities, and in 1913 he left for Kansas City, Missouri. His mother joined him two years later. Upon his arrival in Kansas City, Franklin opened a printing shop, and he earned a reputation as a hard-working, reliable businessman. His jour­ nalistic desires remained strong, however, and on May 6, 1919, he published the first issue of The Call.4 Few subscribers, paper shortages, inadequate

Kansas City Star, 25 December 1983.

Kansas City Call

C. A. Franklin s mother, Clara, provid­ ed business and bookkeeping support for both her husband's newspaper in Denver and, later, her son s paper, The Call. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 51 printing equipment and a formidable rival paper, The Sun, all threatened the four-page newspaper. But Franklin—with the help of his contacts in the Business League, the Freemasons and the YMCA—managed to make his publication the leading black newspaper in Kansas City. The Call mirrored the editorial tone of other early twentieth-century African-American newspapers. Black publishers, like white publishers, shared a penchant for attention-grabbing headlines; as businessmen, they had not missed the market value of Hearst-style sensationalism. For example, Franklin used forty point block letters to proclaim "LEPER WIFE MURDERER ESCAPES PUNISHMENT" and "PRETTY GIRL KILLS HER CAVE MAN LOVER." The stories under such headlines rarely ran more than two column inches, but they usually rated front-page coverage. Many African-American publications, Franklin's included, also donated front-page space to churches that wished to advertise upcoming revivals. These advertisements, juxtaposed with the often sensational headlines, make the editors of these newspapers appear more shallow than they actually were. More importantly, however, most publishers of African-American weeklies preferred to emphasize the accomplishments of their race and the importance of self-reliance, not the neg­ ative aspects of segregation.5 In 1922 Franklin wrote: Our business used to center around 12th Street in what is near down-town territory now. We did not buy and we were shoved back. We moved to Eighteenth and again as renters we have been dispossessed. If we do not see tomorrow with all its wondrous growth we are not worth-while citizens. We must be builders of greatness if we would share it. Let us buy homes and then invest­ ment property too. Too many dollars are going into the froth of life. Too much social furbelows, too little savings accounts. Too many empty honors, too little hardy businesses. Too much common labor, too little craftsmen. Our grip on the industries of our section cannot be strong, if we are content with anything less than a man's share of responsibility. Kansas City does not owe us a living nearly as much as we owe it a real benefit from our living here.6

Franklin believed that civil rights depended on economic success, and economic success depended on the Protestant work ethic. When African Americans failed to display this ethic, he chastised them. "Negro labor in Kansas City is being less and less desired, because it is not responsible," wrote Franklin. "When the labor market, the labor market as created by the demands of white capital, is closed against the Negro, we are destroyed."7

5 For an accurate description of early twentieth-century African-American periodicals see Vishnu Oak, The Negro Newspaper (Westport, Conn.: Negro Universities Press, 1948), 124-128. The headlines appeared respectively in the Kansas City Call, 1 November, 29 February 1924. 6 Kansas City Call, 4 February 1922. 7 Ibid., 18 July 1924. 52 Missouri Historical Review

Despite early setbacks, The Call became the foremost black news­ paper in Kansas City.

Kansas City Call

If one accepts the standard categories for post-World War I African- American politics—Booker T. Washington's nonconfrontational and "self- help" conservatism, W. E. B. Du Bois's aggressive and integrationist liberalism and Marcus Garvey's separatist radicalism—Franklin fits neatly in the first category. He regularly preached the tenets of Washington's Business League in his editorials, he openly disagreed with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's (NAACP) Crisis on numerous occasions, and when Marcus Garvey spoke in Kansas City in March 1922, Franklin's coverage of the event might best be described as "cool."8 Clearly, the early editorial tone of Franklin's paper places him squarely within the conservative camp. Franklin's conservative approach to civil rights and his belief in the necessity of economic success reinforced his faith in the GOP. For decades Republicans had recommended policies that benefited all businessmen, regardless of race, and Franklin invariably supported candidates who favored such policies, sometimes at the expense of more immediate racial concerns. For example, during the 1920 presidential campaign Republican candidate Warren Harding had promised to appoint a number of African

8 Hanes Walton, Jr., "Blacks and Conservative Political Movements," in Black Political Life in the United States, Lenneal J. Henderson, Jr., ed. (San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1972), 218. Kansas City Call, 18 March 1922. Garvey was extremely popular among the poor urban African Americans who, in 1922, made up the majority of Franklin's subscribers. One may reasonably infer—though there is no evidence to do so—that Franklin tempered his anti-Garvey rhetoric to avoid alienating his readers. When a federal grand jury indicted Garvey for mail fraud one year later, Franklin was less forgiving. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 53

Americans to key positions in the federal government. When President Harding failed to keep this pledge, members of the African-American press, led by W. E. B. Du Bois in the NAACP's Crisis, vigorously criticized him. Franklin, however, did not share Du Bois's opinion: "This paper has not been so lugubrious as most of the race press over the failure of President Harding to make many appointments in the national service. . . . The achievements of today are hundreds of thousands of home owning and farm owning citizens, insurance companies with millions of dollars in assets, businesses that serve whole districts, banks, newspaper plants, and other substantial results of our own efforts."9 Franklin did inform the president of the disappointment that many African Americans felt because of his failure to appoint blacks to key jobs, and he published Harding's carefully worded response on the front page of The Call. "It is quite impossible," Harding wrote, "to meet up with the excessive demands for patronage. We are work­ ing out a program of consistent recognition and I hope in the end it will be entirely satisfactory."10 This noncommittal reply satisfied Franklin, who continued to support the president. Franklin's pro-Republican stance appeared even more strident in his coverage of local politics. Two rival Democratic factions dominated the Kansas City political scene from 1900 to 1930: James and Tom Pender- gast's "Goats" and Joe Shannon's "Rabbits." Although these groups some­ times split the spoils of office fifty-fifty, their truces rarely lasted, and the rivalry continued until Kansas City Democrats elected Shannon to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1930, leaving Tom Pendergast in firm control until he went to prison nine years later. Pendergast and Shannon were brazenly corrupt—"now is the time for all good cemeteries to come to the aid of the party" was a popular joke in their day—and Franklin relished i.i exposing their sins. In the weeks before the 1922 municipal election, Franklin accused the Pendergast machine of vote fraud, bribery, favoritism, police brutality, gambling, prostitution and bootlegging. On election eve he reminded voters that during the previous election, "white ruffians wearing police badges beat Negro Republicans away from the polls, while Negro repeaters voted the Democratic ticket." Franklin also published a six-by- ten-inch sample ballot with instructions for voting a straight Republican ticket.11 Ward-heeler Casimir Welch proved particularly important for Kansas City African Americans during the Pendergast years. As a youngster, he had made a name for himself as a street fighter, and Joe Shannon had recognized that Welch's personal and physical qualities would make him a successful organizer.

9 Kansas City Call, 25 February 1922. io Ibid., 4 March 1922. 11 Lyle Dorsett, The Pendergast Machine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), 91; Kansas City Call, 25 March, 1 April 1922. 54 Missouri Historical Review

Shannon assigned him the unenviable task of drawing the Republican African Americans of the "Bloody Sixth" ward into the Democratic camp. Welch combined friendliness, intimidation and spoils to achieve his objec­ tive, and in the process, he became popular enough to win several terms as municipal judge, even though he had dropped out of school at age nine. In 1924 Welch left the Rabbits when Shannon secretly enjoined the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) to help defeat a young Goat, Harry Truman, in his reelection bid to the eastern seat of the Jackson County Court. Welch threw his sup­ port to the Goats and regularly delivered African-American votes to the Pendergast machine until his death in 1936. In spite of Welch's break with the apparently racist Rabbits, Franklin detested the man. Before the 1931 municipal elections, he placed this headline on the front page of The Call: "$100 FOR ELECTION FRAUD PROOFS: Limited to Precincts of Sixth Justice of Peace District."12 No one accepted the offer, and Welch won in a landslide. Despite rampant corruption, local Democrats clearly demonstrated a concern for the African-American community. By 1926 Democratic admin­ istrations had appointed hundreds of blacks to various positions in city and county government and built the Home for Aged Negroes, the Home for Negro Boys and two hospitals for African Americans.13 But Franklin's hatred of Pendergast, Shannon and Welch blinded him to these contribu­ tions, and he continued to support Republican candidates in municipal and county elections throughout the 1920s. Franklin's allegiance to state and national Republicans weakened in 1924. In the early twenties, southern GOP leaders attempted to take advantage of spreading racial conservatism (fostered in part by the reemer- gence of the KKK) by removing African Americans from key advisory positions—a policy known as "lily whitism." Although initially limited to Dixie, lily whitism spread rapidly to other parts of the country, and by 1924 rumors of a Klan-Republican alliance were rampant enough to be included in Kansas City Democratic advertisements, Franklin generally ignored these ri:mo^, --one linked Joe Shannon W a Republican Klan •*oaluion -iinied c aei^atn;i. HM, ^innan in tne 19?4 campaign ;o. eastern :ountv fudge - a;,J he emiorM- ^eoublicans lor all »>u> one elective office.14

>\. 1, in. ki.'^n I Y IM\ , • •! .^v, ' »pe Republic UP/,..>:\<.* ' "- V; ^k^v Welcp tnoi^a- UP aitrr he SJV »i,r. u \ 'p ' <•' pdpcrbo\ William ReddiL '-rr Io>\n hansas r u v n :t* .,rJ rh" enJftg*t < /,M;"/«: ' vn -\i ) B I lppineotr )V4 * V n Kansas Tit\ '' it! - I^ctmh-i 1Q*0 Kansas ' n\ » all J" ) < *i> -^

Imu ? Marvp 192i .ai ^lec»»'P be MUSC Republican tand'«i u ^ T' ugh hi wkhn vnote an cditonai two r + t s.>£^ WIL'T itiecJ "Negroes . Kans. Sh, i ! < .ip|,l.r Governor Pauler, " Ibid 1° September 1924 *• 2 October 1926 Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 55

Political boss Joe Shannon led the "Rabbit" faction of the Kansas City Democratic party until he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1930. This left Tom Pendergast in con­ trol of local Democrats.

State Historical Society of Missouri

By 1928, however, Franklin could no longer deny that GOP leaders were changing the party's goals. Three months before its national convention in Kansas City, the Republican party announced that it intended to house black and white dele­ gates separately. Franklin responded with a threat of sorts: "Republican chances in the national election are being threatened by what is going on in Kansas City." Party chieftains ignored Franklin's and other black leaders' protests and held the convention as planned. When the party denied seats to black delegates, Franklin reported: "G.O.P. LEANS TO SOUTHERN LILY WHITES." And when the convention concluded without promising sub­ stantial racial reforms, the front page of The Call blasted the party: "LILY WHITISM NOW OFFICIAL REPUBLICANISM" and "ONE SENTENCE ON LYNCHING IN PLATFORM: APPEAL IS BURIED BY HEAVY VOTE FAVORING THE LILY WHITES."** Franklin appeared ready to abandon the party of Lincoln. The fall of 1928 proved to be a difficult time for Franklin. He was arrested in July for assaulting Willa Dwiggins, a woman active in local fund-raisers, at a benefit for the Negro Orphan Home. Franklin had become upset when Dwiggins insisted on giving the welcoming address—a speech he expected to deliver. After she refused to discuss the matter on the stage, Franklin had dragged her outside while calling her a variety of names. Not

is Ibid., 16, 23 March, 8, 15 June 1928. 56 Missouri Historical Review surprisingly, The Call ignored Franklin's indiscretion, but a new rival black newspaper, Felix Payne's The Kansas City American, gave the story front­ page attention. Although Dwiggins eventually dropped the charges against Franklin, the negative publicity had taken its toll. The publisher took an extended vacation in the fall, and upon his return he ignored the threat of lily whitism and endorsed Herbert Hoover for president and Republicans for most county and state offices. Franklin did support Democrat Francis Wilson's failed attempt to win the governor's seat in Missouri, which brought his total number of Democratic endorsements to two.16 Significantly, Franklin's 1928 pro-Republican editorials lacked the fer­ vor of his earlier writings. He concluded his lukewarm election-eve defense of Hoover with this sentence: "We are wise to vote for our friends no matter under what party label."17 These words, combined with the outrage he expressed during the GOP national convention, suggest that Franklin was leaning away from both dogmatic Republicanism and Booker Washington's accommodative approach to civil rights. He appeared ready to embrace the Democratic party and pursue a more aggressive approach to civil rights. While this shift was common among African-American conservatives after the spread of lily whitism, Franklin never quite made the leap. Although the publisher of The Call subsequently attacked segregation with a vigor more reminiscent of Du Bois than Washington, he could not bring himself to abandon Washington's business tenets or Republicanism in general. He did, however, moderate his positions on these and other issues. By 1928, The Call frequently ran twenty-four pages and had twenty thousand subscribers in more than a dozen states; the paper also reflected Franklin's new-found moderation.18 Although he still used sensational headlines, they appeared less frequently and seemed less lurid than those of his early issues. He continued to donate space for invitations to fundamen­ talist revivals, but he displayed these advertisements more discreetly. Washington's ideas still appeared in Franklin's editorials, and Republicans still received the vast majority of his endorsements, but he devoted more space to the evils of segregation and no longer published sample ballots with instructions for voting a straight GOP ticket. And as illustrated in the guberna­ torial elections of 1924 and 1928 in Kansas and Missouri, respectively, Franklin endorsed more Democrats for elective office. This moderation did not result from lily whitism alone; three people in

16 Kansas City American, 19 July 1928. The competition between Franklin and Payne grew more heated as time passed. The rivalry peaked in October 1932 when Payne, with the support of Joseph LaCour, a minority stockholder in The Call, and Dr. William Thompkins, whom Franklin Roosevelt would later name as recorder of deeds in Washington, D.C, attempted to acquire control of The Call by proving in court that Franklin had mismanaged his paper. Unfortunately for Payne, LaCour and Thompkins, the court ruled in favor of Franklin. A federal grand jury had indicted Payne the previous week for conspiracy to violate the Prohibition Act, and two unknown assailants beat Payne nearly to death only one week later. Kansas City Call, 21, 28 October, 2 November 1932. 17 Kansas City Call, 2 November 1928. 18 Noel Wilson, "The Kansas City Call and the Negro Market," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1968), 395. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 57 particular appear to have played roles in "softening" the publisher's posi­ tions. In 1923 Franklin hired Roy Wilkins, a journalism graduate from the University of Minnesota and an active member of the NAACP. By express­ ing Du Bois's ideas in a sarcastic style similar to H. L. Mencken, Wilkins quickly won a following with his column "Talking It Over." This bright, young journalist openly contradicted Franklin in the pages of The Call, and he probably exasperated his mentor in private as well. Wilkins remained with The Call for nearly a decade, and Franklin undoubtedly learned as much from his employee as Wilkins learned from his boss.19 In 1925 Franklin married Ada Crogman, a young actress with a dramat­ ics degree from Emerson College. According to contemporary accounts, this energetic and cosmopolitan woman tempered his manic work habits and soothed his volatile demeanor. According to Franklin himself, his wife instilled an open-mindedness in him that he had lacked in his earlier years.20 During the late twenties, a third person appears to have reinforced the moderating influences of Wilkins and Crogman. Harry Truman, a Pendergast

19 Roy Wilkins, Standing Fast: The Autobiography of Roy Wilkins (New York: Viking Press, 1982), 56. Wilkins left The Call in 1931 for a position in the headquarters of the NAACP. He replaced Du Bois as editor of the Crisis in 1934 and eventually became president of the organization, but he and Franklin remained friends until Franklin's death in 1955. Ibid., 108, 155. 20 Kansas City Star, 25 December 1983; Young and Young, Your Kansas City, 12.

Kansas City Call

Ada Crogman Franklin proved to be a moderating force in her husbands life. 58 Missouri Historical Review

Democrat and the presiding judge of the Jackson County Court from 1927 to 1934, ran a remarkably honest administration despite the corruption that surrounded him. He regularly awarded construction contracts to the lowest bidder rather than to the highest briber, and he did not demand monthly kickbacks from the thousand or so county employees—rather novel behav­ iors in Pendergast's domain.21 Truman's integrity won him many support­ ers, including C. A. Franklin. By modern standards Truman was not a champion of civil rights during his eight years as presiding judge, but he willingly and energetically pursued racial policies that Franklin found attractive. By 1928 African Americans made up one-third of the county's payroll, many in white-collar jobs, and near the end of his second term. Truman used his power as state commis­ sioner of the Federal Reemployment Board to increase the number of feder­ ally financed jobs available to blacks. Truman also actively supported the county's "Negro" institutions. In fact, The Call reported in 1928 that, due to Truman's influence, "the Jackson County Home ... is so human in its deal­ ings with the inmates, that for comfort and security, they are as well off as if in the best private homes for the aged in the east" and "the Home for Boys," meanwhile, "has become a first class industrial institution for delinquent and neglected Negro boys." The presiding judge also proposed a bond issue in 1928 to build a home for Negro girls. The bond passed, and the home was completed a year later, but staffing it proved to be a problem. Cas Welch, boss of the "Bloody Sixth," insisted that Truman hire Welch's cronies, but the presiding judge refused. Truman's overwhelming reelection in 1930 and Shannon's election to the U.S. House of Representatives left Welch with little bargaining power. Jackson County opened the Home for Negro Girls in early 1931, and Truman's appointees operated the home.22 County budget records show that despite efforts to cut funding to these institutions, Truman managed to maintain their allotments at pre-depression levels into the thirties. Perhaps most importantly, Truman offered moral as well as financial support to residents of these facilities. According to Robert Sweeney, who later became the first African-American supervisor at the Kansas City Post Office, the presiding judge frequently visited each

21 The Jackson County Court was an administrative, not a judicial, body, primarily responsi­ ble for maintaining roads, bridges and public buildings. Truman, with support from the Pendergast machine, had won the eastern seat on the court in 1922. Out of 228 miles of road paved in 1928, Tom Pendergast's Ready-Mixed Concrete Company paved only three-fourths of a mile. Dorsett, Pendergast Machine, 72. 22 Kansas City Call, 27 July 1928; Philip H. Vaughan, The Truman Administration's Legacy for Black America (Reseda, Calif.: Mojave Books, 1976), 2. Truman proposed that the home be named in honor of Hiram Young, an African-American blacksmith on the Santa Fe Trail, but his idea was not adopted. Kansas City Call, 4 May, 27 July 1928, 31 October 1930, 26 October 1934. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 59 institution, and after students "had left the Home [for Negro Boys] and gone to Howard, Fisk, or other universities Mr. Truman contributed to their sup­ port."23 The fact that these were segregated institutions appears not to have bothered Franklin. Instead, he seems to have been genuinely grateful to Truman for his financial and moral support of Jackson County's disadvan­ taged African Americans. A 1928 article, "Jackson County Shows Its Great Heart of Love," included a three-by-five-inch portrait of the presiding judge, and Franklin entitled a 1930 editorial, which endorsed Truman's bid for reelection, "County Cares for Sick."24 Truman's obvious paternalism, described admirably by Richard Miller, did not disturb Franklin. After near­ ly two decades of Cas Welch's arbitrary favoritism, the presiding judge's concern for blacks, paternalistic as it was, must have seemed refreshingly genuine. This sincerity, combined with Truman's administrative integrity, proved to Franklin that a Democrat could be both honest and empathetic—a realization that solidified Franklin's new pragmatism. Truman's actions on the county court were undoubtedly politically expedient, but that does not, as some have argued, necessarily imply duplic­ ity. Roy Wilkins, for example, recalled Truman as "politically astute on the race question before he ever came to Washington, because the Pendergast machine was politically astute on the race question. They weren't the fair- haired boys and they didn't believe in good government and they didn't nec­ essarily love the Negro, but they believed in machine control and in mar­ shalling whatever votes it took to keep the machine in power." In an attempt to demonstrate that Truman lacked "firm convictions on civil rights," Harold Gosnell quotes Truman in a private conversation: "You know that I am against this bill [the 1938 antilynching act], but if it comes to a vote I'll have to be for it. All my sympathies are with you but the Negro vote in Kansas City and St. Louis is too important."25 Such arguments apparently offer compelling evidence of Truman's duplicity, but an examination of how Truman defined "political expediency" suggests he did not attempt to "dupe" anyone. In his last "Pickwick Memo," written on the eve of his 1934 announcement to run for the U.S. Senate, Truman argued that actions cynics label "expedient" are in reality the most honorable because "the ultimate responsibility of an elected official is to represent the interests of the voters regardless of his own position."

23 "Jackson County Budget 1932" and "Jackson County Budget 1933," Papers of Harry S. Truman, Presiding Judge, 1927-1934, Box 1, fol. 1, Truman Library; "Robert Sweeney: An Oral History," 8 and 11, Truman Library. i* Kansas City Call, 27 July 1928, 31 October 1930. 25 Wilkins quoted in Gosnell, Truman's Crises, 108. Wilkins was not alone in his assess­ ment of Truman's real motives; for a more fully developed contemporary African-American view of Truman's "duplicity" see Jay Franklin, "What Truman Really Thinks of Negroes," Negro Digest, June 1949, 65. Gosnell, Truman's Crises, 135. 60 Missouri Historical Review

C. A. Franklin admired Harry Truman's honesty and integrity during his eight years as presid­ ing judge of the Jackson County Court.

