Geographical Review of Japan Vol. 78, No. 5, 247-264, 2005

The Origins of Commutation in Japan

MIKI Masafumi Faculty of Letters, Nara University, Nara 631-3502, Japan

Abstract: This study attempts to clarify the formation of commutation by focusing on transportation, labor, and education in modern Japan. "Commutation" in this study refers to the everyday habit of commuting by public transportation between a home and a workplace in separate areas. Since previous studies analyzed commutation quantitatively on the basis of National Census Reports, they failed to show the prototype and formation of commutation in geography and its cognate disciplines. Some historical studies on metropolitan areas point out that an important factor in the formation of commutation was the growth of residential suburbs, but they do not clarify the causal relationships between the development of commu tation and the growth of residential suburbs in modern Japan. The present study therefore clarifies the prototype and formation of commutation from a social historical viewpoint. It shows that increasing commutation by workers and students between urban and suburban areas after the 1920s was closely related to the development of railways, an increase in "white -collarp' workers, and an increase in graduates from higher schools. In particular, commutation by workers and by students accounted for the popularization of commutation, and the two were closely related and created a regenerative structure.

Key words: commutation, regenerative structure, transportation, labor, education, modern Japan

its which were introduced between the late feu Introduction dal age and the First world war. Commutation has been established as a social habit that is typical of Japanese urban society. Urban studies and commutation Most residents in metropolitan areas are in the The aim of this paper is to analyze the forma habit of commuting every day mainly by public tion of commutation by clarifying some transportation. In this paper, the author refers changes from pre-modern (kandai) to post to the habit of everyday commuting by public modern (gendai) Japanese urban society. Since transportation between a home and a work most studies in Japanese historical geography place in two separate areas as "commutation." have generally followed the traditional political Workers commuting daily between their homes division of periods from antiquity to post in the suburbs and a workplace in a town or modernity, it has been vaguely considered that city have played a major role in commutation, the division between the feudal and pre-modern which began to increase around the time of the was the Meiji Restoration (1868) and that be First world war. tween the pre-modern and post modern was the Typical business trips between urban and ru Second world war. Some studies on society ral areas developed from the barter of human and culture do not however apply these divi waste for vegetables from the late feudal into sions, and Okado (2000) argues that the oppor the pre-modern age (watanabe 1991). Mer tunity for change in Japanese society from the chants in Osaka and its environs made many pre-modern to the post-modern took place not business or sales trips in the late feudal age so much during the Second world war as dur (Nakanishi 2000: 237-246), which were the pro ing the First world war. Such studies propose totypes of commutation trips from then on that Japanese social habits from the feudal age wards. The author considers that business and had intermingled with the western social hab sales trips from the feudal age intermingled

