DOCSLIB.ORG

1 the Permanent Mission of Israel to the United Nations and Other

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
1 the Permanent Mission of Israel to the United Nations and Other The Permanent Mission of Israel to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva presents its compliments to the Secretariat of the United Nations (Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights) and wishes to refer to the Note, dated 14 December 2018, by which the Secretariat informed the Permanent Mission of the decision adopted by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (“CERD” or “the Committee”) during its 97th session with regard to the Palestinian communication, dated 23 April 2018, which was purportedly made under Article 11 of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (“the Convention”) (ICERD-ISC-2018/3). The present Note is submitted in response to the request of the Committee that Israel “supply any relevant information on issues of jurisdiction of the Committee or the admissibility of the communication”.1 As the Secretariat and CERD are aware, the Permanent Mission has presented in previous communications (most notably its Note, dated 3 August 2018)2 its principled position on this matter. In short, the Permanent Mission has explained that the inter-State complaint mechanism established under Article 11 of the Convention cannot be applied as between Israel and the Palestinian entity owing to the absence of treaty relations between them; and that CERD thus lacks jurisdiction to consider the aforementioned Palestinian communication under this mechanism. The Permanent Mission has also reiterated Israel’s continuing commitment to its obligations under the Convention and its willingness to address the issues raised in the Palestinian communication in appropriate fora, including as part of Israel’s appearances before the Committee. The Permanent Mission refers the Secretariat and CERD to the detailed submissions made in its previous communications, which find support in extensive references to established treaty law and State practice concerning objections to treaty relations both generally and under the present Convention. The Permanent Mission respectfully submits that, as a matter of law, this position is non- controversial and does not require much further elaboration. Accordingly, the present Note is limited to responding to claims made in the Palestinian Comments, dated 30 August 2018 (and transmitted to Israel on 9 October 2018) in reference to the Permanent Mission’s communication of 3 August 2018 (the “Palestinian Comments”).3 Needless to say, this Note is submitted without 1 The Permanent Mission notes that in the documentation relating to the Palestinian communication some confusion may have arisen regarding the use of the terms “jurisdiction” and “admissibility”. For the purposes of this Note, and in line with the Note of the Secretariat, dated 14 December 2018, the issue of “jurisdiction” is understood as referring to the question of whether the Committee has the legal mandate or authority to consider an inter-State complaint under Article 11 in the present circumstances. By contrast, the issue of “admissibility” refers to the various criteria that must be satisfied – only once jurisdiction has been established – in order for CERD to proceed to deal with the substance of a specific inter-State complaint in accordance with the terms of Article 11. Such criteria include complying with the various conditions outlined in the Convention and its accompanying Rules of Procedure, as well as the invocation and exhaustion of local remedies. To avoid confusion, the Permanent Mission wishes to make clear its position that, given the absence of treaty relations under the Convention between Israel and the Palestinian entity, CERD lacks jurisdiction to consider the Palestinian communication, and that this issue of the Committee’s competence is a preliminary one that must be settled before the Article 11 mechanism may be activated and questions of admissibility may be addressed. In light of the manifest lack of jurisdiction in the present circumstances, and the resulting inapplicability of the Article 11 mechanism, questions of admissibility do not arise and the Article 11 mechanism cannot be regarded as having been activated. 2 Diplomatic Note of The Permanent Mission of Israel to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, August 3, 2018, at 5-6 [hereinafter Diplomatic Note of The Permanent Mission of Israel to the United Nations]. 3 “Comments on Israel's Note”, ICERD-ISC-2018/3 (Aug. 30, 2018) [hereinafter Palestinian Comments]. 1 prejudice to Israel’s clear position that it does not recognize the Palestinian entity as a State, and is not in a treaty relationship with such an entity under the Convention. The Permanent Mission would note, at the outset, that the Palestinian Comments essentially contain two principal arguments: First, that States parties to a multilateral convention are not entitled to exclude the application of the convention between themselves and an entity that they do not recognize, and that this is especially the case in the present circumstances. Second, that the matters raised in the Palestinian communication, dated 23 April 2018, and purportedly made under Article 11 of the Convention, cannot be addressed in other fora. As will be demonstrated below, both these arguments are founded on unfortunate misunderstandings or misrepresentations of law and fact, and should thus be rejected by the Committee. The Palestinian claim that States parties are not entitled to exclude bilateral treaty relations under a multilateral treaty, including in the context of the Convention. 