State Historical Society of Missouri

Hence, to represent interests that conflict with one's own is not "politically expedient," it is doing one's job. While it can be argued that this line of rea­ soning was little more than a shameless rationalization, several of Truman's later letters suggest that his concern for African Americans was genuine— expedient, but genuine.26 Truman's concern for minorities was comparatively new. As the son of "an unreconstructed rebel mother," he had developed a dislike for all minor­ ities at an early age. His lack of contact with these groups exacerbated his prejudices, and his early letters to his future wife, Bess Wallace, are filled with racial slurs. Truman's wartime experiences in the largely Irish Catholic D Battery of the 128th Infantry Division made him more sensitive to the position of minorities and offered him proof that non-WASPs deserved his respect.27 His business partner after the war was Jewish, his political mentor was Catholic, and his record as presiding judge demonstrated a

26 The purpose of the "Pickwick Memos" is not entirely clear. Written over a three-year span on stationery from Truman's secret office in the Pickwick Hotel, they are certainly not letters, and with such questions as "What chance is there for a clean, honest administration . . . when a bunch of vultures sit on the sidelines and puke on the field?" Truman clearly did not intend for them to become public while Tom Pendergast was alive. Apparently he used the memos to clarify in his own mind what his political career was all about and, perhaps, to document for posterity that he may have been a "Pendergast boy" but not a Pendergast fan. Truman Presiding Judge Papers, Box 2, fol. 9. 27 Truman quoted in Kansas City Call, 20 October 1944; see Robert H. Ferrell, ed., Dear Bess: The Letters from Harry to Bess Truman, 1910-1959 (New York: W. W Norton and Company, 1983) or Monte M. Poen, ed., Letters Home by Harry Truman (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1984). Truman's letters home reveal how proud he was to be a part of the D Battery and how well he and his men worked together. Poen, Letters Home, 51-52. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 61 remarkable empathy for the twenty thousand Jackson County African Americans. What or who convinced Truman that he represented Jackson County African Americans? At first glance Tom Pendergast and Cas Welch seem to be likely candidates, but the "Pickwick Memo" suggests otherwise. Truman harbored grave doubts about Boss Tom's methods and ends, and he wrote that Welch "is a thug of the worst water, he should have been in the pen twenty years ago." If Truman learned anything from these men, he learned how to fix elections. Probably local African-American leaders, not machine politicians, convinced Truman that he should consciously and sincerely attend to the needs of minorities. The presiding judge had extensive contact with several local black representatives, and all of them likely played a part in Truman's "conversion." Truman's personal correspondence files infer that his relationship with Franklin was perhaps most influential. While no other Kansas City African American wrote the senator on a regular basis, Franklin and Truman corresponded frequently (sometimes more than once a week) throughout his first Senate term. The content of these letters is pri­ marily political, but the tone reveals the writers' respect for each other: Franklin repeatedly voiced admiration for the senator's work, and Truman often complimented the editor's judgment and integrity. This mutual respect shows up in other writings as well. Not surprisingly, Franklin

State Historical Society of Missouri

Truman recorded his personal observations on political and Jackson County events in his secret office at Kansas City's Pickwick Hotel. 62 Missouri Historical Review continued to support Truman in The Call, and Truman often commended Franklin in his notes to other government officials.28 Lucile Bluford, who replaced Roy Wilkins as news editor at The Call in 1932, contends that this mutual respect led to friendship. Despite differences in race, temperament and party affiliation, Bluford recalls that Franklin and Truman had a great deal in common: both were Freemasons, both believed in fiscal accountability, and both thought that citizens, not government, held ulti­ mate responsibility for their own well-being. These shared beliefs led to a friendship that Bluford describes as "personal first, political second."29 To assert that Franklin was the primary cause of Truman's "conversion" would be foolish; this transformation began long before they met, involved countless men and women and ultimately was the result of the future president's own cogitations. To deny, however, that these unlikely friends exerted some influ­ ence on each other would be equally foolish. With Pendergast's blessing, Truman entered the Democratic primary for the U.S. Senate in 1934. He faced stiff competition from John Cochran, a rep­ resentative of William L. Igoe's St. Louis machine, and the St. Louis papers were ruthless:

It's hard to believe . . . that Boss Pendergast really means it when he comes out for a candidate for the United States Senate whose only experience in public life has been to sit ten years as a mem­ ber of the Jackson County Court. ... To ask that County Judge Truman be elected for six years to the nation's highest lawmak­ ing body on a record of O-K-ing county supply bills and seeing that the county clerk's books are properly kept is taking too much risk with inexperience.30 On the eve of the primary Franklin wrote: "If ever a man deserved public confidence on the basis of the record made in the public's service, that man is Harry S. Truman." Because of rampant vote fraud on both sides, Frank­ lin's role—any publisher's role—was negligible. Truman won the August primary by 40,000 votes, largely because Jackson County voters, both alive and dead, cast more than 137,000 votes for Truman and only 1,525 for Cochran.31 Truman easily won the November general election and moved to Washington the following month.

28 Truman Presiding Judge Papers, Box 2, fol. 9. In a January 26, 1939 memo to FHA offi­ cial Stewart MacDonald, Truman wrote, "He [Franklin] is one of the sharpest colored editors in the Midwest." Senatorial Papers, Box 60, fol. 1, Truman Library. Hereafter referred to as Senatorial Papers. 29 Lucile Bluford, personal interview with author, 3 July 1991. 30 St. Louis Star-Times, 16 May 1934. 31 Kansas City Call, 3 August 1934. Estimates vary, but Truman apparently received votes from approximately 85,000 "ghost voters." A subsequent investigation removed these 85,000 ghosts from the rolls in 1936. Gene Powell, Tom's Boy Harry (Jefferson City, Mo.: Hawthorn Publishing, 1948), 71-74. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 63

u Ghost voters " played a sig­ nificant role in Harry Truman's defeat of John Cochran in the 1934 Democratic primary for the U.S. Senate.

State Historical Society of Missouri

Many of Franklin's letters to Truman illustrate his inexperience with the political realities of Washington. Assuming that the freshman senator could easily secure Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) funds, Franklin asked Truman in late 1937 to obtain RFC loans for African-American homebuilders. "This is right down your alley," wrote Franklin. Truman replied: "I am sure that when the new housing policy is worked out, that we will have an opportunity to come in on it. . . . As you know, several efforts have been made to get projects started there, but nearly every time that is done, somebody throws a monkey wrench in the machinery." Franklin wrote to Truman again in 1939, repeating his request for feder­ ally funded housing. This time he included a copy of a two-page letter he had written to Eleanor Roosevelt, explaining housing conditions in Kansas City. Still unable to alleviate the problem himself, Truman arranged a meet­ ing between representatives of the Kansas City African-American commu­ nity and Stewart MacDonald of the Federal Housing Authority (FHA).32 Nothing grew out of this meeting. Franklin's request that Truman secure a change in the policies of the U.S. Postal Service also failed. In early 1939 the publisher founded the Colored Mail Order Corporation of America, the first African-American mail-order business in the United States. To save on postage costs Franklin wanted to send catalogs to blacks only, but the postal service refused his request unless the corporation placed specific names on the address labels. Franklin wrote to Truman explaining the situation and asked him to contact

32 Franklin to Truman, 20 November 1937; Truman to Franklin, 23 November 1937; Franklin to Truman, 23 January 1939; and Truman to Franklin, 30 January 1939, all in Senatorial Papers. 64 Missouri Historical Review the appropriate official. Truman forwarded Franklin's proposal to William Howes, First Assistant Postmaster General, who denied the appeal. An obviously disappointed Truman informed Franklin of the decision.33 Not all of Franklin's requests went unfilled. For decades Missouri's governors had staffed the state's black college, Lincoln University, with political favorites. The University of Missouri did not admit African Americans. Franklin had repeatedly argued in his paper against the use of patronage in hiring Lincoln's staff, but until he forwarded his complaint to Senator Truman no administration had taken these arguments seriously.34 Truman convinced Governor Guy Park (a Pendergast man) that he should remove jobs at Lincoln from the spoils list, and Park complied.35 Segregation at the University of Missouri was not so easily resolved, but it led to a key episode in the Franklin-Truman relationship. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Gaines v. Canada (1938) that Missouri had to pro­ vide professional schools for blacks within the state. In an attempt to avoid integrating the University of Missouri, the state legislature and Governor Lloyd Stark (originally a Pendergast man) enacted the Taylor bill, allotting Lincoln University $200,000 to create a professional school. Stark's posi­ tion on the Taylor bill, which in effect maintained the segregated system that Gaines had sought to end, infuriated Franklin, and in May 1939 he wrote to Truman about it. In his reply Truman acknowledged that the bill was simply a way to avoid integration, but concluded that there was little he could do.36 As events unfolded in the summer of 1939, Franklin realized that the senator could do something—end Stark's political career. Stark had spent the preceding two years diligently dismantling the Pendergast machine, and with his former benefactor, Pendergast, now in prison, the governor began to campaign openly for Truman's seat in the Senate. Truman's ties to the dis­ credited machine (and the absence of eighty-five thousand "ghost voters") significantly reduced his chances for victory, and he considered not running. In October Franklin joined Truman's advisors in urging the senator to remain in the race and beat Stark at the polls—a defeat that would almost certainly end the governor's political career and possibly provide an opportunity to

33 Franklin to Truman, 17 May 1939, and Truman to Franklin, 7 June 1939, both in ibid. 34 As late as 1932 the governor's office kept lists of the party affiliations of every Lincoln University employee, from professors to groundskeepers. Guy Park Papers, fol. 1224, Western Historical Manuscript Collection, University of Missouri-Columbia. Based on Franklin to Truman, 19 October 1939, Senatorial Papers, Franklin made this request in late 1934—before Truman left for Washington. 35 Kansas City Call, 4 December 1936. 36 Lloyd Gaines, an African American, had applied to the University of Missouri School of Law in 1935. S. Woodson Canada, university registrar, denied his application, prompting Gaines and the NAACP to file a suit. Shortly after his victory in the U.S. Supreme Court, Gaines disappeared from his rooming house in Chicago and was never heard from again. See Edward T. Clayton, "The Strange Disappearance of Lloyd Gaines," Ebony, May 1961, 26. Franklin to Truman, 15 May 1939, and Truman to Franklin, 18 May 1939, both in Senatorial Papers. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 65 integrate the University of Missouri. Truman, who had his own reasons for wanting to crush Stark, agreed to run.37 These two letters perhaps constitute the most enlightening Franklin- Truman exchange, not because Franklin "convinced" Truman to run for reelection, but because they reveal how the two men dealt with the political realities of their time. Franklin, a politically astute man, described in his let­ ter how a Truman attack on Stark might initiate a "clean-government" back­ lash and how an African-American attack on the governor might initiate a racist backlash—either of which would lead to Truman's defeat. Conse­ quently, Franklin argued that Truman should run a positive campaign, appealing specifically to Missouri's black voters. "To keep up the good work, we must now turn to selling you. Be thinking of your points of con­ tact with our voters so that when you come back home, we can map a course of action." Intriguingly, Franklin voiced his concern over Truman's reputa­ tion among his racist colleagues in Washington. If Truman's stance on African-American issues appeared too liberal, he would earn the label "nig­ ger lover"—a label that would hamper his effectiveness in the Senate. If Truman's positions were not liberal enough, however, he would lose the black vote and, in all likelihood, the election. In short, the senator would have to walk an impossibly thin line. Truman, a politically astute man as well, agreed with Franklin on all counts: "In matters of this kind, your judgement is always good."38 Truman officially announced his candidacy in March 1940, and his first major campaign engagement took place in Sedalia at the ground-breaking ceremony for a new African-American hospital.39 After citing his first-term voting record—his support of the antilynching bill, the office of Recorder of

37 Stark had been elected governor in 1936 with the support of the Pendergast machine, but in 1937, when federal investigators began to unearth evidence of Tom Pendergast's com­ plicity in bribery, tax evasion and election fraud, Stark quickly turned against his former benefactor. The Great American Insurance Company of Chicago, Illinois, had paid Pendergast $750,000 in return for city and county insurance contracts, and the governor, eager to replace Pendergast as the boss of Missouri's Democratic party, called in federal investigators. Elmer Irey, chief of the intelligence unit of the U.S. Treasury Department, wrote, "It was Stark who asked us to put Pendergast in jail." Quoted in Dorsett, Pendergast Machine, 129. Franklin to Truman, 19 October 1939, and Truman to Franklin, 25 October 1939, Senatorial Papers. Truman disliked Stark personally and wanted revenge for what he considered an unfair and politically motivated attack on Pendergast. In a letter to Bess, Truman wrote, "I'm going to lick that double crossing lying governor if I can keep my health." Quoted in Miller, Rise to Power, 315. 38 Truman, though he subsequently wavered during the fall and winter of 1939, had made the decision to run several months earlier. Miller, Rise to Power, 315. Franklin to Truman, 19 October 1939, and Truman to Franklin, 25 October 1939, Senatorial Papers. 39 Truman based the decision partly on his belief in numerology. In a letter to Joel Pelofsky dated March 5, 1959, Truman's secretary, Victor Messall, recalled that he knew Truman viewed certain combinations of numbers as omens. Consequently, Messall suggest­ ed to Truman that he officially announce his candidacy on March 6 at 9:00 A.M. Truman apparently believed that an announcement involving such a lucky series of numbers—3-6- 9—improved his chances of winning. The senator followed Messall's advice. Victor Messall Papers, Box 6, fol. 12, Truman Library. 66 Missouri Historical Review

Harry S. Truman Library Senator Truman maintained a Sedalia office during the 1940 senatorial campaign; his first campaign engagement took place at the ground-break­ ing for a local African-American hospital.

Deeds of Washington, D.C. (which provided hundreds of jobs to African Americans) and the antidiscrimination amendment to the Selective Service Act of 1940—Truman set the tone for his campaign rhetoric: Negroes have never had much choice in regard to work or any­ thing else. By and large, they work mainly as unskilled laborers and domestic servants. They have been forced to live in segre­ gated slums, neglected by the authorities. Negroes have been preyed upon by all types of exploiters, from the installment sales­ men of clothing, pianos and furniture to the vendors of vice. The majority of our Negro people find but cold comfort in shanties and tenements. Surely, as free men, they are entitled to some­ thing better than this.40

One month later, in a speech before the National Colored Democratic Association, Truman stated flatly, "We should recognize his [the African American's] inalienable rights as specified in our Constitution."41 These statements appear to support Leuchtenburg's contention that Truman's conversion largely resulted from his view of the Constitution as a "sacred text." Leuchtenburg, however, ignores a salient fact: during the 1940 campaign Truman limited such comments to African-American audiences,

40 Quoted in Vaughan, Truman Administration's Legacy, 3. 41 Donald R. McCoy and Richard T. Ruetten, Quest and Response: Minority Rights and the Truman Administration (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1973), 15. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 67

while his speeches to whites concentrated on the need to continue the New Deal. Does this imply that Gosnell's assessment of duplicity is closer to the truth? Possibly, but when one considers Truman's record on the county court and in the Senate, his October 1939 exchange with Franklin and his subsequent actions as senator and president, another possible explanation emerges: Truman acted duplicitously not with blacks, but with racists. By limiting his civil rights rhetoric to African-American audiences, Truman could, for the most part, limit the publication of his comments to the African-American press—publications not widely read in racist crowds— and thereby avoid the backlash that he and Franklin feared. As implausible as this may sound, it explains Truman's actions in the 1940 campaign and some rather odd denials he made one year later.42 Truman defeated Stark in the Democratic senatorial primary by only 7,476 votes, and in a letter to Franklin, the senator attributed his victory to African-American voters. While Truman's assessment was a bit simplis­ tic—he received a key endorsement from St. Louis boss Robert Hannegan as well—Franklin played a major role in the victory. In all likelihood, Kansas City and St. Louis blacks would have voted for Truman regardless of Franklin's position—they had voted solidly Democratic for years—but Missouri's rural African Americans had not supported Truman in 1934, and they did in 1940. Much of this new support was anti-Stark and pro- Roosevelt, but almost certainly, some of it was a result of Franklin's paper. By 1940 nearly one-third of The Call's fifteen thousand Missouri sub­ scribers lived outside of Kansas City and St. Louis, and Franklin's paper informed many of these traditional Republicans of the senator's contribu­ tions to the African-American agenda.43 To assert that Franklin was the key in Truman's primary victory would be wrong-headed, but he was cer­ tainly a key. Truman won the November general election and returned to Washington. In late December 1940 Franklin complained to Truman that the builders contracted to expand housing at Fort Riley, Kansas, refused to employ African-American carpenters: "This will happen at Lake City as well." Without revealing how he planned to halt the discrimination, Truman

42 In the winter and spring of 1940-1941, Franklin wrote to Truman on numerous occa­ sions to ask for help in integrating various defense contractors. The evidence suggests that Truman helped rectify the situation in each case. Yet, the senator later denied knowing about any cases of discrimination. 43 Reddig, Tom's Town, 381; Truman to Franklin, 18 November 1940, Box 131, "Negroes" folder, Senatorial Papers; William E. Pemberton, Harry S. Truman: Fair Dealer and Cold Warrior (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1989), 31. Hannegan also played a major part in Truman's vice presidential nomination four years later, and Truman "managed to reward Hannegan with appointment as Democratic National Committee chairman." Miller, Rise to Power, 384; Grothaus, "Kansas City Blacks," 81. The author extrapolated the figures from Wilson, "The Kansas City Call and the Negro Market," 395. 68 Missouri Historical Review replied that he would "look into it as soon as possible." Within a week, every Fort Riley builder except the Missouri-based Long Construction Company had hired African Americans. In early January, Franklin asked for "one more shove, [then] Negroes will be integrated into the defense industries."44 The first weeks of the 77th Congress were hectic for the second-term senator, and he apparently delayed action on Franklin's request while pursu­ ing other concerns. Since 1939 Truman had heard rumors of fraud and waste on the part of defense contractors at Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, and these reports prompted him to visit dozens of military bases in 1940. He was appalled. Upon his return to Washington he met with Franklin Roosevelt to discuss the issue and soon began working on a proposal to cre­ ate a Senate select committee to investigate defense contractors.45 Conse­ quently, Truman's work load increased dramatically in January 1941, and it became even heavier in March when the Senate established his committee and appointed him chairman. Franklin, unaware of (or ignoring) Truman's busier schedule, reminded the senator of the "Long Construction problem" in his next letter, this time including the address of the company. Truman, clearly in a testy mood, wrote: "I am not acquainted with the Long Construction Company and therefore am not in any position to discuss with them whom they ought to hire in Kansas. If they were [contracted to work] in Missouri, it might be different. It seems to me that with two Republican senators in Kansas who supported Willkie, as you did, you ought to get some results in that quarter."46 Truman was right. Franklin had supported Wendell Willkie in his presi­ dential campaign against Roosevelt, and Truman's letter revealed his irrita­ tion. Franklin did not miss the senator's consternation. "Did you smile," wrote Franklin, "when you wrote that last paragraph? I hope so. . . . One interpretation of this paragraph is that I am to look elsewhere in the future. Is that your meaning?"47 Another interpretation—and considering subsequent events, a more rea­ sonable one—is that Truman was simply being sarcastic. Frustrated by Long, and perhaps feeling the pressure of his growing responsibilities, Truman's suggestion that Franklin "ought to get results" from Republican

44 A munitions plant was then under construction at Lake City, approximately five miles east of Independence. Franklin to Truman, 20 December 1940; Truman to Franklin, 27 December 1940; and Franklin to Truman, 2 January 1941, all in Senatorial Papers. Truman's method for convincing contractors to hire African Americans remains a mystery, but it seems reasonable to assume that he threatened to investigate them for fraud if they refused. 45 Gosnell, Truman's Crises, 154-155. 46 Franklin to Truman, 9 January 1941; and Truman to Franklin, 14 January 1941, both in Senatorial Papers. 47 Franklin to Truman, 18 January 1941, in ibid. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 69 senators seems to have been an unsuccessful attempt at cynical humor. Franklin's failure to perceive the senator's sarcasm is not surprising; Roy Wilkins, news editor of The Call until 1932, wrote that Franklin was a humorless, "intense man [who] was all business."48 Despite Truman's even­ tual success in correcting the "Long Construction problem"—the company hired African Americans within two weeks—the rift created by this misun­ derstanding did not end. In Franklin's next letter he acknowledged Truman's work and asked for more of the same. "I am most happy to report to you that 25 Negro carpen­ ters went to work last week (at Fort Riley) and an additional number is going to find work there in the immediate future. We now face the task of getting a share of the work in the bomber plant at Fairfax [the North Amer­ ican Aviation factory in Kansas City, Kansas,] and the ammunitions plant at Lake City."49 Truman wrote that he would see that the same reforms were carried out at Lake City (though he strangely failed to mention Fairfax) and included an apology of sorts for his testy letter of two weeks earlier: "I was morally cer­ tain that they would be put to work, but it did seem to me that those Kansas fellows should be willing to do something about it, just as well as us from Missouri. I pulled every wire possible to get the job done."50 During the succeeding months, Franklin reiterated his request for Truman's help in ending discrimination at the Fairfax plant and asked for assistance with discrimination at several midwestern training programs for defense industry workers. Although it is not clear how Truman convinced contractors to employ African Americans, the fact that most contractors began hiring blacks soon after Franklin's letters arrived in Washington sug­ gests that the senator was doing something. If Truman was abusing the power of his new committee to achieve his ends, Franklin appears not to have cared: "When I returned from a visit to Washington a couple of years ago, I said of you that you were rising fast. I have that impression con­ firmed by the statesmanlike manner in which you are conducting your com­ mittee."51 Truman's conduct, however, was not statesmanlike enough to sustain Franklin's respect and support. Their rate of correspondence dwindled after May 1941, and after 1942 Franklin rarely wrote Truman. When the publish­ er of The Call felt compelled to contact Truman, he wrote not to the senator (or president) but to his secretary, Victor Messall, or to his brother, Vivian. This estrangement, though perhaps precipitated by their tense exchange in January 1941, was not due solely to Truman's failed attempt at sarcastic wit.

