COLIN WARD's SOCIOLOGICAL ANARCHY Colin Ward May
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The Empire Exhibition of 1938: the Last Durbar, Edinburgh, 1988
A COLLECTION OF WORDS IBROX WRITERS GROUP AT HOUSE FOR AN ART LOVER Exhibition open daily 14/04/17-26/4/17, 10am-4pm This exhibition marks the end of a project between the Ibrox Writers Group and House for an Art Lover which has taken place as part of our Heritage Programme. This project has taken place between January - April 2017. The writers responded to the content of the Heritage Centre which is in the former stables and dovecot buildings of Ibroxhill House and now situated at ART PARK House for an Art Lover. The Heritage Centre facility showcases the history of the local area including the 1938 Empire Exhibition, shipbuilding and much more. Each writer has responded to the content of the Heritage Centre in their own way. They were inspired through group meetings, talks and personal research. The exhibition showcases a selection of works created during the project to read and listen to and includes a publication of works. In addition to this exhibition you can join the writers for a coffee morning and readings at Ibrox Library on Friday 28/04/17, 10:30am-12pm. Grant aided by Glasgow City Heritage Trust. IBROX WRITERS Ibrox Writers Group are a creative writing group who meet on Fridays, 10am - 12pm at Ibrox Library. They write, read, support and advise, drink tea and visit inspiring places. Open to all abilities, they are always happy to welcome new members. If you are interested in joining, send a letter including your contact details to: FAO Ibrox Writers Group, Ibrox Library, 1 Midlock Street, Glasgow, G51 1SL Search Ibrox Writers to follow them on Facebook. -
What Is There in Anarchy for Woman?
Interview in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch Sunday Magazine, October 24, 1897 What Is There in Anarchy for Woman? By Emma Goldman. "What does anarchy hold out to me--a woman?" "More to woman than to anyone else--everything which she has not--freedom and equality." Quickly, earnestly Emma Goldman, the priestess of anarchy, exiled from Russia, feared by police, and now a guest of St. Louis Anarchists,1 gave this answer to my question. I found her at No. 1722 Oregon avenue, an old-style two-story brick house, the home of a sympathizer2-- not a relative as has been stated. I was received by a good-natured, portly German woman, and taken back to a typical German dining- room--everything clean and neat as soap and water could make them. After carefully dusting a chair for me with her apron, she took my name back to the bold little free-thinker. I was welcome. I found Emma Goldman sipper her coffee and partaking of bread and jelly, as her morning's repast. She was neatly clad in a percale shirt waist and skirt, with white collar and cuffs, her feet encased in a loose pair of cloth slippers. She doesn't look like a Russian Nihilist who will be sent to Siberia if she ever crosses the frontier of her native land. "Do you believe in marriage?" I asked. "I do not," answered the fair little Anarchist, as promptly as before. "I believe that when two people love each other that no judge, minister, or court, or body of people, have anything to do with it. -
Anarchy Alive! Anti-Authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory
Anarchy Alive! Anti-authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory URI GORDON Pluto P Press LONDON • ANN ARBOR, MI GGordonordon 0000 pprere iiiiii 225/9/075/9/07 113:04:293:04:29 First published 2008 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA and 839 Greene Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Uri Gordon 2008 The right of Uri Gordon to be identifi ed as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Hardback ISBN-13 978 0 7453 2684 9 ISBN-10 0 7453 2684 6 Paperback ISBN-13 978 0 7453 2683 2 ISBN-10 0 7453 2683 8 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied for This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Designed and produced for Pluto Press by Chase Publishing Services Ltd, Fortescue, Sidmouth, EX10 9QG, England Typeset from disk by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Printed and bound in the European Union by CPI Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham and Eastbourne, England GGordonordon 0000 pprere iivv 225/9/075/9/07 113:04:293:04:29 Contents Acknowledgements vi Introduction 1 1 What Moves the Movement? Anarchism as a Political Culture 11 2 Anarchism Reloaded Network Convergence and Political Content 28 3 Power and Anarchy In/equality + In/visibility in Autonomous Politics 47 4 Peace, Love and Petrol Bombs Anarchism and Violence Revisited 78 5 Luddites, Hackers and Gardeners Anarchism and the Politics of Technology 109 6 HomeLand Anarchy and Joint Struggle in Palestine/Israel 139 7 Conclusion 163 Bibliography 165 Index 180 GGordonordon 0000 pprere v 225/9/075/9/07 113:04:293:04:29 Acknowledgements This book began its unlikely life as my doctoral project at Oxford University. -
What's Behind This?