1. The claim that jurisdictional arguments are “formalistic” The Palestinian Comments begin by claiming that Israel’s approach in raising the question of the Committee’s jurisdiction over the complaint, purportedly made under Article 11 of the Convention, is “formalistic” and essentially an exercise in evasion. Perhaps more than anything else, this regrettable argument suggests an awareness by the Palestinian side of the weakness of the position it seeks to advance. It hardly needs stating that any institution wishing to maintain its legitimacy, and operate independently and impartially, must take the issue of jurisdiction seriously. The rules on jurisdiction play a critical role in defining the competence of an institution and serve to ensure that such competence is not abused or exercised on the basis of political prejudice or mere arbitrariness. Any institutional body that exceeds the bounds of the authority conferred upon it, and that is willing to address substantive matters without a well-founded assessment of its competence to do so, undermines the validity of its own decisions and harms the very credibility and integrity of the institution itself. The need to reject the notion that issues of jurisdiction are mere formalities is especially apparent in the present circumstances, where the question of jurisdiction concerns a fundamental issue of treaty law and practice that is of significant general import. For the Committee to determine that it has jurisdiction despite Israel’s explicit exclusion of the application of the Convention between itself and the Palestinian entity would require it to ignore an established principle of treaty law that is in widespread use, with potential implications beyond the Israeli-Palestinian context.4 Treating 4 It should be noted, in this context, that the issue of the legal effect of objections to treaty relations is also likely to arise, as a preliminary jurisdictional matter, in relation to the application submitted by the Palestinians on 28 September 2018 to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) concerning the relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem. In this application, the Palestinian side has simply ignored numerous obvious problems associated with establishing the Court’s jurisdiction including, inter alia, the absence of treaty relations between the United States and the Palestinian entity under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and its Optional Protocol (upon which the Palestinian side seeks to found jurisdiction). This fact alone should give the Committee pause. First, because it demonstrates that the question of objections to treaty relations is of a fundamental character with broad implications. And, second, because it shows a familiar Palestinian strategy of dismissing jurisdictional requirements as irrelevant 2 this issue as mere “formalism”, as the Palestinian Comments would like the Committee to do, would not only be incorrect as a matter of law; it would also politicize the work of the Committee, undermine its status as an independent and impartial institution, and ultimately harm efforts to enhance compliance with the Convention. Israel’s principled position concerning the Committee’s lack of jurisdiction in the present circumstances, as carefully and extensively presented in its previous communications, is therefore far from an act of disrespecting CERD, as suggested by the Palestinian Comments. It demonstrates, rather, that Israel takes seriously the provisions of the Convention. Indeed, it is the Palestinian submission that demonstrates disrespect by insisting that CERD should apply Article 11 without a serious and substantiated consideration of its mandate and powers.5 As made clear in the previous communication of the Permanent Mission, dated 3 August 2018, the terms of the Convention are unambiguous that recourse to the Article 11 mechanism is predicated on recognition and the existence of treaty relations
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Changing Forms of Incitement to Terror and Violence
    THE CHANGING FORMS OF INCITEMENT TO TERROR AND VIOLENCE: TERROR AND TO THE CHANGING FORMS OF INCITEMENT The most neglected yet critical component of international terror is the element of incitement. Incitement is the medium through which the ideology of terror actually materializes into the act of terror itself. But if indeed incitement is so obviously and clearly a central component of terrorism, the question remains: why does the international community in general, and international law in particular, not posit a crime of incitement to terror? Is there no clear dividing line between incitement to terror and the fundamental right to freedom of speech? With such questions in mind, the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung held an international conference on incitement. This volume presents the insights of the experts who took part, along with a Draft International Convention to Combat Incitement to Terror and Violence that is intended for presentation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Need for a New International Response International a New for Need The THE CHANGING FORMS OF INCITEMENT TO TERROR AND VIOLENCE: The Need for a New International Response Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה )ע"ר( THE CHANGING FORMS OF INCITEMENT TO TERROR AND VIOLENCE: The Need for a New International Response Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה )ע"ר( This volume is based on a conference on “Incitement to Terror and Violence: New Challenges, New Responses” under the auspices of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, held on November 8, 2011, at the David Citadel Hotel, Jerusalem.