48 Wilkins, Standing Fast, 57. 49 Franklin to Truman, 21 January 1941, Senatorial Papers. 50 Truman to Franklin, 31 January 1941, in ibid. 51 Franklin to Truman, 19 May 1941, in ibid. 70 Missouri Historical Review

Rather, it resulted from three factors, two that emerged in the summer of 1941 and one that had been brewing since 1933. In late 1940 Boss Tom returned to Kansas City after serving his fifteen- month prison sentence in Leavenworth, and Truman assisted in rebuilding his machine. During the spring and summer of 1941 the second-term senator— who once vowed never to "desert a ship that is going down"—found a variety of federally financed positions, including jobs at Lake City, for loyal Pendergast men. To Franklin, who supported the anti-Pendergast reform coalition in the local 1940 elections, Truman's actions must have smelled like the old days.52 Franklin, however, was accustomed to patronage, and while Truman's attempts to revitalize the machine certainly irritated the publisher, this alone cannot account for his break with Truman. After May 1941 Truman seemed to ignore pleas to end discrimination in defense industries. Although he acknowledged the problem's existence, he refused requests for a public hearing on racial discrimination and claimed that such a hearing would not and could not achieve the desired result. "When we try to get the facts and the sworn testimony to prove it [racial discrimination], it evaporates into thin air, because the people affected are afraid of assault and bat­ tery, and you can't blame them much. The gang that does that sort of thing . . . are [sic] the thug class and are very difficult to run to earth."53 Although a reasonable position for a man whose official actions depend­ ed on the accumulation of evidence, some African Americans believed

52 Quoted in Miller, Rise to Power, 313; ibid., 347-348; Kansas City Call, 3 April, 25 October 1940. 53 Truman to E. J. Wallace, 22 December 1941, quoted in Miller, Rise to Power, 503.

Kansas City Call

An active member of the NAACP, Roy Wilkins was more liberal than his mentor, C. A. Franklin. Despite their differences, Wilkins worked for The Call for nearly a decade. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 71

Truman's reluctance to attack discrimination stemmed from political expe­ diency. They thought he was tempering his activism to maintain the support of his racist colleagues in Washington. The senator's private response to such attacks was both remarkable and revealing: "I have never heard of any race prejudice existing either at Lake City or the bomber plant."54 This strange denial supports the contention that his inaction was the result of expediency. In October 1939 both Franklin and Truman expressed fear of a racist backlash in the 1940 election, and Truman planned his campaign strategy accordingly: he limited his civil rights rhetoric to African-American audiences (and hence, the African-American press), and his strategy worked. By the fall of 1941, however, the success and popularity of his committee had made Harry Truman a household name; he was no longer an obscure junior senator from some midwestern state, he was chairman of the Truman Committee. His fame in a racist society and his desire to maintain his carefully constructed alliances in the Senate made him particularly vul­ nerable to the label "nigger lover." In short, political expediency may account for both Truman's "activism" regarding African-American interests in the 1920s and his inaction in late 1941. In the meantime Franklin had become rather intolerant of inaction. In 1940 he backed Lucile Bluford's failed lawsuit against segregation at the University of Missouri, applauded Wendell Willkie's attempts at integration in Ohio and organized a series of demonstrations against discrimination at Fort Riley, Fairfax and Lake City in December 1940 and January 1941.55 By the start of Truman's second term, Franklin—who had ignored segrega­ tion in Jackson County ten years earlier—had replaced Booker T. Washing­ ton's accommodation with W. E. B. Du Bois's activism. Franklin pursued equality of opportunity, not equality of condition; he demanded equal edu­ cation and employment, not handouts. Truman's expedient inaction in the summer and fall of 1941, particularly in the area of job discrimination, must have disappointed the publisher. Like Truman's attempts to revitalize the Pendergast machine, his inattention to discrimination cannot by itself account for Franklin's estrangement from Truman. The fissure had been growing for years. Franklin, who had internalized the free enterprise tenets of the National Negro Business League, found in Roosevelt's New Deal a mortal and moral

54 Quoted in Miller, Rise to Power, 359. Chester Stovall of the St. Louis Call argued that Truman was "whitewashing" the situation. 55 The federal district court upheld the Taylor bill in Bluford v. Canada (1940). See Diane Loupe, "Storming and Defending the Color Barrier at the University of Missouri School of Journalism: The Lucile Bluford Case" (unpublished paper, University of Missouri- Columbia, 1989), Black Archives of Mid-America, Kansas City, Missouri. For Franklin's position on Willkie see Kansas City Call, 11, 18, 25 October 1940. For accounts of antidis­ crimination demonstrations see Kansas City Call, 23 December 1940, 19 January 1941. 72 Missouri Historical Review

In 1955, after the death of C. A. Franklin, Lucile Bluford succeeded him as editor and publisher of The Call.

State Historical Society of Missouri enemy, and The Call, like many other major black weeklies, aggressively and repeatedly attacked the Democratic president and his policies. Aid pro­ grams would sap the will of poor African Americans by allowing them to make a living from government-sponsored work programs, a living that would be, in Franklin's opinion, illusory. "Some sober sense," wrote Franklin, "must save the Negro from being like the dog who, while crossing a stream, saw his reflection and dropped the bone he had to try to get another."56 As much as aid programs disturbed the publisher of The Call, the indig­ nities suffered by businessmen bothered him even more. Franklin believed that the private sector alone was responsible for economic growth and gov­ ernment should limit itself to spurring private investment by rewarding capi­ talists. Roosevelt, though hardly a socialist, did not share Franklin's faith in unbridled capitalism, and after 1932 businessmen paid an increasing share of taxes as the federal government saddled them with unprecedented regula­ tions. Like many businessmen, Franklin lashed out: "Roosevelt will have to do more than deny any intention of becoming communistic or wanting the support of Communists. . . . What the people want to know is does he agree with [Rexford G.] Tugwell and [Harry] Hopkins, head of the PWA, in their declaration that this is a war between the Haves and the Have-Nots. If he

56 Approximately one-half of America's black newspapers with more than ten thousand subscribers were anti-Roosevelt. Oak, Negro Newspaper, 135; Kansas City Call, 9 October 1936. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 73 does not, he should either silence them or get rid of them."57 In addition to alleging that Roosevelt was pink, if not red, Franklin attempted to prove that the New Deal endangered the freedom of African Americans. When Roosevelt threatened to pack the Supreme Court to uphold the constitutionality of New Deal programs, Franklin argued that his actions would threaten the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. If the president could pack the court to manipulate the Constitution in favor of the New Deal, Franklin reasoned, what will keep him from packing it against civil rights? Four years later, as war neared, Franklin added treason to his list of charges against the president. "That the President is swapping safety of the nation for votes is the grave charge made. Congress has voted a defense program. It is Franklin D. Roosevelt's sworn duty to see that it is carried out. Instead of doing his sworn duty, he is accused of giving work­ ers of CIO affiliation free hand to strike through cessation of work, tying up the plants producing essential defense materials."58 Franklin ignored Roosevelt's contributions to the African-American agen­ da—for example, his numerous black advisors and the Civilian Conservation Corps' literacy classes for blacks—and endorsed Alf Landon in 1936, Wendell Willkie in 1940 and Thomas Dewey in 1944. In each presidential campaign Franklin mixed racial issues with economic policy, but his primary concern appeared obvious: "Alf Landon, with his faith in private initiative, is the safer choice for the nation's highest office" and "Dewey Will Ease Your Tax Load."59 Franklin could not tolerate the left-leaning policies of President Roosevelt, and after 1941 he would not endorse a senator who supported the president. Truman's liberal position on government intervention was comparatively new. As presiding judge in Jackson County, Truman had shared Franklin's faith in fiscal conservatism and individual responsibility, but during his first term in the Senate, Truman had backed Roosevelt on virtually every major New Deal proposal. Franklin tolerated Truman's new liberalism as long as he could, partly because of friendship and partly because of the senator's growing influence. In late 1941, however, Congress created the Federal Employment Practices Commission to enforce Executive Order 8802, which outlawed discrimination in federal training programs, and this agency offered Franklin a more direct route for attacking discrimination.60 Although the Truman Committee contin­ ued to grow in importance, it was no longer significant for Franklin, and the advantage of supporting a New Dealer was gone. Their correspondence effec­ tively ended after 1942, and Franklin's paper rarely mentioned the senator again until he became the Democratic vice presidential candidate. Rumors of a "southern deal" raged during the 1944 Democratic national convention. Roosevelt allegedly dumped the liberal Henry Wallace in favor of

57 Kansas City Call, 9 October 1936. 58 Ibid., 16 October 1936, 11 October 1940. 59 Ibid., 9 October 1936, 3 November 1944. 60 McCoy and Ruetten, Quest and Response, 14. 74 Missouri Historical Review the more conservative Truman to win southern support. Two weeks before the election, the headline of The Call's lead story read "Truman's Alliance With South Proven," and on election eve Franklin's paper participated in a smear campaign directed at Truman. Four witnesses claimed that the vice presiden­ tial candidate had been involved with the KKK while he was eastern county judge. Truman replied, and rightly so, that "the Klan fought me and I fought the Klan. The Klan is repugnant to every policy and every principle I have advocated and struggled for." Franklin knew Truman was no Klansman, and he wrote in the same issue that "whether or not Truman belonged to the Klan in 1922 is inconsequential."61 He ran the story anyway, effectively ending any chance for a political reconciliation with Truman. Roosevelt won his fourth presidential election and died shortly after his inauguration. The man from Independence became president, and for those who believed the hysterical accusations of KKK involvement, it must have been a traumatic transfer of power. Franklin, however, knew that Truman had made a number of contributions to African Americans during his eight years as presiding judge and his ten years in the Senate. He did not fear a return to slav­ ery, but rather a continuation of the New Deal. Although Franklin initially approached the Truman administration with tolerance—he titled a 1945 editor­ ial "Let's Help, Not Hinder the President"—his optimism faded when the pres­ ident continued the programs of his predecessor.62

61 Kansas City Call, 28 July, 20 October, 3 November 1944. According to Miller, Truman paid his $10 membership fee. WTien the Klan asked the judge to ignore Catholics in appoint­ ments, Truman asked that his membership fee be refunded. The Klan returned his money. Miller, Rise to Power, 62. 62 Kansas City Call, 21 December 1945. State Historical Society of Missouri

After Franklin D. Roosevelt chose Harry Truman as his vice presidential candidate in 1944, The Call lambasted the senator and accused him of KKK involvement. Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 75

During the 1948 campaign Franklin chose an odd strategy to attack his former ally: Truman became a nonperson in the pages of The Call. Not once during the three months prior to the election did Franklin mention Truman in an editorial, and few front-page stories appeared regarding the president. Franklin chose to act as though Republican Thomas Dewey were the only man running for president. The publisher ran headlines from the previous campaign ("Dewey Will Ease Your Tax Load"), and he added new reasons to vote Republican ("Joe Louis to Vote for Dewey"). Interestingly, when Franklin attacked the Democratic party, he blasted the dead Roosevelt, not the living Truman. "Bureaucracy, introduced in America by F.D.R. under the name 'New Deal,' goes on though it challenges the traditional American way of life. . . . We can decide to go further toward bureaucracy or turn back to free enterprise. Republicans are champions of the latter."63 Whether Franklin avoided direct attacks on Truman out of respect for the president or out of some interesting application of campaign psychology remains a mystery, but the strategy clearly failed. Truman secured a surprise victory over Dewey and Democratic defectors Strom Thurmond and Henry Wallace and spent four more years in the White House—four years that earned the Democratic party, rightly or wrongly, the label "the party of civil rights." Shortly after Truman's victory, C. A. Franklin semiretired. Sixty-eight years old, he had inherited his father's infirm health, and though he retained the title of editor/publisher, Lucile Bluford assumed a larger role in running The Call. In spite of the obvious ideological break between Franklin and Truman and the absence of substantive correspondence after 1942, they appear to have harbored no ill feelings toward each other. They exchanged Christmas greetings throughout the late forties, and Franklin invited Truman to his seventieth birthday party in 1950.64 Franklin died in 1955. The Franklin-Truman story addresses two significant questions. First, what factors influenced Harry Truman's changing attitudes toward African Americans? And second, how did conservative African Americans adapt to the changing political climate of the twenties, thirties and forties? Their relationship suggests that Truman's "conversion" or "evolution" began dur­ ing his first term as presiding judge and that it was the result of several fac­ tors: political expediency, his sense of fairness and his contact with Kansas City's African-American leaders, especially C. A. Franklin. Truman and the publisher shared a number of beliefs—most notably a faith in fiscal conser­ vatism and a traditional, accommodative approach to civil rights—and they

« Ibid., 15, 29 October 1948. 64 The president could not attend, President's Personal Files, Box 548, fol. 2328, Truman Library. 76 Missouri Historical Review

C. A. Franklin

Kansas City Call became friends. But the depression, or more precisely, Roosevelt's response to the depression, prompted a rift between the two men. While Franklin retained his belief in unfettered free enterprise, Truman abandoned fiscal conservatism in favor of the New Deal. From 1933 on, Truman combined fiscal liberalism with government intervention on behalf of African Ameri­ cans—a combination that would become standard in later Democratic plat­ forms and virtually synonymous with civil rights. Franklin's faith in the Republican party, shaken but not destroyed by lily whitism, actually deepened during the 1930s; higher taxes, increased regulation and "illusory" handouts pushed him back into the GOP camp for good. Consistent with fiscally conservative Republicanism, Franklin pur­ sued equality of opportunity, not equality of condition. This combination, representative of middle-class African-American attitudes in the thirties and forties, would later become rare. Ironically, Franklin appears partially responsible for the failure of Afri­ can-American conservatism to gain adherents. There was no reason in the mid-forties to believe that Democrats would become the "party of civil rights." But Harry Truman, the "converted" border-state bigot whose political career nearly ended in 1940, won the 1948 election, placing a Democrat in the Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman 11

White House during the infancy of the civil rights movement. By playing a role in Truman's "conversion" and supporting the future president in the crit­ ical 1940 campaign, Franklin inadvertently helped the Democrats take the lead in civil rights, consequently insuring the decline of his own philosophy.

Sage Definitions St. Louis Daily Morning Herald, December 24, 1852. The modern dictionary contains the following sage definitions which can hardly be dis­ puted. ... Brass—A species of intellect much used by authors and public men. Debt—A method of forming an intimate and lasting acquaintance with a tailor or landlord.

Sunday Profit St. Louis Melting Pot, March 1914. A little boy was allowed to go to church alone on Sunday. When he came back he had a penny. When he was asked where he got it, he said: "A man came around with a corn popper and gave us all a penny." He took it out of the contribution box when it was passed around.

Not To Be Overdressed Unionville Putnam Journal, August 1, 1902. Miss Allstyle — Give me a quarter of a yard of that fancy flannel. Salesman — Sorry, but I can't cut less than a yard of it. Miss Allstyle — That would be too much. I only want enough for a bathing suit.

Put This In Your Scrapbook Unionville Putnam Journal, August 1, 1902. There is one sentiment uttered for the benefit of some girl graduates that ought to be pre­ served in the scrapbook of every possessor of a new diploma: "It is better to be able to be laughed at because you are not married than not to be able to laugh because you are married."

A Righteous Plan Springfield Missouri Daily Patriot, September 13, 1866. Matting has been laid down, to deaden the sound of sentries tread, at Fortress Monroe, that the repose of Jeff. Davis may not be disturbed. A surer and more righteous plan would be to deaden Jeff. Davis, and dispense with the sentries. 78 REFERENCE LIBRARY Vertical Files The vertical files in the State Historical Society Reference Library can be a valuable resource for both historical and genealogical researchers. Arranged by topic, they contain magazine and newspaper clippings, handwritten informa­ tion donated by patrons, bibliographies, programs, brochures and fliers and other materials that by reason of their physical format cannot be placed on the shelves with books. The vertical files fill eighteen large filing cabinets, and the collection is still growing. For easy retrieval, the files are divided into several subdivisions: Family/Biographical, Missouri Author, Missouri Artist and General Subjects. The General Subjects vertical file contains information on historical and cur­ rent events in Missouri, organizations and businesses, towns and counties, industries, geologic features, divisions of state government and the university system and topics that pertain to Missouri, whether in the realm of the sciences, humanities, art, architecture, music, literature, politics, agriculture, environ­ mental issues, education or cultural diversity. Vertical files can help reduce the time required to research a topic because they often contain general information and basic facts and indicate where to find additional information. Patrons locate these files through subject cards in the card catalog. The files are not open for public browsing; Society staff members retrieve folders that patrons request. Over the past two years, the vertical files have expanded through the addi­ tion of many newspaper clippings, both current and historical. The historical articles were clipped during the 1890s to 1930s and stored in a back corner of the Newspaper Library. To increase usage, the collection has been transferred to the Reference Library for integration into the existing vertical files. Each article is photocopied for preservation and indexed for names so that patrons using the Surname Index can find reference to the article. Clippings are also indexed by subject, and the entries are placed in the Reference Card File. This latter card file, for the reference librarians' use, serves as a back-up resource when the card catalog and the Missouri Historical Review indexes fail to pro­ vide enough information and the patron seeks a librarian's assistance. To date, the Reference Library has preserved and indexed the historical clippings on Jesse James and compiled a bibliography of historical clippings on Charles Lindbergh. Staff members processing the voluminous section of clippings on the Civil War in Missouri have found a multitude of first-person interviews describing both military and personal aspects of the war. These eye­ witness accounts are a valuable supplement to official records on the war and can breathe life and character into anonymous ancestors. 79 NEWS IN BRIEF Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., Curators' Applications will be judged on the impor­ Professor of History at the University of tance of the collections for use in research, Missouri-Columbia and fourth vice president education or public programs in the humani­ of the State Historical Society of Missouri, ties. The application period ends July 31, has been honored with the 1993 Curators' 1994. Send applications to Chairman's Publication Award for his book Popular Office, National Endowment for the Images of the Presidency: From Washington Humanities, 1100 Pennsylvania Avenue, to Lincoln. The award is given annually for N.W., Washington, D.C. 20506. For further the outstanding book published by the information call the NEH Division of University of Missouri Press. Preservation and Access at (202) 606-8570.

The Jackson County Historical Society Fifty-five junior and senior high school received a Certificate of Commendation students represented Missouri at National from the 1993 Awards Program of the Amer­ History Day held at the University of ican Association for State and Local History. Maryland-College Park in June. Two stu­ Based on programs and accomplishments in dents received awards in the final round of the eighteen months preceding the nomina­ competition. Allen Henderson, Carl Junc­ tion deadline, the Certificate of Commen­ tion, placed first in senior individual pro­ dation is presented for excellence within the jects, and Jamie Turner, Sarcoxie, received context of available means and regional stan­ third place in senior individual media. dards. Students participating in the runoffs, thus placing in the top 10 percent, included The second annual Missouri Orphan Meridith McAvoy, Julia Meredith, Michael Train Riders Reunion was held on June 12 at Bennett, Matthew Alexander, Robert Preston, the First Baptist Church in Trenton. Evelyn Beth Halpern, Jodie Capes and Lauren Trickel, historian and coauthor of We Are A Goodman of St. Louis; Adrienne Black, Part Of History: The Story Of The Orphan Joplin; Rhett Gould, Heather Ross, Rhonda Trains, hosted the event attended by persons Jackson and Matt Olds of Carl Junction; and who received homes in Missouri and their Adam Pearson, Risco. descendants. Several Missouri contestants received special prizes. Jesse Kharbanda, St. Louis, The History Museum for Springfield- won the Public Broadcasting System Greene County presented a free public show­ African-American History Prize for the best ing of Pieces of the Frame: What Made media entry on that topic. Adrienne Black Springfield Grow on June 9 in the council placed third in the Irish-Irish/American chambers at Springfield City Hall. Using History competition. Adam Pearson was historic photographs, film clips and inter­ honored as the "Outstanding Entry from views with local historians and entrepre­ Missouri." neurs, the video documentary tells the story of the origins and growth of the city. The National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) has created an emergency The 1994 Missouri Conference on fund of $1 million for libraries, museums History will be held in St. Louis on March and other cultural institutions ravaged by 24-26 with the theme, "Historical Frontiers." floods throughout the Midwest. Affected The program committee invites submissions institutions can apply for emergency grants for individual papers and sessions that of up to $30,000 to assist with the preserva­ address the subject of the frontier in its geo­ tion of books, records, manuscripts, art and graphic, historical or methodological con­ cultural artifacts damaged by the flooding. texts. Papers focusing on Midwestern, 80 Missouri Historical Review