'It lies in our power alone• Only the victims of in In this Issue ; justice can abolish injustice• Only the oppressed can end The Kinsey Report - - p. 2 oppression. Only those who have been under shell-fire The American Way - p .4 can bring the shell factories Negroes in Britain - - p. 6 to a standstill• Why should those who profit by torture Politics and Hanging- p. 8 want to bring it to an end?** ANARCHIST FORTNIGHTLY ARNOLD ZWEIG. Vol. 9 No. 9 May 1st, 1948 Threepence THE MAT-DAY SPIRIT Working Class Unity, Freedom & Solidarity AY DAY is traditionally Labour’s Day. But, like many other traditions, the idea it enshrines M are to-day very different from those which originally inspired it. Sixty years ago, the advanced sections of the revolutionary labour movement in America, and especially the Chicago anarchists, conceived the idea of an international demonstration to take place on every succeeding May 1st. The workers in every country on that day were to down tools and make a demonstration of the unity and solidarity of their class. It was to be, in effect, a one day general strike on an international scale. The revolutionary workers at the end of the last century, of course, did not look upon such a demonstration as becoming in any way a tradition; they regarded it as a step which, if effectively carried out, would complete the revolutionary education of the workers and provide such a demon stration of working-class strength as would convince the timorous that by acting in solidarity the workers could bring to an end the era of capitalism and privilege and usher in instead the era of equality and justice— the social revolution. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN INTERVENTIONS in DEMOCRATIC THEORY by BRIAN CARL BERNHARDT B.A., James Madison University, 2005 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2010
BEYOND THE DEMOCRATIC STATE: ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN INTERVENTIONS IN DEMOCRATIC THEORY by BRIAN CARL BERNHARDT B.A., James Madison University, 2005 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2010 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science 2014 This thesis entitled: Beyond the Democratic State: Anti-Authoritarian Interventions in Democratic Theory written by Brian Carl Bernhardt has been approved for the Department of Political Science Steven Vanderheiden, Chair Michaele Ferguson David Mapel James Martel Alison Jaggar Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. Bernhardt, Brian Carl (Ph.D., Political Science) Beyond the Democratic State: Anti-Authoritarian Interventions in Democratic Theory Thesis directed by Associate Professor Steven Vanderheiden Though democracy has achieved widespread global popularity, its meaning has become increasingly vacuous and citizen confidence in democratic governments continues to erode. I respond to this tension by articulating a vision of democracy inspired by anti-authoritarian theory and social movement practice. By anti-authoritarian, I mean a commitment to individual liberty, a skepticism toward centralized power, and a belief in the capacity of self-organization. This dissertation fosters a conversation between an anti-authoritarian perspective and democratic theory: What would an account of democracy that begins from these three commitments look like? In the first two chapters, I develop an anti-authoritarian account of freedom and power. -
Libertarianism Karl Widerquist, Georgetown University-Qatar
Georgetown University From the SelectedWorks of Karl Widerquist 2008 Libertarianism Karl Widerquist, Georgetown University-Qatar Available at: https://works.bepress.com/widerquist/8/ Libertarianism distinct ideologies using the same label. Yet, they have a few commonalities. [233] [V1b-Edit] [Karl Widerquist] [] [w6728] Libertarian socialism: Libertarian socialists The word “libertarian” in the sense of the believe that all authority (government or combination of the word “liberty” and the private, dictatorial or democratic) is suffix “-ian” literally means “of or about inherently dangerous and possibly tyrannical. freedom.” It is an antonym of “authoritarian,” Some endorse the motto: where there is and the simplest dictionary definition is one authority, there is no freedom. who advocates liberty (Simpson and Weiner Libertarian socialism is also known as 1989). But the name “libertarianism” has “anarchism,” “libertarian communism,” and been adopted by several very different “anarchist communism,” It has a variety of political movements. Property rights offshoots including “anarcho-syndicalism,” advocates have popularized the association of which stresses worker control of enterprises the term with their ideology in the United and was very influential in Latin American States and to a lesser extent in other English- and in Spain in the 1930s (Rocker 1989 speaking countries. But they only began [1938]; Woodcock 1962); “feminist using the term in 1955 (Russell 1955). Before anarchism,” which stresses person freedoms that, and in most of the rest of the world (Brown 1993); and “eco-anarchism” today, the term has been associated almost (Bookchin 1997), which stresses community exclusively with leftists groups advocating control of the local economy and gives egalitarian property rights or even the libertarian socialism connection with Green abolition of private property, such as and environmental movements. -
Workplace Democracy: from a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back
The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 19(1), 2013, article 3. La Revue de l’innovation : La Revue de l’innovation dans le secteur public, 19(1), 2013, article 3. ___________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Workplace Democracy From a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back Markus Pausch Head of the Centre for Futures Studies University of Applied Sciences, Salzburg, Austria Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Paris Lodron University, Salzburg, Austria 1 The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 19(1), 2013, article 3. La Revue de l’innovation : La Revue de l’innovation dans le secteur public, 19(1), 2013, article 3. ___________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Workplace Democracy: From a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back Markus Pausch ABSTRACT In different political theories, democracy is not reduced to state institutions, but includes the democratization of the whole society, its organizations and enterprises. This idea goes back to the beginnings of modern democratic theory and to Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Social Contract. It was adopted by different socialist thinkers, later on by trade unions and, in the 1960s and 70s, by political scientists such as Carole Pateman and other promoters of participatory democracy. According to this tradition, workplace democracy is considered to be necessary for the realization of democratic ideals like individual autonomy, freedom, voice and participation in all relevant questions influencing citizens’ lives. Parts of this normative idea were realized by trade union movements and laws, especially in Western European countries. Nevertheless, workplace democracy in the sense of the above-mentioned theories remained far from becoming reality. -
Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added). -
The Regional Cosmopolitanism of George Woodcock
Transoceanic Canada: The Regional Cosmopolitanism of George Woodcock by Matthew Hiebert B.A., The University of Winnipeg, 1997 M.A., The University of Amsterdam, 2002 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (English) The University Of British Columbia (Vancouver) August 2013 c Matthew Hiebert, 2013 ABSTRACT Through a critical examination of his oeuvre in relation to his transoceanic geographical and intellectual mobility, this dissertation argues that George Woodcock (1912-1995) articulates and applies a normative and methodological approach I term “regional cosmopolitanism.” I trace the development of this philosophy from its germination in London’s thirties and forties, when Woodcock drifted from the poetics of the “Auden generation” towards the anti-imperialism of Mahatma Gandhi and the anarchist aesthetic modernism of Sir Herbert Read. I show how these connected influences—and those also of Mulk Raj Anand, Marie-Louise Berneri, Prince Peter Kropotkin, George Orwell, and French Surrealism—affected Woodcock’s critical engagements via print and radio with the Canadian cultural landscape of the Cold War and its concurrent countercultural long sixties. Woodcock’s dynamic and dialectical understanding of the relationship between literature and society produced a key intervention in the development of Canadian literature and its critical study leading up to the establishment of the Canada Council and the groundbreaking journal Canadian Literature. Through his research and travels in India—where he established relations with the exiled Dalai Lama and major figures of an independent English Indian literature—Woodcock relinquished the universalism of his modernist heritage in practising, as I show, a postcolonial and postmodern situated critical cosmopolitanism that advocates globally relevant regional culture as the interplay of various traditions shaped by specific geographies. -
The Rise of Ethical Anarchism in Britain, 1885-1900
1 e[/]pater 2 sie[\]cle THE RISE OF ETHICAL ANARCHISM IN BRITAIN 1885-1900 By Mark Bevir Department of Politics Newcastle University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU U.K. ABSTRACT In the nineteenth century, anarchists were strict individualists favouring clandestine organisation and violent revolution: in the twentieth century, they have been romantic communalists favouring moral experiments and sexual liberation. This essay examines the growth of this ethical anarchism in Britain in the late nineteenth century, as exemplified by the Freedom Group and the Tolstoyans. These anarchists adopted the moral and even religious concerns of groups such as the Fellowship of the New Life. Their anarchist theory resembled the beliefs of counter-cultural groups such as the aesthetes more closely than it did earlier forms of anarchism. And this theory led them into the movements for sex reform and communal living. 1 THE RISE OF ETHICAL ANARCHISM IN BRITAIN 1885-1900 Art for art's sake had come to its logical conclusion in decadence . More recent devotees have adopted the expressive phase: art for life's sake. It is probable that the decadents meant much the same thing, but they saw life as intensive and individual, whereas the later view is universal in scope. It roams extensively over humanity, realising the collective soul. [Holbrook Jackson, The Eighteen Nineties (London: G. Richards, 1913), p. 196] To the Victorians, anarchism was an individualist doctrine found in clandestine organisations of violent revolutionaries. By the outbreak of the First World War, another very different type of anarchism was becoming equally well recognised. The new anarchists still opposed the very idea of the state, but they were communalists not individualists, and they sought to realise their ideal peacefully through personal example and moral education, not violently through acts of terror and a general uprising. -
Charlotte Wilson, the ''Woman Question'', and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism
IRSH, Page 1 of 34. doi:10.1017/S0020859011000757 r 2011 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Charlotte Wilson, the ‘‘Woman Question’’, and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism S USAN H INELY Department of History, State University of New York at Stony Brook E-mail: [email protected] SUMMARY: Recent literature on radical movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has re-cast this period as a key stage of contemporary globali- zation, one in which ideological formulations and radical alliances were fluid and did not fall neatly into the categories traditionally assigned by political history. The following analysis of Charlotte Wilson’s anarchist political ideas and activism in late Victorian Britain is an intervention in this new historiography that both supports the thesis of global ideological heterogeneity and supplements it by revealing the challenge to sexual hierarchy that coursed through many of these radical cross- currents. The unexpected alliances Wilson formed in pursuit of her understanding of anarchist socialism underscore the protean nature of radical politics but also show an over-arching consensus that united these disparate groups, a common vision of the socialist future in which the fundamental but oppositional values of self and society would merge. This consensus arguably allowed Wilson’s gendered definition of anarchism to adapt to new terms as she and other socialist women pursued their radical vision as activists in the pre-war women’s movement. INTRODUCTION London in the last decades of the nineteenth century was a global crossroads and political haven for a large number of radical activists and theorists, many of whom were identified with the anarchist school of socialist thought.