    [Show full text]
  • Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second In
    Digital Commons at St. Mary's University Faculty Articles School of Law Faculty Scholarship 2014 Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second Intifada Jeffrey F. Addicott St. Mary's University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.stmarytx.edu/facarticles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jeffrey F. Addicott, Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second Intifada, 4 St. John’s J. Int’l & Comp. L. 71 (2014). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons at St. Mary's University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Articles by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons at St. Mary's University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. USING A CIVIL SUIT TO PUNISH/DETER SPONSORS OF TERRORISM: CONNECTING ARAFAT & THE PLO TO THE TERROR ATTACKS IN THE SECOND INTIFADA Dr. Jeffery Addicott* INTRODUCTION “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.”1 -Edmund Burke As the so-called “War on Terror” 2 continues, it is imperative that civilized nations employ every possible avenue under the rule of law to punish and deter those governments and States that choose to engage in or provide support to terrorism.3 *∗Professor of Law and Director, Center for Terrorism Law, St. Mary’s University School of Law.
    [Show full text]
  • Wye River Memorandum: a Transition to Final Peace Justus R
    Hastings International and Comparative Law Review Volume 24 Article 1 Number 1 Fall 2000 1-1-2000 Wye River Memorandum: A Transition to Final Peace Justus R. Weiner Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_international_comparative_law_review Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Justus R. Weiner, Wye River Memorandum: A Transition to Final Peace, 24 Hastings Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 1 (2000). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_comparative_law_review/vol24/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Wye River Memorandum: A Transition to Final Peace? BY JusTus R. WEINER* Table of Contents Introduction ...........................................................................................2 I. Inception of the Wye River Memorandum .................................5 A. The Memorandum's Position in the Peace Process ............. 5 B. The Terms Agreed Upon ........................................................8 1. The Wye River Memorandum and Related Letters from the United States .....................................................8 2. The Intricate "Time Line".............................................. 9
    [Show full text]
  • Hamas Attack on Israel Aims to Capitalize on Palestinian
    Selected articles concerning Israel, published weekly by Suburban Orthodox Toras Chaim’s (Baltimore) Israel Action Committee Edited by Jerry Appelbaum ( [email protected] ) | Founding editor: Sheldon J. Berman Z”L Issue 8 8 7 Volume 2 1 , Number 1 9 Parshias Bamidbar | 48th Day Omer May 1 5 , 2021 Hamas Attack on Israel Aims to Capitalize on Palestinian Frustration By Dov Lieber and Felicia Schwartz wsj.com May 12, 2021 It is not that the police caused the uptick in violence, forces by Monday evening from Shei kh Jarrah. The but they certainly ran headfirst, full - speed, guns forces were there as part of security measures surrounding blazing into the trap that was set for them. the nightly protests. When the secretive military chief of the Palestinian As the deadline passed, the group sent the barrage of Islamist movement Hamas emerged from the shadows last rockets toward Jerusalem, precipitating the Israeli week, he chose to weigh in on a land dispute in East response. Jerusalem, threatening to retaliate against Israel if Israeli strikes and Hamas rocket fire have k illed 56 Palestinian residents there were evicted from their homes. Palestinians, including 14 children, and seven Israelis, “If the aggression against our people…doesn’ t stop including one child, according to Palestinian and Israeli immediately,” warned the commander, Mohammad Deif, officials. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Israel “the enemy will pay an expensive price.” has killed dozens of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad Hamas followed through on the threat, firing from the operatives. Gaza Strip, which it governs, over a thousand rockets at Althou gh the Palestinian youth have lacked a single Israel since Monday evening.