American or international topics are wel­ spoons, postcards, handkerchiefs and frag­ come. The deadline for submissions is ments from fair buildings. The Museum, December 15, 1993. Send a one-page ab­ located at 52nd and Oak, is open stract and a curriculum vitae to Research Wednesdays through Saturdays, from 10 Center, Missouri Historical Society, P.O. A.M. to 4 P.M., and Sundays, 1 to 4 P.M. Box 11940, St. Louis, MO 63112-0040. Missouri Mansion Preservation, Inc. held "Stitches Through Time," a summer a reception in the Governor's Mansion on exhibition at the Campbell House Museum, June 23 for board members, trustees and 1508 Locust Street, St. Louis, opened on staff of art institutions in the state who have June 3 and continued to September 30, 1993. loaned works of art for display in the It featured nineteenth-century ladies' handi­ Mansion. Artists whose work is represented work such as embroidery, tatting, doilies, in the collection include Thomas Hart sewing accessories, bobbin lace and a vari­ Benton, George Caleb Bingham, John J. ety of samplers. Demonstrations, workshops Audubon, Greta Kempton, Oscar E. and a lecture were held in conjunction with Berninghaus, Louis Loeb, Adolphe Yvon, the needlework exhibition. Joseph Rusling Meeker, Richard E. Miller and Chester Harding. The Governor's "Geography in History: people . . . places Mansion is open for tours on Tuesdays and . . . time . . ." will be the 1994 theme for Thursdays, 10:00 A.M.-noon and 1:00-3:00 National History Day and History Day in P.M., except in August and December. Missouri. Teachers whose students plan to Special Christmas Candlelight Tours will be participate should acquire a copy of the held in early December. revised rules before letting their students begin work on entries. History Day in The Edward J. Kemper photographs of Missouri is sponsored by the Western the German-American community in Historical Manuscript Collection-Columbia Gasconade County were on exhibit through and the State Historical Society of Missouri. August at the Deutschheim State Historic Further information on History Day in Site's Pommer-Gentner House in Hermann. Missouri, including theme fliers, rule books Kemper, a native of the county, captured and teaching aids, may be obtained from the many scenes of everyday life and important state office, 23 Ellis Library, University of community events during the late nineteenth Missouri, Columbia, MO 65201; phone and early twentieth centuries. The pho­ (314)882-0189. tographs on display were made from Kemper's original glass-plate negatives. The North American Society for Sport History will hold its annual conference at the Boonville historian and musician Bob University of Saskatchewan in Saskatoon, Dyer and fellow folk musicians Cathy May 27-30, 1994. Persons interested in orga­ Barton and Dave Para have recently released nizing a session or presenting a paper should a collection of traditional songs and readings contact or submit abstracts for review by entitled "Johnny Whistletrigger: Civil War November 15, 1993, to Nancy L. Struna, Songs from the Western Border." The col­ Department of Kinesiology, University of lection, available in both audio cassette Maryland, College Park, MD 20742-2611. ($12.50) and compact disc ($17.50) formats, may be ordered from Big Canoe Records, The Toy and Miniature Museum in 513 High Street, Boonville, MO 65233. Kansas City had a special exhibit, "Saint Louis World's Fair Revisited," on display Marie Concannon, Reference Library from June 16 to October 17. Items in the staff member, represented the Society at the exhibit included ceramic souvenirs, printed St. Louis Genealogical Society Annual Fair materials, tickets, programs, toys and games, on June 19 and at the Federation of Historical Notes and Comments 81

Genealogical Societies annual conference Bellflower, located in east central held in St. Louis on August 5-7. Montgomery County, observed its centennial on June 5-6. Entitled "Ten Decades of The Shrewsbury Historical Society History," the celebration included an arts and cosponsored an eightieth birthday celebra­ crafts fair, a parade, a program at the city park, tion for the city of Shrewsbury on May 8 at contests and tours of local historic sites. the City Center. Activities included a fashion show, a tea, a parade and speeches by Mayor The Galena Neighborhood Watch is rais­ Daniel Lowery, Representative Richard ing funds to restore the historic Galena "Y" Gephardt, Councilman Kurt Odenwald and bridge, one of only two bridges of this config­ Kathy Wirtz, president of the Society. A uration built in the United States. Now closed newly updated city history, No Knotz in our to automobile traffic, the bridge serves as part Thread, by Helen G. McMahon, was available of a walking and cycling path; it was placed at the Center. on the National Register of Historic Places in 1991. Persons interested in this project should contact Jack D. Green, Galena Neighborhood The St. Joseph Museum is sponsoring an Watch, Route 1, Box 168A, Galena, MO archaeological dig at the original site of the 65656. Joseph Robidoux trading post. Mike Fisher, president of the St. Joseph Archaeological Mark Thomas, of the Society's Newspaper Society, is supervising the project, which is Libary staff, attended the United States part of the Museum's commemoration of the Newspaper Project annual meeting held April city's sesquicentennial. 28-30 in Washington, D.C.

Leona S. Morris, Society research assis­ On July 3-4, the town of Bismarck held a tant, presented the "Missouri Women in "Celebrate Freedom" festival in honor of the History" slide show at the May 18 meeting of 125th anniversary of its founding. The two- the Boone County Retired Teachers Associ­ day celebration included a parade, arts and ation of Missouri, held at the Heritage House crafts booths and performances by local in Columbia. singers and dancers.

Effective Medicine Springfield Missouri Daily Patriot, September 19, 1866. A man in England imagined that he had the rinderpest. His physician, unable to con­ vince him to the contrary, gave him a sealed prescription, with which he hurried to the drug­ gist. His bad symptoms immediately left him when the clerk opened it and read, "This man has the cattle plague; take him into the back yard and shoot him according to law."

Adding Insult Unionville Putnam Journal, August 1, 1902. The man who goes in an automobile to a horse show is simply adding insult to injury.

The Last Laugh Kansas City Times, October 1, 1896. The horseless carriage has come. It will perform beautifully on the level. But when it tack­ les one of Kansas City's steep inclines a horse-laugh will go up from the equines in the city. 82 LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES Adair County Historical Society Blue Springs Historical Society The Society's grant project, "Marie The Society met on June 1 at the Turner Harvey's Porter School: A Vision Dillingham-Lewis Museum in Blue Springs. Realized," funded the design and implemen­ Victor P. Meador, past president of the tation of a portable display of photographs Jackson County Genealogical Society, gave and documents relating the history of Porter the program on "Cemeteries in Jackson School. From June 1 through August 20 the County" and exhibited prints of cemeteries traveling exhibit appeared at business and and tombstones. public locations throughout the county. Bonniebrook Historical Society New officers include Lois Holman, presi­ Affton Historical Society dent; Brent Butler, vice president; Cliff The return of eight chairs used by Louis Harralson, treasurer; and Shelly Kleypas, Benoist at Oakland highlighted the May 16 secretary. charter members' reunion at Oakland. Sisters Abigail Lambert, Penny Chrisler and Gabriel Reed, who had inherited the 1850s Boone-Duden Historical Society chairs, gave them to the Society for use in Members held the June 28 meeting in the dining room at Oakland. The July 22 Loretta's Cafe in Marthasville. Ralph quarterly meeting featured a slide presenta­ Gregory, who supervised the rebuilding of tion by Brian Bild about Missouri's history. the August Grabs log house at Rusche Park in Marthasville, served as the speaker.

Audrain County Historical Society Boonslick Historical Society On August 21 the Society sponsored its Adolf Schroeder presented a program on annual Country Fair on the grounds of the "Charles van Ravenswaay, Missouri museum in Mexico. The event included Historian, Collector and Folklorist" at the music and dance performances, demonstra­ June 11 meeting in the Boonville Christian tions, craft booths, children's games, dis­ Church. The August 13 meeting at the plays, an attic treasure sale and raffles. Student Union of Central Methodist College, Fayette, featured a talk on "The Boonslick as a Geographical, Cultural and Historical Barton County Historical Society Region" by Walter Schroeder. Members held their July 11 quarterly meeting in Law Chapel of Lamar United Methodist Church. Cyndi Evans and Leslie Brown County Historical Association Siegenthalar, naturalists at Prairie State Park, Ellen Gray Massey spoke on "Use It Up, presented the program. Dressed in attire of Wear It Out, Make It Do Or Do Without" at the 1870s and 1880s, they described the May 11 meeting in the Sweet Springs women's lives on the prairie, suitable cloth­ Baptist Church fellowship hall. The June 8 ing, various chores and fuels. Program meeting featured a talk on "Mastodons, chairman Estel Gideon introduced them and Mansions and Mills" by Robert Gilmore. told about their work at the park. The Missouri Humanities Council sponsored both speakers.

Belton Historical Society Butler County Historical Society The Society's July 25 meeting at Old The Society marked its thirty-first City Hall featured a program on "The His­ anniversary on June 28 at the Poplar Bluff tory of Sterling Silver" by Rosita Kroeker. Museum. Gary Parkin, an active reenactor, Historical Notes and Comments 83 presented an exhibit and program on local Christian County Museum and Civil War history. Thelma Sanders serves as Historical Society, Inc. curator of the museum, open each Sunday The Society sponsored a booth and held from 1 to 4 P.M. an open house at the museum on June 19 for Ozark Village Days. The museum, located Campbell Area Genealogical and at 202 East Church Street in Ozark, is open Historical Society 1:30-4:30 P.M., Wednesdays through The Society meets the third Monday of Sundays. each month except December at the Campbell Library. Officers are Georgia Hickson, presi­ Civil War Round Table of Kansas City dent; A. B. Boyd, Jr., vice president; and Hal Round Table members held their May 25 Miller, secretary-treasurer. meeting and guest night at the Homestead Country Club in Prairie Village, Kansas. Carondelet Historical Society Gerald Linderman, author of Embattled A program in honor of the 150th anniver­ Courage: The Experience of Combat in the sary of Susan Blow's birth highlighted the American Civil War, presented the program June 20 meeting at the Carondelet Historic on the subject of his book. Members chose Center, 6303 Michigan Avenue, St. Louis. the topics for the group's summer seminar Joseph Menius, a local historian and geneal­ series: Orvis Fitts and Dick Southall ogist, gave the program and introduced his reviewed "Border Warfare" on June 22, and new book, Susan Blow - Gateway to George Knapp led the July 27 discussion on Education. "Relationships Among The Campaigns."

Cass County Historical Society Clark County Historical Society Louis Potts presented a program relating Roger Boyd, superintendent of Battle of to the writings of Lucille Dale Bundy at the Athens State Park, presented the program at June 27 quarterly meeting in Pearson Hall, the June 22 meeting in the Society's museum Harrisonville. in Kahoka. He discussed recent acquisitions, improvements and plans for a reenactment at Cedar County Historical Society the battle site and gave slide presentations on The Society met on April 26 in the El the history of Athens and Indians, artifacts Dorado Springs Community Building. Three and the ongoing archaeological dig at St. former mail carriers, Jim Darnell, Raymond Francisville. The Society shared the Old Yarnell and John Pentecost, related the histo­ Stone Church Museum at St. Francisville ry of rural routes and some of their experi­ with the congregation of the Alexandria ences. The May 24 meeting at the museum Baptist Church while their building was in Stockton featured a short talk by Bob inaccessible during the summer flooding. Phillips on the Civil War in the county and a program and display of depression glass by Polly Shipley. Museum hours are 1 to 3 P.M., Clay County Archives and the last Friday and Saturday of each month. Historical Library Bill Neale presented the history of Jerico Work continues on computerizing and Springs at the meeting on June 28 in the indexing the 1880 federal census of Clay Shipley Old Hotel Antique Shop in Jerico County. A recent grant provided for the Springs. installation of a security system at the Hughes Library in Liberty, which houses the Chariton County Historical Society archives. Ellen Gray Massey presented the program on "Dear Old Golden Rule Days" at the July Clinton County Historical Society 18 quarterly meeting in the Fellowship Hall, On July 10 members held an ice cream First Baptist Church of Salisbury. social on the lawn and conducted tours of the 84 Missouri Historical Review

Society's museum on Birch Avenue in DeKalb County Historical Society Plattsburg. Summer school students from Maysville High School used the resources of the Society's museum and reading room during Cole Camp Area Historical Society July to compile information on the interrela­ The June 13 meeting featured a tour of tionship of Civil War events and Missouri and the "House of Eyes," owned by Mr. and Mrs. Maysville history. Several Society members Bob Woolley and located near Barnett. are involved in planning for the county's 1995 sesquicentennial celebration. Concordia Area Heritage Society Members held their summer meetings in Fayette Area Heritage Association various local parks on the third Sunday of The Association held a lawn party on each month. The Society sponsored park June 18 in Fayette's historic district. The projects that included tree plantings, a following day marked the grand opening and caboose with local railroad history and band­ ribbon cutting at the recently restored Uriel stand preservation. S. Wright building. Visitors viewed local historical artifacts and restoration work and received information on the history of the Cooper County Historical Society building and other area historical attractions. The Society continued its series marking The building, which serves as Fayette's new the county's 175th anniversary. Ellen Gray information and visitor center, was opened Massey spoke on "Dear Old Golden Rule from 1 to 4 P.M., daily, through August. Days" on June 14 at the old Bell Air Church near Bunceton. Estil Eichelburger and Franklin County Historical Society Harlean Phillips presented an exhibit of early The Society met on June 27 at its muse­ books, slates, pictures and other items from um, located on the grounds of the Mantels county one-room schools. Members and the Evangelical Church north of Union. Tours public met on July 12 at the Otterville of the museum were held in conjunction Presbyterian Church hall. Bruce Bartlett with the church's annual picnic. Officers gave a program on the Civil War trenches elected were LeRoy Danz, president; Irene and earthworks at the Lamine River crossing Sudholt, vice president; Grace Crawford, east of Otterville and displayed artifacts secretary; and Helen Vogt, treasurer. from the site. Friends of Arrow Rock Crystal City Historical Society During April and May staff and volun­ The Society meets on the second teers of the Friends and Arrow Rock State Thursday of each month, except June, July Historic Site conducted programs for school and August, at 7 P.M. in the Crystal City field trips. Over 2,300 students from thirty- Public Library. four mid-Missouri schools visited Arrow Rock and learned about an early-day school­ room, pioneer life or architecture. Friends Dallas County Historical Society officers include Day Kerr, president; Mrs. Deputy Daryl Patterson gave a program on Richard E. Quinn and Roy Stubbs, vice pres­ how to avoid becoming a victim of various idents; Bill Lovin, secretary; and Kevin T. schemes and scams at the Society's May 20 Riggs, treasurer. meeting in the restored Crescent School at Buffalo Head Prairie Historical Park, Buffalo. Friends of Historic Boonville Judy Gross performed old-time music during The Friends and the Missouri Humanities the June 27 meeting. Members met at the Council presented "Missouri Chautauqua," shelter house in the park on July 15 and featuring a troupe of scholars-in-residence, recalled "My Memories of the 4th of July." in Boonville the week of June 22-28. The Historical Notes and Comments 85 tent show in Harley Park explored religious Greene, vice president; Lucille Dryer, secre­ pluralism in American history as the scholars tary; and Irma Doty, treasurer. donned the costumes and characters of the following historic figures: Father Pierre De Grand River Historical Society Smet, Reinhold Niebuhr, Kathryn Kuhlman, During the summer Lois McCain loaned Myrtle Fillmore, Daniel Payne and Joseph storybook dolls from her collection for the Smith, Jr. guest exhibit at the Society's museum in Chillicothe.

Friends of Historic Fort Osage Greene County Historical Society On July 3 and 4 Friends volunteers, inter­ The May 27 meeting at Glenstone preters and the public participated in an 1812 Heritage Cafeteria, Springfield, featured Independence Day celebration at Fort Osage John Stec, the city's new postmaster, who near Sibley. Activities included soldiers in presented a video entitled The Post Office in drill and other duties, a funeral service and a Springfield and the Ozarks. formal holiday ceremony with feasting, toasting and speech making. The group has Harrison County Historical Society published Receipts From the Common Officers of the Society are Jack Klindt, Kitchen, a cookbook with a collection of president; Howard Smith, vice president; period recipes tested in the Fort's factory Martha Prather, secretary; Maxine Taraba, kitchen, historic trivia and illustrations. The treasurer; and Ruth Klindt, house coordina­ book is available for $5.00, plus $1.50 ship­ tor. ping and handling, from the Friends of Fort Osage, 105 Osage Street, Sibley, MO 64088. Harvey J. Higgins Historical Society The Society meets the second Monday of Friends of Keytesville, Inc. each month at 7:30 P.M. in the Depot Officers for 1993-1994 include Ruth Museum on Main Street in Higginsville. Linneman, president; Cecelia Richards and The depot, built in 1889 and the only Eva Miller, vice presidents; Janet Weaver, remaining one in Lafayette County, houses secretary; and Beverly Edwards, treasurer. railroad items and materials from the town's In April the organization received a bequest history. of $20,000 from the estate of Hazel Price, a great-granddaughter of Confederate General Historical Society of Maries County Sterling Price. Sarah Weaver served as sum­ On June 13 members of the Society trav­ mer hostess for the Friends' Sterling Price eled to "Shoal Creek," the bluff-top farm of Museum in Keytesville. Named in honor of Dr. and Mrs. Harry Wittier along the the general, the museum houses artifacts Gasconade River east of Vienna. Partici­ from his military career as well as Price fam­ pants explored the grounds, buildings and ily furniture and glassware. scenic views and listened to tunes played by Bernard and Henry Kaiser. Friends of Missouri Town-1855 Jackson County Historical Society During May and June in the village in The Society celebrated National Historic Fleming Park near Blue Springs, the Friends Preservation Week and Truman Week on held workshops on outdoor cooking, wagon May 8 with a tour of six homes in the Harry wheel rug weaving, soap making and candle S. Truman National Historic Landmark dipping. District in Independence. David McCul­ lough, Pulitzer Prize winning author of Grain Valley Historical Society Truman, spoke on "Neighbor Truman's New officers of the Society include Town: An American Treasure" at the First Barbara Washburn, president; Dorothy Baptist Church in Independence. The event 86 Missouri Historical Review also featured displays of vintage automobiles Kirkwood Historical Society and fire trucks and refreshments in the gar­ Courtney Jones hosted the Society's dens of two tour homes. On June 29 the annual strawberry festival and June 8 quar­ Society's education committee presented terly meeting at his home in Kirkwood. The "Contributions of African Americans to Society sponsored tours of Mudd's Grove Heartland History" at the Bruce R. Watkins and an old-fashioned country sale and auc­ Cultural Heritage Center in Kansas City. tion, and the Kirkwood Lions held a barbe­ This forum featured Sandra Walker, modera­ cue on the grounds on July 24. Proceeds tor, and panelists Antonio F. Holland, from the events benefited the Society's con­ Edward Beasley, Joanne M. Collins and tinuing restoration of Mudd's Grove. Deborah Dandridge, who discussed the importance, preservation and interpretation Laclede County Historical Society of African-American history found in muse­ um and archival collections. The Society The Society has begun researching and and the Historic Kansas City Foundation recording Laclede County obituaries for sponsored a dinner and lecture at the Kansas future publication. Officers are Dorothy City Club on July 21. Richard Moe, presi­ Calton, president; Alma Stickler, vice presi­ dent of the National Trust for Historic dent; Charlene Hopkins and Lois Hill, secre­ Preservation, spoke on "Historic Preser­ taries; and Kirk Pearce, treasurer. vation: New Opportunities and New Priorities." Landmarks Association of St. Louis, Inc. At its June 6 annual meeting at the Jasper County Historical Society Blanke Building, 1310 Papin, St. Louis, the Members met for their June 13 meeting Association honored a large group of quar­ at the John C. Cox Pioneer Cemetery in ter-century supporters, including twenty-one Joplin. charter members from 1959. Kansas City Fire Brigade Members held their July 15 meeting at Lee's Summit Historical Society the museum, 1019 Cherry, in Kansas City The August 6 quarterly meeting at the and discussed plans for an upcoming special Lee Haven building in Lee's Summit fea­ muster. tured a talk on the Davis family by Betty Kansas City Westerners Davis. The Society's museum at 220 SE The Posse's May 11 meeting at the Main in the old depot is open from 10 A.M. Hereford House in Kansas City featured to 4 P.M. on Fridays and Saturdays. Officers Norman Saul, who spoke on "Life on the include Mary McPheeters, president, and Great Plains." Jim Wallen discussed " 'Two Christine Robbins, secretary. Crows'—True Tall Tales and Historical Story Telling" on June 8. Marilyn Holt, Macon County Historical Society author of The Orphan Trains: Placing Out in Society members held their June 10 America, presented a program on that sub­ meeting in the courthouse at Macon. State ject at the July 13 meeting. Representative Gary Wiggins spoke on his Kingdom of Callaway Historical Society first year in the legislature and how some of Members held their June 21 meeting in his views have changed. the Callaway County Public Library in Fulton. Lynn Wolf Gentzler, associate direc­ Meramec Station Historical Society tor of the State Historical Society, presented The Society, in cooperation with the city a slide show on George Caleb Bingham's art of Valley Park, has placed signs on two works in the Society's collection. The pro­ remaining original brick streets. Members gram accompanied a viewing of the video­ meet on the second Tuesday of each month tape George Caleb Bingham. at 7:00 P.M. in the Valley Park City Hall. Historical Notes and Comments 87

Mid-Missouri Civil War Round Table Moniteau County Historical Society The Round Table's May 18 dinner meet­ Members toured cemeteries, a prairie and ing at the Haden House, Columbia, featured other points of interest in the Latham- an address on "Missouri's Role in the War" Fortuna area during their annual spring field by Edwin C. Bearss, chief historian of the trip on May 15. The July 12 meeting in National Park Service. Phil Gottschalk pre­ Tipton featured a carry-in dinner at the sented the program on Kennesaw Mountain, Maclay Home, followed by a program by a key battle of the Atlanta campaign, at the Jim Shipley at the old Harrison School. The June 15 meeting in the Columbia Tribune school, which served black students from lunchroom. 1890 to 1954, has been renovated and is now known as Genesis II.

Miller County Historical Society Monroe County Historical Society A program on Missouri's cultural her­ The Society met on June 28 at the itage, "Mastodons, Mines, Mansions and Monroe County Farmer's Mutual Insurance Mills" by Robert Gilmore, highlighted the Building in Paris. George and Linda Mc Society's July 11 meeting at the museum in Collum of Clinton told the history of the dul- Tuscumbia. The museum was open on cimer, performed dulcimer music and Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays from demonstrated the "courting" dulcimer duet. May 15 through September 17.