247 2 MIKI M. with commutation trips in the Meiji era (1868 poral awareness between the feudal and pre -1912) and that commutation increased from the modern ages by whether they had Western time of the First World War. It is important to clocks. note that the opportunity for changes in com There are few references to the relationship mutation between the pre-modern and post between commutation and railways, factories, modern periods took place during the First, and schools in temporal awareness in these rather than the Second, World War. studies. Upon reconsidering the matter, social Many studies on commutation by workers habits and the three factors of transportation, have two points of relevance. First, traffic flows labor, and educational institutions are very im by commutation have been analyzed in geo portant elements in analyzing the formation of graphical studies as an important index to commutation. This paper therefore reviews measure the level of urbanization (Narita 1995: some studies on the above-mentioned three fac 265-336; Ishikawa 1999). Data obtained by the tors to serve as a framework for analyzing com National Census Reports were utilized in these mutation. geographical studies, which discuss the rela First, there are few historical studies on tionship between the core and the periphery in transportation related to commutation except metropolitan areas. Although studies on com for Nakanishi (1963: 297-302) and Ohba (1990), mutation by workers have been mostly con whose studies dealt with the relationship be ducted as indexes of urban studies, few have tween the construction of metropolitan rail clarified the origin and formation of commuta ways and the formation of commutation by tion in geography and its cognate disciplines. workers in the 1920s. Nakanishi (1963: 297 However, the author considers that their origin - 302) explained that commutation by private and formation are very important factors for electric railways was mainly done by the mid considering the construction of urban transpor dle classes, while Ohba (1990) pointed out that tation systems. the means for commutation were divided into Second, the development of residential areas tramways and suburban electric railways in the suburbs from the 1910s has been consid which were respectively intended for laborers ered an important cause of the formation and and office workers. In this context it is neces quantitative growth in commuter traffic. sary to analyze the relationship between the Katagi et al. (2000) explain that private railway forms of transportation and the working condi companies actively developed residential areas tions for each type of urban worker. in the suburbs, where mainly office workers, Second, historical studies about labor in re assistants at large-scale shops, and their fami gard to commutation include those about the lies resided. The author considers that the at labor-wage system which were started by Su tributes and working conditions of residents miya (1955) and those about personnel manage must also be clarified when studying commuta ment and industrial relations which began with tion. Hazama (1964). An important point made in these studies was the collapse of the traditional Social habits and commutation live-in work system after the introduction of The author considers that the social habits the wage-labor system. When studying the which contributed to the formation and quanti sociology of merchant families, Nakano (1964) tative growth in commuter traffic need to be paid some attention to the appearance of new clarified. Most social habits in present-day commuter family branches (tsuukin bekke). The Japan came from Europe after the opening of separation of home and workplace is considered ports to international trade in the late feudal to be an important element in the formation of age and were mainly popularized in Japan commutation. through the military, schools, and railways (Na There have been few studies on commutation rusawa 1997: 1-94). Hashimoto and Kuriyama by students and the movement of business. Be (2001) demonstrated that railways, factories, cause most historical studies on education ex and schools symbolized the differences in tem amined educational systems, there are few

248 The Origins of Commutation in Japan 3 about commutation by students between their tries, businesses, and transportation systems homes and schools. Geographical studies have were highly developed. In addition, many re paid some attention to school districts in terms search materials could be obtained easily be of considering small regional units,1 and re cause the city of Osaka has investigated social cently Ukita (1998) analyzed historical loca habits and published extensive reports. tions of schools. In this paper, the author mainly analyzes the Transportation: Railways and the city and suburbs of Osaka after considering the Formation of Commutation changes in social habits throughout Japan. The analysis was conducted by using the frame Railway fares and commutation work of the above-mentioned three factors, and Osaka and its suburbs were chosen because Because the Tokugawa shogunate had pro they form a representative region where indus hibited transportation by vehicles, commuta-

Table 1. Events related to commutation via JGR all over Japan and private railways in Osaka City and its environs

Sources: Nihon Kokuyuu Tetsudou (1969), Kobayashi (1938), Satake (1952), Hanamoto (1943), Japan Business History Insti tute (1985), Keihan Electric Railway Company (1960), Saeki (1940).

249 4 MIKI M.

Table 2. Records of the Joujoukitte in the Koubushou Kiroku

Source: Nihon Kokuyuu Tetsudou (1980). tion for more than ten kilometers rarely existed adopted a three-class system, charged half-fares during the Edo period. This began to change for children from the beginning, and had only with the introduction of the railways, the most one-way tickets at first. Another nationally common means of transportation for commuta owned railway line which opened between tion since the pre-modern age, and the distance Osaka and in May 1874 adopted a fare of commutation increased with the develop scale based on distance (Nikon Kokuyuu Tetsu ment of the railways. dou 1969; 416-418). The first railway line in Japan opened be Commuter passes have been considered to be tween Shimbashi in Tokyo and Yokohama in very important factors in the relationship be October 1872 and was nationally owned and tween railways and commutation, but it was in operated. It transported only passengers, fiscal year 1912 that statistics for the number of