    [Show full text]
  • The Palestinians: Background and U.S
    The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Jim Zanotti Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs August 17, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34074 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world— including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance within the Palestinian Authority (PA). Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development amid concern for preventing the funds from benefitting Palestinian rejectionists who advocate violence against Israelis. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society, which is divided between the Fatah-led PA in parts of the West Bank and Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization) in the Gaza Strip. Following Hamas’s takeover of Gaza in June 2007, the United States and the other members of the international Quartet (the European Union, the United Nations, and Russia) have sought to bolster the West Bank-based PA, led by President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad.
    [Show full text]
  • The Americas: Canada
    The Americas Canada National Affairs (Canada enjoyed a year of political stability and relative prosperity. The minority Conservative government, which gained power in 2006, survived in the four-party House of Commons largely because the other parties were unwilling to force another election. The economy grew, unemployment was lower than it had been in decades, and the dol- lar ascended with surprising rapidity, exceeding par with its American counterpart for the first time in 30 years. Political highlights included elec- tions in the two largest provinces, Ontario and Quebec, neither of them leading to a change of government. In preparation for the Quebec election in March, Montreal's Jews were concerned because of their strong aversion to the secessionist Parti Quebecois (PQ). While the governing Liberals had lost popularity since winning a majority in 2003, they were able to hang on to a narrow plu- rality in a National Assembly that was split among three parties, result- ing in the first minority government for the province in over a century. The fact that the PQ was relegated to third place provided a measure of satisfaction to the Jewish community. Although Lawrence Bergman and Russell Copeman, both Liberals, were reelected, Premier Jean Charest left Bergman out of his new cabinet, the first time in decades that a Liberal premier with Jews in his caucus had failed to include at least one. In No- vember, a delegation from the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC) met with Charest and expressed the community's dissatisfaction at the lack of Jew- ish cabinet representation. The biggest story of the election was the emer- gence of Action Democratique du Quebec (ADQ) as the second largest party, and thus the official opposition.
    [Show full text]
  • Are Taught to Hate
    Scheinberg: ‘They’ are taught to hate The following is the text of a radio broadcast by Prof. Stephen Scheinberg (a Montreal historian who is active with Canadian Friends of Peace Now) for a program called “Radio Shalom”: Recently a good friend posed a challenge to me. I suppose that my regular insistence that the government of Israel was thwarting any movement towards peace irritated him. His strategy was to cut to the basics, asking: “how can there be any real peace if the Palestinians continue to teach their children to hate Israel and its citizens?” In other words, let us suppose that Israel, with the best of good will, signed a peace treaty; could this overcome the hatred that “their” children are imbued with? It is not a question to be answered lightly and it demands an informed response. First, hatred is a serious problem, among both Israelis and Palestinians. A 2007 survey conducted by University of Haifa researchers revealed the extent of this malaise. 800 Israeli, Jewish high school students from 11 schools showed a deep contempt for Arabs. Seventy-five per cent said that Arabs were “uneducated” and the same number said they were “uncivilized”. Shockingly, 74 per cent responded that they were “unclean”. That constitutes clear, unadulterated racism. I had reacted negatively to the widely distributed video from journalist Max Blumenthal that showed the nasty racism of Israeli youth through select interviews in which they attacked not only Arabs but the skin color of President Obama. I believe you can find such louts in front of the clubs in any city of the world.