Morgan County Historical Society The Society's annual ice cream social on Mine Au Breton Historical Society June 28 on the grounds of the museum in The Society hosted an encampment of Versailles raised over $1,000. Members held French reenactors from Old Mines and area their July 19 meeting at the Pioneer Civil War reenactors on June 14-15 at Mine Restaurant in Versailles. Chuck and Cindy Au Breton Heritage Park for Potosi's Moses Campbell gave a video tour of the Morgan Austin Heritage Festival. On June 22 the County Historical Museum. Society purchased the remaining five lots of the historic area along Jefferson Street from John G. Neihardt Corral of the Westerners the Washington County Health Department. Robert Herman of Jefferson City gave a This purchase, along with the Society's pre­ program on "The St. Louis World's Fair" for vious acquisition of a lot and historic build­ the May 13 Corral meeting at the Days Inn, ing, ensure the preservation of a historic area Columbia. dating from the town's founding for commu­ nity and Society use. Normandy Area Historical Association On April 18 Fred Small and forty Missouri Historical Society Association members premiered a video on The Society's History Museum in Forest the early history of St. Louis and the Park, St. Louis, featured free evening pro­ Normandy area at the Hunt House in grams for the "Twilight Tuesdays" series Normandy. Small had produced a slide-tape during the summer. The series included a presentation on the topic, and the diverse selection of musical and dance per­ Association transferred it to videotape. formances. On July 14 Clay Jenkinson pre­ sented his nationally acclaimed characteriza­ Old Mines Area Historical Society tion of Thomas Jefferson at Memorial Officers for 1993-1996 are Alice Presbyterian Church, St. Louis. A reception Widmer, president; Frances Pashia, vice followed the program at the Society's president; Janie Skiles, secretary; and Library and Collections Center, 225 South LaDonna Hermann and JoAnn Sullivan, Skinker. treasurers. Missouri Historical Review

Osage County Historical Society Sundays, May through October. The Society Members met on May 24 for the quarter­ held its annual ice cream and quilt social on ly dinner meeting at the Knights of August 13 at the Perryville Community Columbus Hall in Westphalia. Gary Kremer, Center. a native son and a professor of history at Williams Woods College, Fulton, spoke on Perry County Lutheran Historical Society "Pioneer Missionary, Father Ferdinand The Society's booth at the annual East Helias." Perry Fair in Altenburg featured the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Walther Overland Historical Society League. On May 16 the Society sponsored a lemonade social to celebrate the fifth anniversary of the dedication of the group's Pettis County Historical Society log house at 9711 Lackland Road in Rhonda Chalfant, Society president, Overland. Civil War reenactors, a rifle spoke on west central Missouri's Native maker, a blacksmith and musicians gathered Americans and the role of women in their on the grounds, and the house was open for culture for the March 29 meeting at the court­ tours. Members held their annual meeting house in Sedalia. At the Society's annual on May 20 at the Overland Community meeting on June 7, Loy Holman showed a Center. Society officers for the coming year 1948 home movie of a parade held for a are Pat Westhoff, president; Shirley Needy, motion picture premiere in downtown vice president; Marlene Dent, treasurer; and Sedalia. He also displayed pictures of Fran Kuhlmann, recording secretary. Sedalia's vaudeville theaters and performers, including Jack Oakie, a Sedalia native and movie comedian. William B. Claycomb was Pemiscot County Historical Society elected president of the Society. The Society presented the Annual Pioneer Heritage Awards on April 23 at the American Legion Building in Caruthersville. Pike County Historical Society The life stories of the honorees, Robert C. The Society participated in the city of Mehrle and Virginia Long Bader of Louisiana's "dosquicentennial" celebration Caruthersville, Frank Grinstead, Braggado­ over the July 4 weekend. cio, and W. W. "Burley" Chism, Hayti, were presented, and each received a framed cer­ tificate. The May 28 meeting featured the Pleasant Hill Historical Society election and installation of the following Louis Potts presented a program on the officers: W. F. James, president; Delma value of historical papers at the July 25 meet­ Kerley, vice president; Georgia Kasper, sec­ ing in the museum. He used selections from retary; and Mary Belle Poteet, treasurer. the journals of Lucille Bundy and the papers Twenty members attended the June 25 meet­ of Addie Aldridge Gordon as examples. ing and luncheon at the home of Teresa and Toby Gallaher in Caruthersville. The host­ Prairie Life Historical Foundation ess displayed items of local artistic talent As one of its projects this newly formed and books published by area authors. organization hopes to restore the 1912 Reed house, an example of Prairie style architec­ Perry County Historical Society ture located on the corner of Bates and On May 26 the Society sponsored a Second streets in Wellsville. Officers genealogy seminar by William Dollarhide at include Cornelia Davey, president; Don the Perryville Community Center. The Perry Lemasters, vice president; Dorothy Pursifull, County Museum is open to the public from 1 secretary; Julie York, treasurer; and Janice to 4 P.M., on Wednesdays, Saturdays and Anderton, historian. Historical Notes and Comments 89

Randolph County Historical Society china, movies and an exhibit on pioneer travel The Society has received the architectur­ on the Oregon Trail. The July 24 meeting al collection of Ludwig Abt and Kay featured performances by local musicians at Cleavenger, two longtime Moberly archi­ the depot, movies in the Santa Fe instruction tects, and begun organizing and cataloging car and special twilight and night train runs. the materials about the buildings they designed. Sons and Daughters of the Blue and Gray Round Table members held their April 18 Ray County Historical Society meeting in the Mercantile Bank of Members held a carry-in dinner in con­ Maryville. James Curram reviewed Hospital junction with the July 15 quarterly meeting Sketches by Louisa Mae Alcott and showed at the Eagleton Civic Center in Richmond. a video featuring tours of Civil War battle­ Alex Primm gave the program on "Missouri fields of the eastern theater. Morris Walton Rivers Seen Through the Lens." Volunteers gave a program on the Battle of Antietam at have made improvements and rearranged the May 16 assembly, and members viewed displays in the Ray County Museum, a video production on the same topic on June Richmond. 20. Officers reelected included John William Mauzey, Jr., president; Sally Tennihill, vice Raytown Historical Society president; and Harley Kissinger, secretary- The July 28 picnic and meeting at Chalet treasurer. The July 18 meeting featured a Kupfer featured entertainment by the program by George Armstrong Hinshaw on Melody Express Quartet and recognition of the use of blacks as combatants in both the Society's 1993 scholarship recipients. armies during the Civil War.

St. Louis Browns Historical Society South Howard County Historical Society Eighteen former members of the St. On August 8 members held their fourth Louis Browns baseball team were among the annual founder's day picnic at the historic 170 persons attending the gala dinner on Hickman house in New Franklin. May 28 at Joe Hanon's Restaurant in St. Louis County. The event honored the forti­ Stone County Historical Society eth anniversary reunion of the 1953 team The Society met on June 6 at the Law and provided an opportunity for the former Enforcement Center in Galena. Don teammates to visit and share memories. Coones, principal chief of the Chickamauga Indian tribe, spoke on the history, legends, Saline County Historical Society laws and social life and customs of his tribe, The Society donated almost $5,000 to the who settled in Arkansas and Missouri from Marshall Public Library for the purchase of North Carolina and Tennessee. Officers Saline County newspapers and courthouse elected were Fay Barnes, vice president, and records on microfilm. Barbara Doucey, treasurer.

Smoky Hill Railway and Texas County Missouri Genealogical and Museum Association Historical Society Members held their May 22 meeting at This year's Society programs have fea­ Old City Hall in Belton. Sam Bailey showed tured local speakers relating to the theme a video of his ride aboard a massive steam "Turning Back the Pages of Time." Carl locomotive that pulled a Santa Fe employee Hunter spoke on the early settlers, place special train. During Belton Days, June 17- names and businesses in the Eunice and Big 19, the Association ran trains for passengers, Creek areas of the county at the May 28 and two historical and theatrical groups reen- meeting in St. Marks Catholic Church, acted nineteenth-century train robberies. Houston. On June 25 Karen Cooper, secre­ Visitors also viewed displays of dining car tary of the Chamber of Commerce, told 90 Missouri Historical Review about interest in establishing a museum with Officers for 1993 include German Brewe, special attention to the home of circus clown president; Alouise Marschel and Dona Emmett Kelly. Bonnie Carter discussed the Bolton, secretaries; Bill Frick, museum heritage of the Bucyrus area and its naming, director; Fred Vahle, curator; and Ruth settlers, schools and related customs at the Drosselmeyer, treasurer. The Society is July 23 meeting. reprinting the Warren County portion of the 1885 History of St. Charles, Montgomery Harry S Truman Independence 76 Fire and Warren Counties, Missouri with a new Company index. The prepublication price of $22.00 On July 19 the group sponsored an all- for each book (including postage) will be day celebration to commemorate 150 years offered until October 22; after that date the of fire fighting history in Independence. The cost will increase to $27.00. Send orders opening ceremony in front of the Truman and checks payable to Warren County Library included recognition of past mem­ Historical Society, P.O. Box 12, Warrenton, bers of the fire service and former Mayor MO 63383. Robert P. Weatherford, Jr., and Fire Chief Thomas J. Pollard, and a tribute to the fire Washington Historical Society service and its role in the city's history. The The Society held its June 8 meeting and parade, which featured fire fighting equip­ covered-dish meal at James W. Rennick ment from antique and classic to modern-day Riverfront Park in Washington. Stanley models, moved through the historic district Wilke and Ralph and Adele Gregory dis­ to the Independence square, where the after­ cussed "Old Time Farming" for the program. noon's activities included displays of equip­ ment and trucks, children's games, entertain­ ment and refreshment and craft booths. The Wayne County Historical Society ceremonial cutting and serving of the birth­ The May 1 meeting at the Patterson com­ day cake closed the event. munity building featured a slide presentation on "Memory Lane in Old Greenville" by Union Cemetery Historical Society Becky Hays of the U.S. Army Corps of Society volunteers and area Boy Scouts Engineers at Wappapello Lake. Ira placed over 450 flags on the graves of all Satterfield with the Missouri Department of military veterans at Union Cemetery in Natural Resources gave a program on min­ Kansas City for the Memorial Day weekend ing and minerals at the June 7 meeting. visitations and observance. The Memorial Day service on May 31 included a color Webster Groves Historical Society guard and rifle team, units of Cub, Boy and Some 600 persons attended the Society's Girl Scouts, Sea Cadets and veterans organi­ "Century Homes Tour" on May 2 in Webster zations and an address by Major General Groves. The tour featured eight century-old Robert L. Shirkey, USAR (Ret). Following homes, four churches and two businesses. "Taps," a narrated tour was conducted by The Society has placed century home Sonny Wells. Jane Fifield Flynn, author of plaques on more than 130 residences in the Kansas City Women of Independent Minds, community. Members held their annual presented the program at the July 26 meeting meeting on May 11 at the History Center. at the Union Cemetery Sexton's Cottage. Alex Usher entertained with her autoharp. Officers of the Society are Robert Eade, Warren County Historical Society president; Bette Zakarian, vice president; Members held their May 27 meeting at Betty Williams, secretary; and Ann Boehm, the Warren County Museum and Historical treasurer. A special exhibit, "A Century of Library in Warrenton. Wilma Ruhl Zey and Bridal Gowns, 1870-1970," opened at the Margaret Schultz presented a program enti­ Christopher Hawken House on June 6 and tled "The History of the Emmaus House." continued through July 6. Historical Notes and Comments 91

Weston Historical Museum White River Valley Historical Society During September the museum displayed a The Society met June 13 in the Friendship special antique marble collection, courtesy of House at the College of the Ozarks in Point Colonel David Decker. Lookout. Robert Gilmore presented the pro­ gram "Mastodons, Mines, Mansions and Mills."

Westphalia Historical Society „7. _. . , , _, , . ,« . ™ c . , , J u- Winona Historical and Genealogical Society The Society s museum and archives cen- _ _ . . .b , J ,., c ^ , . .. Current Society projects include a census ter, housed in the former Fechtel limestone of Shannon County cemeteries and early store building on Main Street in Westphalia, marriage records. Members meet each is open each Sunday from 1:30 to 4:00 p.m. month on me second Thursday at 4 RM. in through October. Officers of the Society tne Winona Public Library. Officers are include Patricia Hilkemeyer, president; Joe Judy Walker, president; Albert Bowie, vice Welschmeyer, vice president; Marilyn Wilde, president; Brenda Counts, secretary; and secretary; and Mary Ann Klebba, treasurer. Muriel Simpson, treasurer.

It Wouldn't Out Unionville Putnam Journal, August 1, 1902. "Here, here," exclaimed the hotel porter to Uncle Reuben, who was pouring water on the electric light; "what are you doing?" "Wall, I tried tew blow th' thing out," replied Uncle Reuben, abashed, "an' it wudn't blow, so I jes' thort I'd drown it out, b'gosh!"

Can They or Not? Glasgow Weekly Times, January 2, 1851. Figures can't lie. Can't they? We have seen figures in Broadway pretending to be flesh and blood, that were only wood and whalebone. Perambulating lies.—Figaro.

Practice Did It Macon Republican, May 9, 1871. An enterprising female in this City has practiced until she can now chew gum in six differ­ ent languages without any difficulty whatever.

An Itemized Bill Laclede County Historical Society Newsletter, Winter 1990-91. A story most motorists can appreciate deals with the farmer who bought a new car. He ended up confused with the auto industry's confusing pricing system and its optional equipment and extras. A few days later the dealer from whom he had bought a car came to his farm to buy a cow for the dealer's small farm. The farmer sat down and wrote out an itemized bill for the sale. It read... Bosie Cow - $200 Genuine Cowhide Upholstery - $125 Extra Stomach - $75 Automatic Fly Swather [sic] - $35 Product Storage Compartment - $60 Dual Horns - $60 4 Spigots $10 each - $40 Total Less Tax & Delivery - $595 92 GIFTS

American College of Heraldry, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, donor, through David P. Johnson: Microfiche of Heraldic Register of America, volumes 1-5, and Armiger's News, volumes 1- 13. (R)* Judith Weeks Ancell, Boise, Idaho, donor: "A Study of the Life of Jefferson Garth of Scott County, Kentucky and Boone County, Missouri, 1803-1892," by donor. (R) Elizabeth Bailey, Columbia, donor: Photographs of Olive Rambo Cook, Icie Macy Hoobler and Mary Louise Dalton. (E) John R. Bailey, donor, through H. Riley Bock, Portageville: Oversize mounted photograph of Jules J. Wehrli Memorial Class, Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite, Valley of St. Louis, November 1918, with printed identification. (E) Clara Baldwin, Wilmington, North Carolina, donor: Cotton for Jim and Timber from Terry Forks, both by donor. (RFC) Edith F. Bates, Sparks, Nevada, donor: William - Sarah Bates: Franklin County Pioneers, revised edition by donor. (R) Eugene A. Beckett, Cambria, Illinois, donor: Becquet-Bequette-Beckett Family History from Cambrai to Cambria, by donor. (R) Benton High School, Yearbook Staff and Advisor, St. Joseph, donors, through L. W. Hager: 1993 yearbook, Wahwahlanawah: What's In A Name? (R) Mary Lou Boswell, Rossenberg, Texas, donor: Washburne Family Papers. (M) Virginia Botts, Columbia, donor: Correspondence, clippings, booklets, publications and other material relating to Missouri families and organizations. (R) & (M) Hugh Latsha Boyd, Iola, Kansas, donor: Material on the Boyd family, compiled by donor. (R) Trenton Boyd, Columbia, donor: Telephone directories for Fulton, Greater St. Louis and St. Louis Suburban Central West. (R) Joanne Breckenridge, St. Louis, for Missouri Federation of Republican Women, donor: Missouri Federation of Republican Women, Records, 1972-1993. (M) Thomas W. Carter, Pleasant Hill, donor: The Carters of Connecticut, Illinois, & Missouri with Allied Families ofWolcott, Joy, Hopper, & Hills, by donor. (R) Columbia Entertainment Company, Columbia, donor, through Alden Redfield: Columbia Entertainment Company, Program, 1992-1993. (R) Robert Cooney, Jr., Nashville, Tennessee, donor: Material on the Bryan and Oglesby families. (R) Robert and May (Bartee) Couch, Marceline, donors: "1992 Obituaries for Chariton County, Missouri" and "1992 Obituaries for Linn County, Missouri," both compiled by May Bartee Couch; Cemeteries in . . . Linn County, Missouri, Volumes 6-8. (R) Cultural Heritage Center, University of Missouri, Columbia, donor: Publications issued by the donor. (R) Robert Dale, Carthage, donor: Color print, "'Waiting Curbside' West Side of the Carthage Square - Circa 1898," by Jerry M. Ellis. (A)

*These letters indicate the location of the materials at the Society. (R) refers to Reference Library; (E), Editorial Office; (M), Manuscripts; (N), Newspaper Library; (RFC), Reference Fitzgerald Collection; (B), Bay Room; and (A), Art Room. Historical Notes and Comments 93

Mrs. Robert D'Ambrosio, Milford, Connecticut, donor: Typescript excerpt from manuscript by Coleman Shelton Newkirk relating to a wagon train journey in 1862 and the Allen, Green, Newkirk and Williams families. (R) Mrs. L. Frances Dawson, Albuquerque, New Mexico, donor: Woods-Spilman Family Papers. (M) Damian L. Dietlein, St. Meinrad, Indiana, donor: Rudolph Nester & Mary Heembrock Descendants, by donor. (R) Leonard J. Doerhoff, St. Elizabeth, donor: The Show-Me Postmaster, Volumes 1-28, 1948-1989. (R) Nancy M. Ehrlich, Independence, donor: Society of the Army of the Cumberland, twelve volumes of Reunion, 1872-1893, (R); Republican National Committee, Campaign Advertisements (audio), 1964. (M) Harold A. Ford, Columbia, donor: "Meet the Fords!" by Clarissa B. Turner. (R) Glen W. Gaskin, Warrenton, donor: "The United States 13th Census in Warren County Missouri 1910, Indexed," by donor. (N) Skip Gatermann, St. Louis, donor: Over seventy color slides and photographs relating to education, parades, family celebrations and transportation in the St. Louis area, 1990-1993. (E) Louis G. Geiger, Columbia, donor: "... St. John German Evangelical Church, Billingsville, Cooper County, MO, Memorials ... Charter Members . . . Miscellaneous Notes," "... St. John German Evangelical Church, (Oak Grove—Billingsville), 1855-1930" and "The Jazz Age in Cooper County, Missouri, the 1920s . . . ," all by donor; "What I Remember About Billingsville, Missouri, 1916-1929, 1933-1936," by Henry L. McDonough. (R) Paul Gieringer, Marshall, donor: "The Shoes Were Shined for President Truman: Axis POW's in Missouri 1942-1946," mas­ ter's thesis, by donor. (R) Betty Fryer Hagadorn, Lake Ozark, donor: Genealogy: Fryer-Bryan-Fitzgerald-Dusenberry . . . , compiled by donor. (R) Carl Hallberg, Cheyenne, Wyoming, donor: "Pictorial and Biographical Edition: Armstrong Missouri Herald Commemorative of Fifth Anniversary, June 1896." (R) Crockett A. Harrison and Imogene Marr Harrison, Grove City, Pennsylvania, donors: Henderson-Marr Family Papers. (M) James Medley Hill, New Boston, donor: "Helton Cemetery," Macon County, by Oliver and Helen Turner Olson and donor. (R) Clarence R. Keathley, Ironton, donor: "The Palmer Project: An Example of Coordinated Agency Action at the Local Level," 1943, by donor, (R); color photographs by donor of "hoar frost" and related information. (E) Lebanon Junior High School, donor, through Marsha Prock, Lebanon: Yearbooks, Footprints, 1989-1993. (R) Metropolitan Publishing Corporation, Springfield, donor: Telephone directories for the Bolivar-Buffalo and Lake of the Ozarks areas. (R) Eugenia L. Miller, Platte City, donor for the estate of Gertrude Clark, Columbia: Fifteen books relating to antiques, Columbia, Christian College and Missouri. (R) Missouri State Library, donor, through Kathel Cooper, Jefferson City: Seven volumes for the Fitzgerald Collection. (RFC) Leonard E. Moody, Cranford, New Jersey, donor: Lynn/Linn Lineage Quarterly, Summer 1993. (R) Leona S. Morris, Columbia, donor: A variety of pamphlets, publications, booklets and leaflets relating to civic and commu­ nity, business, religious, cultural and veterans' organizations and associations. (R) 94 Missouri Historical Review

National Archives Volunteers, donors, through Shirley Donaldson, Kansas City: National Archives Microfdm Publications in the Regional Archives System, compiled by Teresa F. Matchette. (R) Marvin Nebel, Jefferson City, donor: High Hill Enterprise, June 8, 1911. (N) Mary Ann (Turner) Nixon, Bellevue, Nebraska, donor: The Ancestors and Family of Mary Ann Turner (Nixon), by donor. (R) David Hatfield Owens, Ann Arbor, Michigan, donor: Owens Family of Virginia .. . and Kentucky . . . , compiled by donor. (R) Edward C. Parker, Columbia, donor: Telephone directory for St. Joseph, 1992-93. (R) Authorene Phillips, Marshall, donor: "Back to the Past," by donor's English II Class, Marshall High School. (R) Peggy Platner, Columbia, donor: American Magazines for the 1980s, by William H. Taft. (R) Stephen W. Pogson, Phoenix, Arizona, donor: "Down the Mississippi," by P. W. Pogson. (M) Judith Redfield, Columbia, donor: "Randolph County Property Ownership Map," 1959; "Map of the City of Moberly, Mo. From the Original Plats and By Surveys," 1959, by F. S. Potter. (R) Francis L. and June A. Stubbs, Columbia, donors: Oversize photograph of Mr. and Mrs. William Weaver, Moniteau County, with genealogi­ cal information. (E) Paul S. Szopa, Columbia, donor: Black and white photograph of U.S. Navy's Blue Angels flying in formation over Jesse Hall, Columbia, May 1993, by donor. (E) U.S. Department of the Army, Corps of Engineers, St. Paul District, donor, through John O. Anfinson, St. Paul, Minnesota: Gateways to Commerce, by William Patrick O'Brien, Mary Yeater Rathbun and Patrick O'Bannon. (R) Floyd P. Van Booven, Hopkinsville, Kentucky, donor: Abstracts of baptismal records, 1909-1992, and marriage records, 1852-1962, from St. Martin's Catholic Church, Starkenberg, Missouri, compiled by donor. (R) Mary Ellen Wigham, Columbia, donor: Fish Family Papers and Elkanah Smith Papers. (M) Dorothy L. and Wm. W. Williams, Versailles, donors: "Versailles Cemetery: Versailles, Morgan Co., Missouri," compiled by donors. (R) Jean Gaddy Wilson, Marshall, donor: Arrow Rock Lyceum, Arrow Rock, Missouri, Records. (M) Hazel Winrod, Columbia, donor: Retail catalogs, seven volumes. (R) Robert Gail Woods, St. Louis, donor: Booklets, leaflets and other publications and material relating to individual United Meth­ odist churches and the Missouri East Conference, education, 1992 political candidates and businesses in Missouri. (R) Stella Woods, Columbia, donor: Centenary United Methodist Church and Wesley Chapel, Louisiana, Missouri, directory; publications and booklets relating to Calvary Baptist Church, Columbia, including ten directories. (R) Joan Wyant, Rolla, donor, through John Bradbury, Western Historical Manuscript Col- lection-Rolla: Two original cartes de visite of Odon Guitar in Civil War era uniforms, loaned for copying. (E) 95 MISSOURI HISTORY IN NEWSPAPERS Albany Ledger-Headlight June 16, 1993—"Denver school to be evaluated for preservation," in Worth County.