250 The Origins of Commutation in Japan 5 commuter passes issued first appeared in the the increased use of railways, particularly by "Japanese Government Railway (JGR) Statisti third-class passengers. That commuter passes cal Reports." Although a reliable quantitative for students were issued before those for ordi analysis of commutation is therefore possible nary third-class passengers indicates that com only from then on, the following paragraphs mutatio by students was well ahead of that by shed some light on the beginning of commuta workers. The Shizuoka Prefectural Assembly tion in Japan by commenting on changes in the proposed to apply the fare system of the third railway fare systems during the Meiji era. class commuter passes for students to local Various factors related to the appearance of areas,2 a fact which showed that railway com commutation are summarized in Table 1. Al mutation by students had become popular not though the use of railways was important for only in metropolitan areas but also elsewhere commutation, few documents about it exist. It around 1900. was decided that the starting points for the In 1921, the ratio of passengers using JGR railways between Shimbashi and Yokohama with commuter passes to those without was and between Osaka and Kobe would be adja about 30% to 70%. In 1931, passengers with a cent to the foreign settlements and that their commuter pass outnumbered those without terminals were to be adjacent to the ports passes for the first time, and since then passen opened to international trade (Miki 2003: 52- gers with a commuter pass have continued to 53). JGR planned to sell commuter passes be in the majority until the present (Kindai (joujoukitte) for first-class passengers in June Nihon Yusoushi Kenkyuukai 1979: 437). 1573 and another type of commuter pass (kigen- Suburban electric railways and commutation kitte) for first- and second-class passengers in in the city and suburbs of Osaka July 1574, but it ended up not selling them. By 1595, though, JGR had decided to sell them to Around 1900 private railways in the city of third-class passengers (see Table 1). Osaka and its suburbs provided commuter Commutation in those days was not con passes and coupon tickets, which serves as evi ducted by ordinary Japanese. Because even the dence of increased commutation (see Table 1). third-class fare between Shimbashi and Yoko Private electric railways were opened one after hama was very high, corresponding to the another from 1905 to 1914: the Hanshin Elec wholesale price of approximately 15kilograms tric Railway (hereafter Hanshin), Keihan Elec of rice (Oikawa 1996: 15), railways were not tric Railway (Keihan), Minoo Arima Electric favored by ordinary Japanese as a means of Tramway (Hankyu; the Hankyu Takarazuka transportation for daily use. The author is line at present), and Osaka Electric Tramway inclined to think that the main users of the (Daiki; the Kintetsu at present). Japanese railways at the time were foreigners Steam railways which included the Nankai who were employed by the Japanese govern Railway (Nankai), Osaka Koya Railway (the ment (oyatoi gaikokujin) (Table 2). It is reason Nankai Koya line at present), and Kanan Rail able to assume that they frequently commuted way (the Kintetsu Minami-Osaka line at pre by train between the foreign settlements and sent) were electrified between 1903 and 1923. opened ports. These railways are included under the gen It was in March 1595 that JGR started to sell eral classification of suburban electric railway commuter passes only to students for third in this paper. Although these suburban electric class travel in Tokyo, Yokohama, Kyoto, Osaka, railway companies began to develop residential and Kobe. JGR began selling coupon tickets in areas along their railway lines, a time lag of ten November 1900, while a system of commuter years existed between the opening of a railway passes for students was established in June and the development of its residential areas, a 1901 and the system of ordinary commuter factor which the author regards as important passes for every class was established in Febru when analyzing the changes in commutation. ary 1903 (see Table 1). This paper examines all the lines because it Changes in the railway fare system reflected analyzes the relationships between railway

251 6 MIKI M.

Figure 1. The number of commuter passes bought by workers and students, and the attributes of people who bought them on suburban electric railways. Source: Oosaka Shiyakusho Shoukouka (1917: 271, 1924: 15-19). Government officials included public servants and teachers, and others included farmers and people who were engaged in activities not listed. Annual reports were released each March, and the sum was based on the number of passes in common use. Hankyu was known as Minou Arima Electric Tramway in 1914 and Hanshin Kyukou Electric Railway in 1924. Daiki was known as Osaka Electric Tramway in both years.