    [Show full text]
  • The Unexplored Option: Jewish Settlements in a Palestinian State
    Penn State International Law Review Volume 25 Article 4 Number 1 Penn State International Law Review 7-1-2006 The nexU plored Option: Jewish Settlements in a Palestinian State David Morris Philip Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr Recommended Citation Philip, David Morris (2006) "The nexU plored Option: Jewish Settlements in a Palestinian State," Penn State International Law Review: Vol. 25: No. 1, Article 4. Available at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr/vol25/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Penn State International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Unexplored Option: Jewish Settlements in a Palestinian State David Morris Phillips* I. Introduction The withdrawal of Israeli settlers and soldiers from the Gaza Strip in August and September 2005 inevitably focused both Israeli and world attention upon the fate of Jewish settlements on the West Bank.' World focus only intensified with formation of a new Israeli government led by the Kadima party and its head, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert,2 following Hamas' victory in the Palestinian National Authority elections.3 In accord with prior campaign pledges,4 0 lmert announced his intention to * Professor of Law, Northeastern University School of Law. This article was presented at faculty seminars at Touro Law School and Northeastern University School of Law. The author would like to thank Darleen Cantelo, Sholom Fine and Stacey Dippong, Northeastern University law students, and Sue Zago, Sharon Persons, and Alfreda Russell, Northeastern University law librarians, for their invaluable research assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Contrasting Martyrdom and the Politicization of Religion in the Al-Aqsa Intifada
    Contrasting Martyrdom and the Politicization of Religion in the al-Aqsa Intifada A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors By Sara Beth Wallace Miami University Oxford, Ohio May, 2003 Contrasting Martyrdom and the Politicization of Religion in the al-Aqsa Intifada by Sara Beth Wallace Approved by: __________________________, Advisor Dr. Adeed Dawisha __________________________, Reader Dr. Sheila Croucher __________________________, Reader Dr. Vaughn Shannon Accepted by: __________________________, Director University Honors Program ii Abstract The assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin sent shockwaves through the Jewish community worldwide. The seeming impossibility of a Jew killing another Jew, as Leah Rabin described, cemented a sobering truth about the peace process: that there were religious fundamentalists – on both sides – eager to derail it. This derailment has culminated in the al-Aqsa Intifada, the pre-meditated violent upsurge against the Israeli occupation to liberate Palestine, which has plagued the region and its peoples since September 2000. This paper identifies major tributaries (trends that strengthen and renew a cult of martyrdom) in Palestinian society. Specifically historical/religious tradition, indoctrination of children and the masses by the Palestinian Authority, economic disparity, reinforcement of violence based on popular support, and the nature of military occupation are explored. Special attention is also given to the role international media and other states play in preventing an organic development and solution of the conflict. When a Palestinian suicide bomber detonates him/herself, Israeli society interprets this as irrational and maniacal. However, the underlings of Palestinian martyrdom - its infusion of nationalist goals with religious tenets - distinguishes the Palestinian suicide bomber as a new political reality of the Intifada.