Anderson Graphic June 23, 1993—A history of the "Havenhurst Mill—before the fire" in 1962, by Pauline Carnell.

Ashland Boone County Journal June 17, July 1, 1993—A two-part series about early nineteenth-century life in Boone County, by James L. Stephens, reprinted.

Bolivar Herald-Free Press July 21, 1993—Bolivar, "Old time baseball" teams by Katherine Faulkner.

Boonville Daily News June 24, 1993—Boonville area high school graduates, "Grads of 1943: A generation in the spotlight of history," by Steve Thomas.

Boonville Record May 11, July 27, 1993—"Historical Footnotes," a series by the Friends of Historic Boonville, featured respectively: Rankin's Mill and the Bunceton Presbyterian Church.

Bourbon Beacon May 27, 1993—"The Morgan H. Scott Family." This and the articles below submitted by Harry H. Missey and James King. June 17—"The History of Mount Olive Baptist Church," Crawford County. July 1,15, 22—A series about "Moses Harman."

Branson Tri-Lakes Daily News July 24, 1993—"Vintage Views" featured the Tri-Lakes area's first observation tower.

Brunswick Brunswicker May 6, 1993—"Riverboat named for Sterling Price," by Tom Kenny.

Butler news-Xpress July 16, 1993—"Prairie City church [Zion Lutheran] to mark 125th" anniversary.

Canton Press-News Journal June 3, 1993—Bluff Springs United Methodist Church "To celebrate 125th year." June 10—"Yesteryears Pictures," a series, featured "Dr. A.M. Thompson's Cure for Drunkenness" business in La Belle.

*Cape Girardeau Southeast Missourian June 25, 1993—"Sunday reception honors precision, pizzazz of Golden Troopers," a drum and bugle corps sponsored by Louis K. Juden Post of American Legion until the mid- 1950s, by Sam Blackwell. July 18—Cape Girardeau's "Capahas Celebrate Century of Baseball," by Marty Mishow.

•Indicates newspapers not received by the State Historical Society. 96 Missouri Historical Review Carthage Press July 21, 1993—Articles on the history, the establishment and the potential future of the Battle of Carthage State Park, by Marvin VanGilder.

Caruthersville Democrat-Argus June 10, 1993—Brief article and photo of a Victory Day Parade, April 28, 1919, in Caruthersville.

Charleston Enterprise-Courier June 24, July 1, 15, 22, 1993—A series of articles, "Prelude to the Battle of Belmont," featured respectively: Missouri's pro-Confederate state government; Ulysses S. Grant's arrival in Missouri; Grant's fortification of Cairo; and Grant's confiscation of supplies from Thomp­ son's Landing, by Sam Story, Jr., and information supplied by Betty Rolwing Darnell.

Chillicothe Constitution-Tribune July 21, 1993—"Kingdom of Poosey: Just a mile on down the road," by Max Hamilton.

Clinton Daily Democrat May 14, June 28, 1993—"Remember When," a pictorial series, featured respectively: E. M. Hay's Filling Station and Cozart Hotel.

Columbia Daily Tribune April 18, May 2, 16, 30, June 13, 27, July 11, 25, 1993—"Boone Country," a series by Francis Pike, featured respectively: Boones Lick Road; Turner's Station; Katy Trail; University and courthouse bells; Gallup's Mill; University Red Campus expansion; horses and mules in central Missouri; and noted women, Ann Hawkins Gentry, Nancy Smith Nash and Aldeah Wise. June 6—"Slide show recalls slayings of lawmen," Sheriff Roger Wilson and Highway Patrol Officer Ben Booth in 1933, by Kevin McCandless. July 2—"Paths to the Past," Columbia's brick streets, by Sara Love.

Columbia Missourian May 2, 1993—Judge Hiram Phillips house near Columbia. May 9—Captain Francis Lowrey house near Columbia. May 23—Tiger Hotel. June 6—Photos and a brief article on Mort Walker's statue of Beetle Bailey and the Shack. June 13—Columbia's "Municipal Building." June 20—"First Christian Church," Columbia; Will Rogers, "Cowboy CADET" at Kemper Military Academy, Boonville, by Libby Quaid. July 4—Sigma Alpha Epsilon fraternity house. July 11—University of Missouri-Columbia's A. P. Green Chapel.

Concordia Concordian May 12, 1993—Lafayette "County's fourth courthouse was originally red brick," by Nora Hartwig.

Cuba Free Press June 10, 1993—"Missourians brought California into the Union in 1849."

Drexel Star April 29, 1993—"Baptist Church to observe 100 years in the Drexel Community." Historical Notes and Comments 97

Edina Sentinal June 9, 1993—"St. Joseph Catholic Parish To Celebrate Sesquicentennial."

Eldon Advertiser May 13, June 10, July 1, 15, 1993—"Window to the Past," a series by Peggy Smith Hake, featured respectively: William W. Wetlock family; Zadoc and Sarah Casey family; William and Jane Cordelia Mullens Stephens family; and Dr. John L. and Elnora Singletary Conner family history. July 22—"1943 was year of largest flood on Osage" River.

Excelsior Springs Daily Standard June 2, 28, 1993—"From the Museum," a series by Ken Fousek, featured respectively: the founding and development of Excelsior Springs due to mineral water and landscape archi­ tect, George Kessler, designer of city's parks.

Faucett Buchanan County News April 29, 1993—A special section, "Capturing the Decades: A Celebration of Photos embellishing 90 years of rural life."

*Festus Jefferson County Journal May 23, 1993—"Remembering the past: County dotted with historic sites."

Flat River Daily Journal June 1, 1993—"Flour, grist mills vanishing memories of harvest winds," in St. Francois County, by Roger W. Forsythe. June 29—A series of articles commemorating the 125th anniversary of Bismarck, Missouri.

Gallatin North Missourian June 23, 1993—Gunfighter, "Jim Lambert's Fame, Fortune Depended on Guns," by David Stark. Granby Newton County News July 1, 1993—"Mesplay family important in mining," by Dixie Haase; "A history of Granby in Land of the Six Bulls," by R. J. Savage. Hannibal Courier-Post May 8, 1993—"Historic Church Street," by J. Hurley Hagood and Roberta Hagood. May 15—"Rensselaer [School! Reunion: 50 Years gone by," in Ralls County, by Martha Parsons. June 20—"Back in Time, Buildings from Hannibal's past saved on film by local amateur photographer," Charles E. Doty, by Jack Schroder. Harrisonville Cass County Democrat-Missourian July 16, 1993—The July 18, 1861 battle of Harrisonville in "An unusual engagement," by James Price, Jr. Independence Examiner June 12, 1993—A special section, "The Independence Fire Department 150 Years of Service," by Jerry L. Hall. Kansas City Catholic Key July 9, 1993—"Historic country church [St. Ludger's Church, Germantown] is waiting for the right tenant," by Kevin Kelly. 98 Missouri Historical Review

Keytesville Chariton Courier July 1, 1993—History of the General Sterling Price Museum and biographical sketch of Price in "Museum named for General Price," by Sarah Weaver.

Kirksville Daily Express & News June 3, 1993—"Sperry [Rural] School Picture Surfaces."

LaBelle Star July 21, 1993—"Nelsonville Baptist Church To Celebrate 100 Years."

La Plata Home Press April 28, June 9, 1993—A series on the history of Mercyville and Elmer, by Debbie Clay. June 23—"Goldsberry 7th Day Adventist Church Celebrates 100 Years."

Lexington News June 30, July 2, 1993—"Santa Fe Trail: The local story," a two-part series, by Roger S lusher. July 2—"Fire Department's history dates back to mid-1800s," by Harry Dunford.

Linn Unterrified Democrat June 9, 1993—"Ferguson home being removed" in Osage County.

Louisiana Press-Journal May 12, June 2, 1993—"Photo Reflections of Louisiana gone by," a series, featured respectively: downtown flooding, August 1915, and the Champ Clark Bridge under construc­ tion in 1928.

Marshall Democrat-News May 19, 1993—"Around the Neighborhood," a series by Marsha Hoffman, featured "Gieringer researches Missouri's POW camps."

Marthasville Record July 8, 1993—Marthasville "Emmaus Home Celebrates 100 Years Of Its Founding In July 1893."

Maryville Daily Forum June 17, 1993—"From stage coach to airmail—area mail delivery" in Nodaway County, by Bill Adams and Opal Eckert.

Milan Standard June 24, 1993—"Scenes from the past," a pictorial article about the Sullivan County Courthouse and the Milan Opera House.

Neosho Daily News July 1, 1993—Brief history of Neosho and the Mayfield family in "The past holds some great stories," by Anne Cope.

Nevada Herald July 11, 1993—Vernon County families and cemeteries in "Historical society directory prompts new discovery of long-forgotten grave sites," by Pat Brophy. Historical Notes and Comments 99

New Haven Leader May 5, 12, 19, June 16, 1993—"Franklin County ... the early days," a series by LeRoy Danz, featured respectively: expenses at St. John Lutheran Church of Drake; Dr. I. M. Owens, general practitioner; Canaan Road and Old State Road; and Forest Park Highlands, a St. Louis amusement park. May 12—"Mt. Sterling store turns 100," by Nancy Fagerness. June 23—"Sunday ceremony to honor Anna Bell Chapel history" of AME Church in New Haven.

Ozark Headliner June 16, 1993—A special section about Christian County history, "Ozark Village Days."

Palmyra Spectator July 7, 1993—"Nelsonville Baptist Church celebrating 100 years."

Paris Monroe County Appeal May 13, 1993—Monroe County "Education: Yesterday and today." July 1—"Linwood School Was Third School Built in Ralls County [Saline] Township." July 8, 22—A series, "Chronicles of the Civil War in Monroe County."

Perryville Monitor July 22, 1993—"Perry County Album," a pictorial series, featured the Andreas and Frances Huber family and home.

Piedmont Wayne County Journal-Banner May 6, 13, June 17, 24, 1993—"Historical Wayne County," a series, featured respective­ ly: the earliest known picture of downtown Piedmont, late 1800s; Taskee Christian Church; Captain W. T. Leeper; and Old Greenville and York Village.

Platte City Platte County Citizen July 7, 1993—"100th birthday party held for Platte City house" built in 1893 by Maud Louise Gates and William Strother Wells.

Poplar Bluff Daily American Republic May 9, 1993—Three articles about the tornado of 1927 that struck Poplar Bluff, by Chris Rimel.

St. Joseph News-Press May 28, 1993—A special section, "Young At Heart," featured many historical articles and photos. June 13—Memories of orphan train children in "Orphan Train is ride best left in the past," by Sarah Baxter. June 2fJ—"How city growth was achieved" in old illustration, by Frederick W. Slater. June 25—A special section, "Young At Heart," with a series of articles and photos about community tragedies, featured respectively: St. Joseph, Jameson, Worth, Maryville and De Kalb.

Saint Joseph Telegraph July 8, 1993—History of St. Joseph churches in "Ashland Methodist has German roots," by Louise Hees; Sisters Hospital, "Memories will live after hospital takes last breath," by Duane Thies. 100 Missouri Historical Review

*St. Louis Business Journal July 11, 1993—"Majestic Mississippi? St. Louis riverfront still falls short," by Robert Archibald.

*St. Louis North County Journal East May 26, 1993—Black Jack, "City's cemetery dates to post-Civil War days," by Teresa Kaemmerer; '"A community home': Director seeks to share Bissel House treasures," by Carolyn Marty.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch June 6, 1993—"Twinkle, Twinkle: The Muny Celebrates Its Diamond Jubilee," by Sue Ann Wood. June 13—Pictorial history of St. Louis summer events in "The Good Old Summertime," by Judith Newmark. June 27—"Open House: Missouri's First Family continues the restoration of the Governor's Mansion," by Joan Foster Dames. July 8—"One Man's Dream In The Making: Boonesfield Village Near Reality" in St. Charles County, by Judith VandeWater.

St. Louis Review May 28, 1993—"St. Louis University High School is 175 years old!" compiled by William B. Faherty, S.J.

*St. Louis South Side Journal May 30, 1993—"Snapshots: City's homes and buildings became Swekosky's passion" and Dr. William G. "Swekosky's collection: 'a wonderful treasure.'" These and the article below are by Lois Kendall. June 27—"Business boomed in early 1900s" in St. Louis.

Ste. Genevieve Herald May 12, 19, 26, 1993—"Did The James-Younger Gang Really Rob The Bank At Ste. Genevieve?" a three-part article, by William Preston Mangum II.

Sedalia Democrat May 24, 1993—"The Way It Was," a series by Rhonda Chalfant, featured the Sedalia school budget crisis of the 1860s.

Seymour Webster County Citizen June 23, 1993—Mark and Danna Daughtrey, Civil War reenactors, "Fordland couple takes Civil War history seriously," by Patty Fox. June 23, 30, July 7—A three-part article about the 1910 murder of middleweight boxing champion Stanley Ketchel, by Robert K. Gilmore, reprinted.

*Springfield Daily Events May 6, 7, 11, 12, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, 29, 31, June 1, 3, 4, 10, 15, 18, 24, 29, July 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 15, 19, 20, 1993—"Tales of History," a series by Tom Ladwig.

Springfield Mirror May 7, 1993—"Sikeston [St. Francis Xavier] Parish Celebrates Year-Long Centennial," by Mary Ann Maevers; "Guardian Angel Parish [Oran] Celebrates Centennial," by Anita K. Wubker. Historical Notes and Comments 101

Troy Free Press May 5, 19, 1993—"Lincoln County Recollections," a series by Charles R. Williams, fea­ tured respectively: the Hanni Mill in Troy and the mill at Moscow.

IVoy Lincoln County Journal June 1, 1993—"New Salem [Baptist] Church marks 150th year" near Winfield, by Greg Ochoa.

*Warrenton News Journal June 30, 1993—"Missouri was Rebecca Boone's last frontier," by Dorris Keeven.

Washington Missourian May 5, 1993—"Gleanings from the Past: The Wrisberg Mines," by Sue Cooley.

Waynesville Daily Guide July 16, 1993—History of "Hancock [since] 1869," by Steven M. Beattie.

Webb City Sentinel June 4, 18, July 2, 16, 23, 1993—"Ancestors, Legends & Time," a series by Jeanne Newby, featured respectively: Galena's 116-year history; A. D. Hatten; July 4th celebrations in Webb City; Jane Chinn Hospital; and Webb City College.

* Wentzville Messenger June 23, 1993—In Warrenton a "Log cabin dated circa 1840 found during renovation," by Michael Pearson.

Library Fare

Columbia Missouri Herald, September 29, 1899. . . . Some books are to be skimmed and others swallowed. The bill of fare in the library is like that at a tavern. There's soup to be taken with a spoon, meal to be chewed and rich dessert to be partaken of only sparingly.

Signifying Nothing

Jefferson City Jeffersonian Republican, July 29, 1843. Empty vessels make the greatest sounds; so with empty heads, they are ever sending forth high sounding pretensions—beating the air, and belaboring the public with their sound and fury.

Down with Them!

Maysville Weekly Western Register, May 28, 1868. "Five dollars fine" is a fine fine to fine a farmer for fastening fretful Alleys fast to the frail fence fast falling to pieces around the courthouse. Down with those outrageous "sign boards" stuck on the corners of the courthouse fence. They disgrace this liberal city. 102 MISSOURI HISTORY IN MAGAZINES All Aboard, Frisco Railroad Museum March-April, 1993: "The Frisco 'Y' Connection, Chapter 1."

Area Footprints, Genealogical Society of Butler County May, 1993: "Lieutenant General Albert D. Sheppard," by Jerry Ponder.

Bear Facts, Missouri National Guard March, 1993: "The [Charles M.] Kiefner Years," by John Viessman.

The Bushwhacker, Civil War Round Table of St. Louis Vol. IV, No. 32: "The War in Missouri (continued)"; "The Civil War Memoirs of W.R. Eddington (continued)."

California History Winter, 1992/93: "'By the Sundown Sea': The Los Angeles Letters of Jessie Benton Fremont, 1888-1902," by Pamela Herr and Mary Lee Spence.

Christian County Historian Spring, 1993: "Visit Christian County's Past—At Your Christian County Library."

Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly Spring, 1993: "What Was It Like?" recollections of pastoring at the Concordia Lutheran Church, by Edward H. Schroeder; "Know The [Concordia Historical] Institute," by Eugene E. Fincke.

DeKalb County Heritage July, 1993: "CCC Reunion In DeKalb County, Missouri"; "Presenting the Life and Experiences of the Pioneers of an Earlier Day: John Wesley Hunt."

The Epitaph, Union Cemetery Historical Society May, 1993: "'The Binghams of MO' (continued)."

Essayons, Fort Leonard Wood May 27, 1993: "Rolling Heath School: Reminder of past life on post," by Dee Dixon. June 17, 1993: "Way Station to War," 70th Division at Fort Leonard Wood during World War II, by Edgar A. Stitt.

Florissant Valley Quarterly July, 1993: "Sacred Heart: A short historical sketch of the German Catholic Congre­ gation of the Sacred Heart of Jesus at Florissant, Mo."

The Flyer, Smoky Hill Railway & Museum Association June, 1993: "Bob Moseley & The Union Pacific Caboose"; "Where Are They Now?" article about railroads in Kansas City.

Gateway Heritage, Missouri Historical Society Spring, 1993: "On the Waterfront: Railroads and Real Estate in Antebellum St. Louis," by Andrew Hurley; "Imperialism on Display: The Philippine Exhibition at the 1904 World's Fair," by Sharra L. Vostral; '"Over This Point We Are Determined to Fight': The Urban League of St. Louis in Historical Perspective," by Priscilla A. Dowden; '"Dear Sister': Letters from War-Torn Missouri, 1864," by Arthur G. Draper; "Through Dungeons Dark: The Story of Kate Richards O'Hare," by Sally M. Miller. Historical Notes and Comments 103

Glendale Historical Society Bulletin June, 1993: "A Pictorial Tour of Old Glendale: Part I," by R. T. Bamber.

Golden Digest July, 1993: Jack Veirs, "Tradin' furs for 74 years," by Rosemarie Rogers.

Grundy Gleanings Summer, 1993: "Avalon College Building: Home of Trenton High School Until 1923."

Heritage News, Jefferson Heritage and Landmark Society July, 1993: "Selma Hall" overlooks the Mississippi River, by Lisa K. Thompson.

Historic Preservation July/August, 1993: "Comeback On Hold," St. Louis searches to renew renaissance, by Kim Keister.

Hoseline History, Harry S Truman Independence 76 Fire Company June, 1993: "Historical Perspectives," by Jerry Hall.

Interim, Episcopal Diocese of Missouri June-July, 1993: "St. Stephen's Goes with St. Louis' Flow."

JB Newsletter, Friends of Jefferson Barracks Summer, 1993: "Jefferson Barracks During The First Six Months Of 1943: An Over­ view."

Journal of Douglas County, Missouri December, 1992: "Miller Mines," a family mining company, by Barbara Breshears; "Capt. Edmond D. Pennington," reprinted; "Story of the Old Salt Road: From Port Jackson, Arkansas to Springfield, Missouri," by Buck Kester; Calvin Samuel Neiman, "The Man of Many Hats—Husband, Father, Grandfather, Friend, Auctioneer, Politician and Philosopher," by Nancy (Neiman) Bolen, Janice Dillard and Nina Carter; "The Old T Road," precursor to Highway 95, by Noble G. Barker; "The Ava Navy," recollections from boyhood, by Rex Browning; "Forty Years in the Courthouse," Willis Harrison Mitchell, by Mabel Mitchell; "Remembering Historic Route 66," by Juanita (Swearengin) (Brown) Sheets. May, 1993: Dr. Gentry, "Old Dock," by Mabel Mitchell; "Remembering Ava High School: 1941-1945," by Ola Mitchell Presson; "James M. Curnutt," reprinted; "Historic Indian Thong Trees," by Juanita (Swearengin) (Brown) Sheets; "Ray Sexton And The Swinging Bridge," by Jana Holt; "Carl Mays: A Man of Courage," by Debbie Arnall.

Journal, Jackson County Historical Society Summer, 1993: "Roof gardens grace K.C.'s 1928 skyline," by Judy McKim.

Kansas City Genealogist Spring, 1993: "Kansas City Undertakers & Cemeteries, 1859-1900" and "Kirkland Brooks Armour, Is No More," by Fred L. Lee.

Kirkwood Historical Review June, 1993: "Watching the Stars At The Kirkwood Theatre," by Albert A. Winkler; "Kirkwood Tire Company: 1921-circa 1975," by R. T. Bamber. 104 Missouri Historical Review

Landmarks Letter, Landmarks Association of St. Louis July/August, 1993: "St. Louis Municipal Auditorium," by Carl Schurz.