    [Show full text]
  • 18 March 2020 the PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before
    ICC-01/18-101-Corr 19-03-2020 1/31 NM PT 22 b Original: English No.: ICC-01/18 Date: 18 March 2020 THE PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Péter Kovacs, Presiding Judge Judge Marc Perrin de Brichambaut Judge Reine Adélaïde Sophie Alapini-Gansou “SITUATION IN THE STATE OF PALESTINE” PUBLIC Corrected version of PSE Situation: ICC-01/18-101 + Anxs 1 and 2 March 16, 2020 Observations on behalf of The Touro Institute on Human Rights and the Holocaust on “a ruling on the Court’s territorial jurisdiction in Palestine” Source: Amicus Curiae The Touro Institute on Human Rights and the Holocaust No. ICC-01/18 1/31 18 March 2020 ICC-01/18-101-Corr 19-03-2020 2/31 NM PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Ms Fatou Bensouda - Prosecutor Mr James Stewart Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants The Office of Public Counsel for Victims The Office of Public Counsel for the Defence States’ Representatives Applicant to participate as Amicus Curiae Professor Anne Bayefsky REGISTRY Victims Participation and Reparations Registrar Section Mr. Peter Lewis Philipp Ambach Victims and Witnesses Unit Other Mr. Nigel Verrill No. ICC-01/18 2/31 18 March 2020 ICC-01/18-101-Corr 19-03-2020 3/31 NM PT In accordance with the leave granted by paragraph (c) of the Court’s Order of February 20, 2020, the following observations pertain to the question of jurisdiction set forth in paragraph 220 of the Prosecutor’s Request pursuant to article 19(3) of the Rome Statute filed on January 22, 2020 (“the Prosecutor’s Request” or “the Request”).
    [Show full text]
  • Radical Solution to Radical Extremism
    Radical Solution to Radical Extremism May 23, 2004 By Robbie Friedmann The corrupt criminal murderer who still passes for a world leader - elevated to a Nobel Peace Prize winner - realizes full well the world still does not get it. He wants to destroy Israel, and the world (and Israel) is letting him get away with it ("Arafat: 'No One in This World Has the Right to Concede the Refugees' Right to Return to Their Homeland; The Palestinian Heroes Will Fight for This Right,'" MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 717, 19 May 2004). So much for the Geneva Accord, which his Israeli counterparts hailed as a major achievement since the Palestinians have "given up their 'right of return.'" He continues to guide hate sermons from mosques ("PA Politicians Direct Mosque Hate Sermons," Itamar Marcus, Palestinian Media Watch Bulletin, 16 May 2004) and summons the Palestinian masses to battle. After all, what is a million more or less of his people for him ("PA called Women, Children and Elderly to Wednesday's Battle," Itamar Marcus and Barbara Crook, Palestinian Media Watch Bulletin, 20 May 2004)? And the price he pays for this? After almost four years of terror (not counting the 36 years of terror he initiated beforehand), thousands of Israeli casualties and many American ones as well, he and the Palestinians have "lost the sympathy" of some in the Israeli Left ("The Death of Sympathy," Larry Derfner, Jerusalem Post, 16 May 2004). Now he must be really scared. As if sympathy is what he has been after. And from the Israeli Left.
    [Show full text]
  • The Palestinian Shahid and the Development of the Model 21St Century Islamic Terrorist
    California State University, San Bernardino CSUSB ScholarWorks Theses Digitization Project John M. Pfau Library 2008 The Palestinian Shahid and the development of the model 21st century Islamic terrorist Benjamin Timothy Acosta Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project Part of the Terrorism Studies Commons Recommended Citation Acosta, Benjamin Timothy, "The Palestinian Shahid and the development of the model 21st century Islamic terrorist" (2008). Theses Digitization Project. 3367. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3367 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the John M. Pfau Library at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses Digitization Project by an authorized administrator of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE PALESTINIAN SHAHID AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF 'THE MODEL 2.1st CENTURY ISLAMIC' TERRORIST A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in National Security Studies by Benjamin Timothy Acosta June 2008 THE PALESTINIAN SHAHID AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MODEL 21st CENTURY ISLAMIC TERRORIST A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino by Benjamin Timothy Acosta June 2008 Approved by: Date © 2008 Benjamin T. Acosta ABSTRACT Since the early 1990s, Palestinian organizations have drawn from many sources and incrementally refined the process of suicide terrorism. By making the modus operandi socially acceptable and even fashionable, Palestinian organizations have normalized the deployment of suicide­ homicide bombers. These organizations have optimized the progress individuals take from reasoning and justifying to rationalizing and actually committing suicide terrorism.
    [Show full text]