Lawrence County Historical Society Bulletin July, 1993: "The Old Cherry Mansion," by Nolan Gunter; "The Blue and the Gray: Major Richard Smith Wilks."

The Looking Glass, Ray County Historical Society June, 1993: "Cemetery In The Middle Of The Street."

MHTD News, Missouri Highway and Transportation Department August, 1993: "The flood of '93," by Kathryn Nelson.

Missouri Archaeological Society Quarterly January-March, 1993: "Archaeological Investigations at the Akers Ferry Site, 23SH23, Ozark National Scenic Riverways, Southeastern Missouri (Part I)," by Mark J. Lynott; "R. B. Aker and the Archaeology of the Kansas City Area: A Personal Perspective," by Jim D. Feagins.

Missouri Bar Bulletin July, 1993: "Ann Covington is New Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Missouri."

Missouri Conservationist July, 1993: "Lost Souls of the Ozark Rivers," by Laurie Peach; "Dyeing Naturally: Back to Basics with Missouri Dye Plants," by Carol Leigh Brack-Kaiser and Ginny Wallace.

Missouri Partisan, Sons of Confederate Veterans Spring, 1993: "Ethelrose Owens: Last Grandchild of Outlaw Jesse James," by Burt A. Folkart, reprinted; "Lawyers Argue Over Bell From Confederate Warship," reprinted.

Missouri Press News July, 1993: Joseph Pulitzer, Jr., "Chairman of Pulitzer Publishing Dies at Age 80."

Missouri State Genealogical Association Journal Spring, 1993: "Henry County Soldiers, 1776-1918," continued, by Betty Harvey Williams; "Early Recollections, Southwest Missouri, 1830-1884," reprinted.

Missouri State Old Time Fiddlers Association Quarterly Spring, 1993: "Art Galbraith: 1909-1992," by Howard W. Marshall.

Nebraska History Summer, 1993: "Steamboat Captain David L. Keiser's Recollections of Life on the Missouri," edited by Carl Hugh Jones.

Newsletter, Boone-Duden Historical Society May/June, 1993: John Young, "Marthasville's Founding & Founder," by Ralph Gregory, reprinted; "A Visit with Blondina Gosejacob."

Newsletter, Gasconade County Historical Society Summer, 1993: "On Second Creek: The Ruskaup-Niewoehner stone house."

Newsletter, Iron County Historical Society July, 1993: "Ogie Selinger: Sheriff of Iron County—A Tribute," by Randall Cox. Historical Notes and Comments 105

Newsletter, Lincoln County Historical & Archeological Society July, 1993: "Early Troy Homes."

Newsletter, Osage County Historical Society May, 1993: "Shawnee Creek School—No. 6"; "Wild Cat School—No. 35." June, 1993: "Boes School—No. 28"; "Possumtown School—No. 38." July, 1993: "Indian Creek School—No. 60"; "McDaniel School—No. 44."

Newsletter of the Phelps County Historical Society April, 1993: "Russell Brothers Circus: Winter Quarters, Rolla, MO," by John F. Bradbury, Jr.; "Russell Brothers Circus: News From The Rolla Papers."

Newsletter, Scott County Historical Society May, 1993: "Our First Court in Missouri," continued. July, 1993: "Our First Court in Missouri," continued.

Newsletter, Still National Osteopathic Museum May, 1993: "Twentieth-century Medical Practice," by William Smith.

Newton County Roots, Genealogy Friends of the Library June, 1993: "The Bentons Since 1731," by Eleanor Piacenza.

Newton County Saga Summer, 1993: "Newton County: The Old Rock Quarry," reprinted; "A Lifetime in Neosho," by Thelma Slankard.

Northeast Reporter, Northeast Missouri Genealogical Society June, 1993: "History of Indian Creek Village," by Francis Pike, reprinted.

Old Mill Run, Ozark County Genealogical and Historical Society July, 1993: "Ozark County's Second Contingent Departs" for duty in 1918, reprinted; "The Barefoot School," by Wilfred E. Wooldridge, reprinted; "Turkey Creek School," by Dean Wallace.

Old 'n Newsletter, Randolph County Historical Society Spring, 1993: "Elliott: Coal Mining Town in Randolph County, Missouri."

Our Clay Heritage Third Quarter, 1993: "'Alexander William Doniphan' (1808-1887)," by Walter Plourd.

Ozar'kin, Ozarks Genealogical Society Summer, 1993: "The Amalgamated Bakers," the Bailey and Baker families, by Mary Ellen Gifford; 'Two Antebellum Baptists in Southwest Missouri," McCord Roberts and Elijah Williams, by George T. Harper.

Ozarks Mountaineer June, 1993: "The Ozarks Then & Now," by Russell Hively; "The Best of Evening Shade Farm Is More Than Skin Deep: Soap—The Old-Fashioned Way," by Jim Long; "They've Kept Their Secrets for Seventy Years," Fred and Red's cafe in Joplin, by Anita Heistand; Mary Sansom, "City Woman, Latter Day Ozarks Pioneer," by Edith McCall; "A Dark and Stormy Night Upon the James River," by Jim Johnson; "The Poems Of The 'Poet Laureate Of The Ozarks,'" Mary Elizabeth Mahnkey. 106 Missouri Historical Review

Patrol News May, 1993: "Patrol History Trivia," by E. M. Raub.

Pioneer Times, Mid-Missouri Genealogical Society January, 1993: "General Sterling Price" and "Claiborne F. Jackson," by W. L. Webb.

The Pioneer Wagon, Jackson County Genealogical Society April, 1993: "An Historic House: Young's Chapel Gives Way in Church Building— Tender Memories About Old Church," by Thomas W. Cassell, reprinted; "More On Order No. 11," reprinted.

Platte County Missouri Historical & Genealogical Society Bulletin April, May, June, 1993: "History of the Short Creek Baptist Church," by T. J. Beach.

Quarterly, Phelps County Genealogical Society April, 1993: "Ben Powelson's Journey To Missouri," by Ben Powelson.

Reporter Quarterly, Genealogical Society of Central Missouri Summer, 1993: "Kirkbride's Corner, Columbia, MO," by David Sapp.

Resume, Historical Society of Polk County May, 1993: "Diary of a Confederate Soldier," William Ira Ruyle. July, 1993: "Early Settlement Of Brighton, Missouri," by Irene Dickinson; "New Bethel Methodist Church."

Ripley County Heritage March, 1993: "The First Year of the [Civil] War in Missouri." June, 1993: "Amity Cemetery," by Emily West; "Two Ripley Co. Civil War Heroes: Pvt. John Wesley Kilgore and Lt. William H. Ferrill" and "Skirmish At Little River Bridge, MO," by Gene Braschler; "The Great Ponder Ball Game," by Betty Murdock.

The Riverfront Times May 26-June 1, 1993: "End of the Line: The Washington Park Cemetery is Metro Link's last stop before completion," by C. D. Stelzer.

Rural Missouri June, 1993: "To Be of the Greatest Good," biographical information on George Washington Carver, by Heather Berry; "In Search of Route 66," by Jeff Joiner; "Righting Wrongs: Restoring dignity to mentally ill buried in state hospital cemeteries," by Bob McEowen; "Corporate Artist: John Stoeckley left the rat race to draw Missouri," by Jim McCarty. July, 1993: "Lives in Stone: Much can be learned about the past in cemeteries," by Jeff Joiner.

St. Charles Heritage July, 1993: "The Wabash Railroad Bridge at St. Charles, Missouri: Part III," by Wilbert Williams; "Child Soldier," reflections from the Civil War by Edward Lewis, edited by Louis J. Launer; "A Progressive Pageant Like No Other," by Michele Kramme; "The Forgotten Church of Flint Hill," by Barb Eisenbath Mittelbuscher.

St. Louis Magazine June, 1993: "St. Louis Families: The Schlafly Family," by Linda Tucci. Historical Notes and Comments 107

The Semaphore, Winston Historical Society July, 1993: "The Great Train Robbery."

Springfield! Magazine June, 1993: "Retrospectives: Springfield Magazine Really Started in 1912," by Bob Glazier; "Cavalcade Of Homes: Part L—The Whitehead-Smith House," by Mabel Carver Taylor; "The Ozark Jubilee Saga: Bob White (Part II)," by Reta Spears-Stewart; "They Married Young: Patty & Jim Millikin," by Charlene Purvis. July, 1993: "Cavalcade of Homes: Part 51—The Mann-James-Gentry House," by Mabel Carver Taylor; "A Behind the Scenes Portrait of a Top Portraitist: Paul Mignard," by Mabel Carver Taylor; "They Married Young: Bob & Pat Kerr," by Charlene Purvis; "The Ozark Jubilee Saga: Bob White (Part III)," by Reta Spears-Stewart. August, 1993: "When TV Was Young: SPS Video Classes Extended Learning In Summer Holiday"; "Earl Russell: Pioneering Physician Looks Back 40 Years To Time When He Helped Start Things Here"; "Saga of the Shepard of the Hills, Part I," by James A. Thompson; "Downtown Campbell Then and Now ...," by Lloyd Purves; "Springfield Senior High School's Class of 1933 Returns in Force For Third Time to Mark 60th Anniversary of Commencement Event," by Robert C. Glazier; "Pumpin' Cheap Gas In the Queen City of the Ozarks, Part I," by Paul J. Williams; "The Ozark Jubilee Saga: Shirley Caddell Nelson," by Reta Spears-Stewart.

Terminal Railroad Association of St. Louis Historical and Technical Society Newsletter Winter, 1993: "When the Queen [Marie of Romania] Came to St. Louis," by Lawrence N. Thomas; "Pullman Parade: Photos from the W C. Thurman Collection."

Today's Farmer June/July, 1993: "Raymond Young: A Man of Vision and Leadership," by Chuck Lay.

Wagon Tracks, Santa Fe Trail Association Quarterly May, 1993: "Calvin Moses Dyche: Freighter on the Trail," by Mary Jo Cunningham; "Franklin: Cradle of the Trade," by H. Denny Davis.

Waterways Journal May 3, 1993: "High Water is Old Story at St. Louis." May 10, 1993: Chain of Rocks "Canal Was Dedicated 40 Years Ago on May 9." July 12, 1993: "A 90-Year Flood Cycle Comes Around Again." July 19, 1993: "Ruth Ferris' Achievements Are Recalled." This and the articles above by James V. Swift.

Western States Jewish History July, 1993: "Nathan Frank: Jewish Congressman from Missouri," by Burton A. Boxerman.

The Westporter, Westport Historical Society April/May, 1993: "Harris Kearney's House remains Westport's jewel," by Roy Ranck, Jr.; Kansas City's "Automated Fire Horses made City famous in 1893."

Whistle Stop, Harry S. Truman Library Institute Newsletter Volume 21, No. 2: "Tennis On Park Avenue: Independence, 1914." 108 Missouri Historical Review

White River Valley Historical Quarterly Spring, 1993: "An Archeological Float Survey," by Robert Bray; '"The Bank of Fac Simile': Economic Warfare in the White River Valley, 1862-1863," by John Bradbury; "A Bald Knobber Sues Springfield!" by Kristen Kalen and Lynn Morrow.

Word & Way, Missouri Baptist Convention July 22, 1993: "Missouri Baptist churches damaged by flooding," by Shari Schubert.

Education Does It

Palmyra Weekly Southern Sentinel, June 25, 1856. By education men become very easy to lead, but difficult to drive—easy to govern, but impossible to enslave.

Reflecting Upon Reflection

Columbia Patriot, May 1, 1841. If you would increase in wisdom you must reflect. The mere sight of things amounts to nothing. A fool may go round the world and come back a fool at last, because he has no reflection. One man learns more from a mole hill than another does from a mountain.

That's Progress

St. Louis The Melting Pot, May 1913. "How is the new filing system? Success?" asked the agent of the merchant to whom he had sold a "system" a few days before. "Great!" said the merchant. "Good!" said the agent, rubbing his hands. "And how is business?" "Business?" echoed the merchant. "Oh, we have stopped business to attend to the filing system."

Friends and Relations

Macon Republican, May 23, 1871. "I have this afternoon been preaching to a congregation of asses," said a conceited young parson. "Then that was the reason you called them beloved brethren," replied a strong-minded lady.

A Trend to Fewer Chills

Boonville Daily Advertiser, October 28, 1875. The health of this community is improving. Fewer chills and less activity in the quinine trade. Preventives are the medicines now in use; these are simple compounds, the principal ingre­ dient of which is brandy. 109 IN MEMORIAM

WILLIAM RAY DENSLOW Who s Who in Commerce and Industry. He William Ray Denslow, Trenton author, also wrote several books, including editor and community leader, died June 20, Centennial History of Grundy County, Mo., 1993, at the age of 77. Denslow served as Freemasonry and the American Indian and president of the State Historical Society from 10,000 Famous Freemasons. He is survived 1977 to 1980 and as a member of the board of by his wife, Juanita, of Trenton; a son, trustees from 1960 until his death. He William R. Denslow, Jr., of Long Island, New received the Society's Distinguished Service York; a daughter, Judith Daly Ericson of Award in 1984. Born May 2, 1916, to Ray V. Denver, Colorado; and four grandchildren. and Clara Merrifield Denslow in Trenton, he graduated from Trenton High School in 1933 and attended Kemper Military Academy from 1933 to 1935. Denslow received a bachelor of arts degree in 1937 and a bachelor of jour­ BARESEL, KARL G., Hanson, Massachu­ nalism degree in 1938, both from the setts: August 20, 1920-December29, 1992. University of Missouri. Following gradua­ BRYDEN, JOHN, JR., Carrollton: tion, he moved to Chicago and worked at June 7, 1925-November 26, 1992. Swift and Company, Nachman Spring BURIAN, OTTO J., Robertsville: Corporation and WGN radio station until August 8, 1897-June 20, 1993. serving in World War II. He married Juanita Margaret Daly on November 18, 1939, in COUNSIL, MYRON E., Springfield: Chicago. February 5, 1917-May 11, 1992. In 1948 Denslow returned to Trenton and DAVIDSON, WILBURN L., Kennett: worked with the Royal Arch Mason October 1915-August 1992. Magazine, a national publication founded by FINDLEY, JOHN A., St. Charles: his father in 1943. He served as business Died October 25, 1992. manager of the magazine until his father's MCILROY, JULIA W., Louisiana: death in 1960, when he became editor, a posi­ March 20, 1902-November 27, 1992. tion he held until his retirement in 1979. Active in many Masonic, patriotic, business OVERSTREET, ESTHER WINKELMAN, Kan­ and community organizations, Denslow was a sas City: May 14, 1906-March 19, 1993. director of the Trenton National Mercantile REED, HARLEY, Sibley: Bank, a member and president of the board of September 2, 1910-October30, 1992. the Masonic Home of Missouri, president of SCHWENGEL, FREDERICK D., Arlington, the Grundy County Alumni Association of Virginia: May 28, 1906-April 1, 1993. the University of Missouri, a scoutmaster, a Former U.S. Representative from Iowa. Sunday school teacher at Wesley United Methodist Church and Grand Master of the SMITH, SAMUEL J., Lee's Summit: Grand Lodge, AF & AM, of Missouri. December 28, 1912-April2, 1993. Denslow was included in editions of WHITE, JAY, Rolla: Who's Who in the Midwest and the World May 7, 1921-January 22, 1993. 110 BOOK REVIEWS

The Last Dandy, Ralph Barton: American Artist, 1891-1931. By Bruce Kellner (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991). 270 pp. Illustrations. Appendixes. Notes. Index. $34.95.

Many readers could name two western Missouri artists, Thomas Hart Benton and Walt Disney, who first gained renown in the 1920s. Few, how­ ever, could identify Kansas City's Ralph Waldo Emerson Barton as a third important Missouri contribution to that era's art world. Bruce Kellner's biography of Barton—a volume in the Missouri Biography Series edited by William Foley—is only marginally a book of Missouri history. Rather, it chronicles the life of the most popular illustrator and caricaturist of the 1920s, who happened to be a native of the state. Born in August 1891 to a lawyer father and an artistically talented mother whose family roots reached back to Boone and Audrain counties— and, more remotely, Kentucky and Virginia—Ralph became a "permanent expatriate" from Kansas City in 1912. (p. 30) As did other Middle Western cultural expatriates who joined Barton in New York and Paris between the Great War of 1914-1918 and the Great Crash of 1929, this artist rather emphatically rejected his boyhood home. But if a state's history is repre­ sented by those who move on as well as by those who remain, Kellner has made a distinct contribution by informing us about a neglected, but impor­ tant Missourian. The first and last of Kellner's sixteen chapters are entitled "Obit," the heading that Barton gave his suicide note on May 20, 1931. The nearly two decades of Barton's life after Kansas City contained substantial professional accomplishment and stark personal failure. Professor Kellner's goal, accomplished in beautiful prose and numerous reproductions of Barton's work, is to establish Barton's achievement as an important illustrator and satirist (for caricature is satire). "In 1909, still in his teens, listed for the first time in the Kansas City directory of professions, Ralph Barton called himself 'Artist.' He was right." (p. 8) Earning impressive fees and a repu­ tation as a celebrity bon vivant, Barton's covers and story illustrations for such leading periodicals as Harper's Bazaar, Judge, Life, Puck, The New Yorker, Liberty and Vanity Fair occupied the boundary between serious art and mass culture. Although virtually forgotten after his death, Barton developed his own unique and admired style in a period that also produced noted illustrators John Held, Jr., Miguel Covarrubias and Neysa McMein. Did Barton sell out his talent, which might have led to an achievement such as Benton's, for the lucrative but throw-away art of magazine, book and advertising illustration? Kellner shows that this fear haunted Barton Book Reviews 111 and fed his fits of depression and self-doubt. But as important a cause of his self-destruction was the artist's personal life. A notorious libertine who violated each of his four marriages with casual affairs; a chronic insomniac who changed his address several times each year and who shuttled erratical­ ly from New York to Paris seeking an external stability that his inner tur­ moil would forever deny him; an artist increasingly unable to work or to meet publishers' deadlines—Barton ended his life with a bullet to the brain, and was little mourned by friends he had already alienated. Better than anyone except F. Scott Fitzgerald, perhaps, Barton illustrates the "crack-up" of depression, personal and societal, that ended the Jazz Age. A professor of English at Millersville University in Pennsylvannia, Kellner has done an excellent job of locating and employing surviving man­ uscript sources (there are no Barton papers as such). The black and white and color illustrations that grace his book make it a visual feast, well worth the purchase price. Congratulations are due to both the author and the University of Missouri Press. Together they have resurrected the reputation and illustrations of an important Missouri artist and produced a beautiful volume.

Stephens College Alan Havig

The Sidewalks of St. Louis: Places, People, and Politics in an American City. By George Lipsitz (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991). 142 pp. Illustrations. Map. Bibliographic essay. Index. $16.95.

Remember how a lot of the stories we used to hear when we were young concluded, "And the moral of the story is . . . ?" George Lipsitz's essays on how things came to be in St. Louis never use those words. But they are implied in almost all of his articles on such diverse topics as soc­ cer, the Turnverein Legacy, Homer Phillips Hospital, a Haitian revolution and public bathhouses. Lipsitz refers to his book as "an unconventional history." He sees con­ ventional history as a chronological compilation of large-scale events, with little pause for examination of the impact a chain of events ultimately makes on modern life. Lipsitz's book is a series of those pauses. "Conventional urban histories with their unified narratives told from one point of view contain some truth. But theirs is not the only truth, just the most familiar," he writes. Lipsitz offers several of his own truths, which look beyond the familiar and the prominent. He offers insight and perspec­ tive on why St. Louis is. Much of the book focuses on St. Louis at the end of the nineteenth cen­ tury and the beginning of the twentieth and the forces at work in that era 112 Missouri Historical Review that continue to influence today's St. Louis. Lipsitz's explorations tell us how a pond that has not existed for almost 150 years has shaped the devel­ opment of the city; how the sport of soccer reflects the city's ethnic diversi­ ty; how a concern about lack of unity and shared purpose among citizens led to today's Muny Opera; and why Homer G. Phillips Hospital was such a symbol to the black community. And there is more. The portrait of St. Louis is often unflattering but always revealing and human. This book is the story of people. Not a people, but many people and from the many comes a city. In most of the essays, originally written for St. l^ouis magazine, Lipsitz sums up with a "moral of the story paragraph" that explains why the recounted past is important to the city of today. In a number of the essays, the point already is clearly made, leaving the "moral of the story" unneces­ sary. There are a few other nits to pick. Lipsitz once refers to "Governor Frank Blair," although Blair was never governor of Missouri. The soccer essay refers to groups playing "Continental" or "British" styles, which might mean something to the avid soccer fan but are not defined for the general fan/reader. The allegation that the invention of the plow enabled Chicago to surpass St. Louis in population seems to need justification. And the reverse chronology used to describe the history of St. Louis mass transit is distracting. St. Louisans, or those with strong ties to the city, will find this book of greatest value. But outstaters whose lives are influenced by the power and history of St. Louis also will find Lipsitz's insights interesting. And the moral of the story might be that St. Louis is not the only city whose present is more a mix of often-ignored and forgotten events and atti­ tudes than conventional history recognizes. Community history is far more than a list of mayors and other prominent citizens and pictures of old build­ ings. Read The Sidewalks of St. Louis and think of the sidewalks of your town, from where they have come and where they could lead.

Missouri Net Bob Priddy

John Charles Fremont: Character as Destiny. By Andrew Rolle (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991). xv + 351 pp. Illustrations. Notes. Selected bibliography. Index. $25.95.

Andrew Rolle's John C. Fremont is a psychohistory of the subject. The conditions responsible for the Pathfinder's sometimes illustrious, sometimes tarnished career were established early in life. John Charles was Book Reviews 113 the illegitimate son of Anne Pryor, the wife of a Richmond gentleman forty- five years her senior, and a supposed French emigre, Charles Fremont. Rolle acknowledges that better evidence suggests that he was French-Canadian. The senior Fremont taught French and dancing to the ladies of Richmond and became a houseguest of the Pryors. Young Fremont was born about a year after the old colonel publicly expelled his wife and her lover. The unwed Fr6monts (no marriage license has been found and Anne referred to herself as Mrs. Pryor) traveled through the South—from Richmond to Williamsburg, Norfolk, Savannah, Nashville and eventually to Charleston, with stops at smaller hamlets in between. They spent many days and nights on the trail, usually camping, sometimes joining Indian encampments. John Charles was only five when his father died, leav­ ing Anne with four illegitimate children, no property, no income and no social standing. Anne moved to Charleston where she took on menial tasks to provide for her family. In Charleston John Charles watched the slave trade, received the beginnings of his education and secured his first job as a law clerk. Young Fremont and his mother were not accepted into proper Southern society, nor were they accepted into the sizable French community. Anne was neither French nor Catholic, although John Charles would be accused of that connection during his bid for the presidency. Rolle believes that Fremont, because he was fatherless, both physically and legally, never acquired the proper respect for his elders that was so much a part of both Southern culture and Victorian morality. In addition to the stigma surround­ ing his parentage, Fremont chose a career as an Army officer without benefit of West Point and married into the prominent and powerful political family of Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri, one of the leading expansionists in the Senate. While most of Fremont's personality traits were not too uncom­ mon, his inability or unwillingness to recognize or accept the authority of his superiors, particularly in a career built upon the chain of command, cost him dearly: a court-martial, challenges to duels, being passed by on military assignments, loss of a command in the Civil War and, eventually, removal from a territorial governorship in Arizona. It created political enemies, which at least interfered with, if not thwarted, his political and business ambitions. Fremont was an extraordinary explorer, but at most everything else, his talent and success appeared, at best, ordinary. Rolle does not present Fremont as a man driven by ambition. Much of the evidence suggests that his wife, Jessie Benton Fremont, was far more ambitious than he, and under the circumstances of that era, could fulfill her ambitions only through her husband. It is possible to speculate that Jessie expected more from her husband than he expected of himself. It is equally possible to speculate that Fremont, had he not married into such an influential 114 Missouri Historical Review family, would be remembered only for his first two explorations and a court- martial that could have ended his career. Jessie may have been more responsi­ ble for what Fremont was and what he was not than Fremont himself. Rolle's book has two major strengths. First, psychohistory aside—and it does not play a major role in many chapters—the reader is offered an excellent biography of Fremont and a keen insight into the history of the times. Second, the reader is challenged to consider the significance of cer­ tain personality traits as shaping Fremont's career.

Northwest Missouri State University Harmon Mothershead

Yankee Merchants and the Making of the Urban West: The Rise and Fall of Antebellum St. Louis. By Jeffrey S. Adler (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991). vii + 274 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $42.50. "Sectionalism profoundly transformed the . . . urban West. The fall of St. Louis and rise of Chicago represented ... a process that altered the nature of western urbanization." Jeffrey S. Adler introduced this thesis in perhaps the best work on the subject since Wyatt Winton Belcher's The Economic Rivalry Between St. Louis and Chicago 1850-1880 (1947). Adler buttressed this powerful argument with substantial evidence indi­ cating that, while Chicago captured Yankee money and national attention, St. Louis suffered from a paralyzing sectionalism that froze economic development during its crucial formative stages. The Civil War sealed St. Louis's fate as a secondary metropolis within Chicago's hinterland. It was not always that way. Long before the "Windy City" originated on Lake Michigan's southwestern shore, St. Louis commanded economic primacy in the Midwest and led its northern rival in population, 77,860- 29,963, in 1850. Thirty years later, however, the census revealed a cruel reversal of fortune. Chicago now led by a 503,185 to 350,518 margin. What happened? There is no simple answer. In the years following Belcher's interpreta­ tion that Chicago's superior and more aggressive entrepreneurial leadership overcame the timid conservatives of St. Louis, historians debated but failed to resolve the perplexing problem. The greatest strength of Yankee Merchants lies in its penetrating analysis of how sectionalism stymied St. Louis's economic base and, more importantly, how it impeded the city's relationship with the state legislature. Serious divisions, characterized by a culture clash between eastern investors and southern emigrants, tore at the economic fabric of the "Show Me State." The struggle retarded St. Louis's metropolitan development. Low taxation, insufficient transportation and a squabbling legislature Book Reviews 115 marred Missouri's image. When New York and Boston capitalists invested in St. Louis anyway, rural Missourians viewed them as "urban vampires" ruling an "evil city." No such problem plagued Chicago. Adler's analysis focused on how a perimeter city suffered within a bor­ der state. He succeeded admirably in presenting national themes such as the recessions of 1819, 1837 and 1857 and exhibiting their interaction with Missouri's powerful factions. The ideologies expressed in this urban/rural, Yankee/Rebel dichotomy served as a harbinger of things to come concern­ ing slavery, national expansion and the rise and fall of other cities. The book's weaknesses are fewer in number and vastly less significant than its strengths. The author's attack on Belcher, while effectively destroying the entrepreneurial thesis, does not constitute a new revision. Other scholars may disagree with his assertion that St. Louis is an "urban failure." Adler's failure to analyze the Civil War's impact constitutes a key omission easily solved by just one more chapter. Other gaps concern his superficial investigation of St. Louis's southern capitalists and a less than thorough examination of secondary sources such as the Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society. These are minor faults. By placing the St. Louis experience within national and state crosscurrents, Adler advanced American urban historiog­ raphy to a new level.

Southeast Missouri State University J. Christopher Schnell

Missouri y49er: The Journal of William W. Hunter on the Southern Gold Trail. Edited and annotated by David P. Robrock (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992). xxx + 299 pp. Illustrations. Map. Notes. Appendix. Selected bibliography. Index. $32.50. William W. Hunter left his home in Montgomery County, Missouri, for the California gold fields on April 23, 1849. Fortunately for us he kept a highly readable record of his eight-month trip along the rarely used "Southern Route" to San Diego. Although his background remains a mystery, Hunter was hardly a typical gold seeker. A well-educated and highly articulate man, he could make allu­ sions to classical literature and references to a composer, like Paganini, without pretension. A Victorian on the gold trail, Hunter deplored the lack of morality and self-discipline of those who succumbed to temptation along the route West, and was especially troubled by his fellow sojourners' lack of respect for the Sabbath. This said, Hunter was neither prim nor prissy. One of his most attrac­ tive qualities was his remarkable curiosity. Even as he could declare Santa 116 Missouri Historical Review

Fe one of "the worst places on this habitable globe" for its "licentiousness and villainy," his curiosity took him as a spectator into Santa Fe's gaming houses, and he later even came to admire the "wonderful decorum" Mexican gamblers exhibited when they lost. Nor did he shy away from watching a brutal perfor­ mance of the Papago Scalp Dance. When he discovered a skull on the trail, he handled the head easily and lightly and, indicative of his time and place, senti­ mentally mused upon the mother who had once cradled it. Equally indicative of his time and place is the stream of bigoted remarks about Indians, Mexicans and Catholics that flowed naturally from his pen, along with tales of cruelty and mindless slaughter inflicted on animals. Again, however, his curiosity redeems and enlivens his narrative. Bigotry in this peri­ od rested easily on most men of his background, but Hunter often succeeded in surmounting his stereotyping to offer complimentary remarks about those whom he either feared or ostensibly despised. Thus, immediately after mutter­ ing about scalping "savages" and their "inexorable fate" of "extinction," he wrote of the Indians' "shrewdness and tact" in trading, their neatness in appear­ ance and the "surprising taste" with which they ornamented their clothes and possessions. The same is true with animals. He wrote casually of his group's digging newborn wolf cubs out of a den and using them for target practice and slaugh­ tering buffalo "in mere wantonness" for the right to boast about having done so. Yet his deep interest in the flora and fauna of the trail, recognized by his companions who brought him the unusual specimens they found, gave him a legitimate claim to being considered a naturalist. Missouri y49er can be read as much for enjoyment as for edification. Hunter had a good eye for detail, and there are enough murderers, thieves and dry desert crossings to keep the narrative moving along. Editor David P. Robrock has outfitted the book with a brief but good introduction, but even better are his copious annotations. The book's one significant failing was plac­ ing these annotations at the end of the text rather than at the bottom of the page. Even the most dedicated reader will weary of the disruption of flipping back and forth. This minor irritant aside, readers interested in the history of the western trails or the California gold craze will find Missouri '49er an excellent addition to the literature of the period.

Missouri State Archives Kenneth H. Winn

That's Shyness

Charleston Courier, September 11, 1863. Why does a clock always look bashful? Because it keeps its hands before its face. 117

BOOK NOTES

An Informal History of Black People of the Warrensburg Area. By Lucille D. Gress (Warrensburg, Mo.: The Mid-America Press, 1993). 52 pp. Illustrations. $5.00, paper, plus $1.25 for shipping. Using personal interviews, the author has compiled a brief oral history documenting some of the experiences of black people in the Warrensburg area. Gress recognizes the importance of Mt. Olive and Old Town, the origi­ nal black settlements, as integral parts of Warrensburg's heritage. Early schools and churches built by the African-American community are depict­ ed in six color pictures. The history is not comprehensive, rather a look at a few to better understand many. The book may be ordered from Lucille D. Gress at 448 East Market, Warrensburg, MO 64093.

Texas County Missouri Heritage, Vol. HI (Rich Hill, Mo.: Bell Books, 1992). 488 pp. Illustrations. Index. $45.00, plus $4.00 for shipping. This volume is a collection of historical sketches about Texas County. Vignettes in the book describe county towns, businesses, churches, cemeter­ ies, schools, organizations and a variety of activities. The heart of the book, however, lies in the three hundred plus pages of short genealogical sum­ maries of county families. It can be ordered from the Texas County Missouri Genealogical and Historical Society, P.O. Box 12, Houston, MO 65483.

Lake Contrary: Days of Glory, 1880-1964. By Clyde Weeks (St. Joseph, Mo.: Blacksnake Creek Press, 1992). 110 pp. Illustrations. Maps. $21.31, paper, plus $2.00 for shipping. Created by the meandering Missouri River, Lake Contrary is one of the largest ox-bow lakes in northwest Missouri. The reader can relive the glory years of this popular vacation and entertainment resort. The book highlights the unique aspects of the lake and its environment: the hotels and fisher­ men's cabins, the fairgrounds and race track, the casino, the amusement park and the chautauquas, among others. The author made good use of his Lake Contrary memorabilia collection to illustrate the book, including cards, photographs, booklets, menus, fans, scraps of paper, pins and badges. This interesting book can be ordered from The Book Place, 720 Felix Street, St. Joseph, MO 64501-2236.

Tarkio College, 1883-1992: An Illustrated History of "The Crown of the Hill." By Cathryn Coe Craig and Jone Craig Nay lor (Rock Port, Mo.: First Family Publications, 1992). 200 pp. Illustrations. Map. Appendix. Index. $45.00. 118 Missouri Historical Review

The closing of Tarkio College in 1992 brought a renewed interest in preserving the 109-year history of this Presbyterian-affiliated college locat­ ed in northwestern Missouri. A year-by-year account of happenings at the college provides an overview of significant events, leaders, buildings and curriculum choices. The appendix contributes numerous lists, including yearbook editors, homecoming kings and queens, guest lecturers, athletic team captains and famous alumni. This history may be ordered from C. Craig Computerworks, P.O. Box 100, Rock Port, MO 64482.

Huntsville Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) Huntsville, Missouri: Sesquicentennial 1842-1992. By Deanna Bagby (n.p., 1992). Illustrations. Maps. $6.00, paper, plus $2.50 for shipping.

This volume documents the Christian Church's first 150 years of con­ tinuous worship and service in Huntsville. Readers will discover the tales behind the sweet-sounding church bell and the magnificent stained glass windows. Also highlighted are previous pastors and architectural changes to the building and sanctuary structure, in addition to other memorable facts about the growth of the church. The history can be ordered from Huntsville Christian Church, c/o Margaret Block, P.O. Box 146, Huntsville, MO 65259.

The Wilderness Underground: Caves of the Ozark Plateau. By H. Dwight Weaver (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992). 113 pp. Illustrations. Map. Glossary. Bibliography. Index. $29.95.

Missouri, home to six thousand known caves, has rightfully earned its title as "The Cave State." The master photographers who have contributed to this photographic essay allow the reader to go spelunking in many of the state's most exotic caverns while remaining clean, dry and safe. The full- color images capture primitive cavescapes of speleothems, stalagmites, water-sculpted rock formations and living creatures native to caves. The text further explains cave terminology and features, in addition to tracing the history of caves and caving in Missouri. This book can be purchased in bookstores.

Colonial St. Louis: Building a Creole Capital. By Charles E. Peterson (Tucson, Ariz.: The Patrice Press, 1993). 149 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Sources. $9.95, paper.

Like New Orleans and Detroit, the French established St. Louis and, thus, gave the city an atmosphere markedly different from the English set­ tlements along the Atlantic seaboard. This work, which documents the Book Notes 119 building of eighteenth-century St. Louis, is derived from three installments published in the Missouri Historical Society's Bulletin in the 1940s. The new edition contains essentially the same text as the original, but many illustrations have been added, including some photographs taken by the author in the 1930s. It is available in bookstores.

Three Years With Quantrill: A True Story Told by His Scout John McCorkle. By O. S. Barton (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992). 232 pp. Illustrations. Map. Notes. Index. $18.95. This first-person memoir by a young Missouri farmer documents his experiences after he joined and became a prominent member of William Clarke Quantrill's guerrillas. He describes the violence and savageness of numerous raids and engagements, including the massacres at Lawrence and Baxter Springs, Kansas, and Centralia, Missouri. This reprint also recounts Quantrill's execution and the capture and parole of his guerrillas. Readers interested in historical outlaws will gain valuable information not to be found elsewhere. The book is available in bookstores.

Old St. Charles. By Sue Schneider (Tucson, Ariz.: The Patrice Press, 1993). 106 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Appendix. Index. $5.95, paper. Perhaps best known as the first state capital of Missouri, St. Charles has an impressive and diverse historical resume. Its location near the mouth of the Missouri River made this Spanish-French-American village an ideal spot for Meriwether Lewis and William Clark to begin their exploration of the western frontier. This guidebook was written with the tourist in mind: the visitor can see the city's past by following the outlined walking tour through St. Charles's Old Town. The book can be purchased in bookstores.

History and Families, Wright County, Missouri. Edited by Clyde A. Rowen (Paducah, Ky.: Turner Publishing Company, 1993). 648 pp. Illustrations. Index. $59.50, plus $5.00 for shipping. Published in commemoration of the 150th anniversary of Wright County, this thick volume contains a wealth of information about the coun­ ty, past and present. Those interested in the county's heritage will discover community, business, church, school and club histories in this hardbound volume. Over two thousand family history sketches are also included. A number of excellent historic photographs, as well as a surname index, aug­ ment the text. This volume may be ordered from the Wright County Historical Society, P.O. Box 66, Hartville, MO 65667. 120 Missouri Historical Review

holiday Gifts

Society members are encouraged to consider a gift membership in the State Historical Society, which includes a subscription to the Missouri Historical Review, when preparing their holiday list. Such a gift benefits everyone; it helps the Society to further pre­ serve and disseminate the history of Missouri, and it extends interest in Missouri's rich history to your friends or family. Additionally, memberships expand the influence of the Review and provide recip­ ients with an esteemed journal that they will enjoy throughout the year. For each membership designated as a gift, the Society will send a card to the recipient that will include your name as the donor of the gift. Please consider this outstanding and affordable gift idea, and send names and addresses for membership to the State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201. Memberships are available in the following categories:

Individual Annual Membership $10.00 Contributing Annual Membership $25.00 Supporting Annual Membership $50.00 Sustaining Annual Membership $100.00 to $499.00 Patron Annual Membership $500.00 or more Life Membership $250.00 Historical Notes and Comments 121

SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS The State Historical Society has recently published the second volume of Selected Union Burials—Missouri Units, compiled by Edward Parker. This thirty-three page, spiral- bound book is an alphabetical index created from the U.S. Quartermaster's Department Roll of Honor and lists Civil War Union soldiers who served with Missouri units and died during, or as a result, of the war. Information on each ser­ viceman includes name, burial site, death date, regiment, company, rank and Roll of Honor volume and page number. Interments are listed in this volume for the following states: Alabama, Arkansas, Dakota Territory, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Texas, Utah Territory, Virginia and Wisconsin. This volume is available from the Society for $5.00, postpaid. Volume one of Selected Union Burials—Missouri Units, published in 1988, also can be purchased for $5.00. The related Missouri Union Burials—Missouri Units is available for $6.00. Both prices are postpaid. Other volumes published recently by the Society include the third volume of the Missouri Historical Review Cumula­ tive Index, which provides name and subject access to volumes 46 through 70 (1951-1976), and the Directory of Local Historical, Museum and Genealogical Agencies in Missouri, 1992-1993. The Index costs $27.00, postpaid, and the Directory sells for $6.00, postpaid. To order any of these volumes, send a check or money order made payable to The State Historical Society of Missouri to

The State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street Columbia, Missouri 65201 122 Missouri Historical Review

A MESSAGE FROM THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

To fulfill its statutory missions of collecting, preserving, dissem­ inating and making accessible the history of Missouri and Western America, the State Historical Society, over the years, has become the second largest specialized research library in the state. The Society operates reference and newspaper libraries, engages in a publications program, houses a fine arts collection and participates in a joint man­ uscript collection with the University of Missouri. Although the State Historical Society receives a state appropria­ tion each year, it must augment that appropriation to carry out its work. In view of the state's present economic condition, nonappro­ priated funds available through memberships, gifts and bequests become even more important. If you believe in the missions of the Society, please urge your friends to join you as members. Mem­ bership will greatly assist the Society in its very worthwhile efforts. You and your friends also can insure the State Historical Society's continued success by making tax-deductible contributions. Such gifts in the past, for example, have allowed the Society to obtain for its patrons more historical and genealogical materials for its reference and newspaper libraries. Recent additions to these libraries include A Pictorial History of Wayne County, Missouri; History and Families, Wright County, Missouri; and Genealogies Cataloged by the Library of Congress since 1986. An alternative to a current monetary contribution is a gift through a will or a trust made to "The State Historical Society of Missouri." The Society has greatly benefited from such gifts in the past, including the addition of a George Caleb Bingham portrait to the fine arts collection. While the State Historical Society does appreciate and need its governmental support, it depends on the largess of its friends to sup­ ply additional funds. With this type of aid the Society can further enhance the quality of its collections. If you need further information on how to make such a gift, please contact James W. Goodrich, Executive Director of the Society, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201; telephone number (314)882-7083.

State Historical Society of Missouri HISTORIC MISSOURI COLLEGES PRITCHETT COLLEGE In the year following the Civil War, Carr Waller Pritchett, an educator who had previously headed several academies and colleges around Missouri, received a request from wealthy Glasgow businessman and minister James O. Swinney to come to his town and establish a new school. Pritchett answered Swinney's call and opened Pritchett School Institute in the old Glasgow Female Seminary and Odd Fellows building in September 1866. One hundred and forty-six students enrolled in the coeducational, nonsectarian institute the first year. Course offer­ ings included elementary, high school and collegiate work. The initial strong interest in the school forced Swinney and Pritchett to consider larger quar­ ters, and in the fall of 1869 the students moved to a new three-story brick building on the east side of Glasgow. Pritchett ran the school under the motto Doce, Disce, aut Discedi (Teach, Learn, or Leave) and sought a patronage "which shall solicit us, rather than be courted by us" In 1874 the institute received a much needed infusion of money when Berenice Morrison, a wealthy ward of Swinney's, gave the school a $50,000 endowment. At the same time she provid­ ed an additional $50,000 to found and endow an astronomical observatory to be affiliated with the school. Pritchett, a mathematician and astronomer, was charged with building and equipping the observatory. He resigned as president of the institute in 1873 and became director of the Morrison Observatory, a position he held until retirement in 1905. Although the Morrison endowment helped the institute's financial situation, enrollment declined throughout the 1870s and 1880s. The Pritchett board of trustees proposed merging with Lewis College, another Glasgow school, in 1880, but Morrison's refusal to sanction the alliance forced the board to back out of the agreement. By the early 1890s, the institute's president, the Reverend Charles C. Hemenway, questioned the need for continuing the primary grades. In 1897 the school was renamed Pritchett College, and Hemenway began advertising exten­ sively to attract students from outside the immediate area. The lack of college-owned boarding facilities worked against his efforts. Uriel S. Hall replaced Hemenway as president in 1904 and worked diligently to revive the school by adding a business department and an elocution depart­ ment. Neither proved successful. By the 1908-1909 academic year enrollment had dropped to sixty-four; the college awarded seven bachelor of arts degrees and one master of arts degree. Hall believed that poor economic times, bad crops and his and some board members outspoken sup­ port of the temperance issue had contributed to the decline in enrollment. Pritchett College applied for junior college status in the early 1910s so that students wishing to attend the University of Missouri would receive credit for course work done in Glasgow. Throughout the decade the school struggled, oftentimes unsuccessfully, to maintain that status. In 1917 the college and the Glasgow High School merged, with the superintendent of schools also serving as the president of Pritchett College. The merger did not enhance the college's reputation in the community. Although collegiate courses continued to be offered, the school lost its junior college status in 1920, and in 1922 Pritchett College stopped granting degrees. A lawsuit in 1927 awarded the Morrison Observatory to Central College in Fayette; the instruments, dome and equipment were moved to the new location in 1936.