users and the location of the lines. In 1914, the (Figure 1), we can see that there were a large number of passengers boarding suburban elec number of bank clerks, government officials, tric railways at intra-urban stations was for the merchants, and students using every railway. most part higher on the Nankai and Daiki lines Although the ratio of merchants using Hanshin than on the Hanshin, Hankyu, and Keihan lines in 1914 was higher than the ratio of merchants (Oosaka Shiyakusho Shoukouka 1917: 269). using all the others, the ratios had become Hanshin, however, was selling more commuter equalized by 1924. The figures for passengers passes than Nankai in June 1916 (Oosaka Shi using ordinary commuter passes per day were yakusho Shoukouka 1917: 271). The records 77% for Hanshin, 40.5% for Keihan, 16.5% for show that there were quantitative differences Hankyu, and 16.4% for Nankai (Oosaka Shiya between normal fare ticket users and commuter kusho Shoukouka 1917: 274).3 The percentages pass users on suburban electric railways in the for interurban lines such as Hanshin and Kei early days. Although Nankai increased its sales han were higher than those for such lines as of commuter passes in 1924 (Oosaka Shiyaku Hankyu which connected urban and suburban sho Shoukouka 1924: 15-16), the difference be areas. The percentage of ordinary commuter tween normal fare ticket users and commuter pass users on the Hanshin line was very high. pass users became small. Although many passengers on the Keihan Examining the types of commuter pass users and Nankai lines generally lived within eight

252 The Origins of Commutation in Japan 7

Figure 2. The percentages of commuter passes sold according to distance from the terminal of each suburban electric railway and JGR in Osaka. Source: Osaaka Shiyakusho Shoukouka (1917: 273, 1924: 25-27). Hankyu was known as Minou Arima Electric Tramway in 1914 and Hanshin Kyukou Electric Railway in 1924. Daiki was known as Osaka Electric Tramway in both years. The data for JGR in 1914 is unknown.

Figure 3. The number of passengers through ticket gates in the and Kobe terminals of per hour. Source: Tetsudoushou (1921). This investigation was done on May 10, 1921. Umeda terminal is in Osaka, and the Kobe terminal is today's Station. kilometers of the terminus in Osaka City in ing long distances on the Hanshin line fell dra both 1914 and 1924, the percentage of passen matically in 1924, hence this paper focuses on gers living at longer distances was high for the peculiarities of the Hanshin line to clarify Hanshin, Hankyu, and Daiki (except for 1924) their relationship with commutation. (Figure 2). The percentage of passengers travel There are two notable features of commuta-

253 8 MIKI M. tion on the Hanshin line. First, in 1914 about two others were the establishment of time man 30% of the passengers traveling with com agement at work and the creation of commuta muter passes rode trains for 25 to 30kilometers tion allowances. (see Figure 2), the approximate distances from When the Meiji government intended to re Mikage (in Hyogo Prefecture) and Kobe to vise apprenticeships and to introduce the wage Osaka, so it appears that many passengers com labor system in order to raise productivity muted between Osaka and Kobe. Second, tak quickly, it promoted a change from live-in ing May 10, 1921 as an example, the times workers to commuter workers (Sumiya 1955: when a lot of passengers passed through ticket 33-47). Because it was not easy to provide gates were 10 to 11 and 13 to 14 o'clock in the systematic education to workers in modern fac Umeda terminal in Osaka, and 13 to 14 o'clock tories even in schools for them, traditional in the Kobe terminal, time slots that were out workmen such as carpenters, founders, and ap side the morning and evening rush hours (Fig prentices still existed in many industries in the ure 3). This shows that, aside from workers and late 1880s (Hyoudo 1971: 69). In the 1910s students, many passengers commuted between apprentices remained with such traditional the two cities, and given that the percentage of merchants as those selling potions and drugs. merchants who made use of Hanshin was high, However, comparatively large-scale merchants it appears that merchants used these time slots such as those in forwarding, insurance, depart for business or sales trips. ment stores, larger-scale shops, and factories As commutation by workers and students switched to the wage-labor system with com increased in 1924, business or sales trips by mutation instead of the live-in work system, merchants became less remarkable, and the per and wholesalers of silk fabrics and hardware centage of passengers traveling a long distance arranged compromises between both types declined at the same time. In 1924, the distance (Maruyama and Imamura 1912: 61-69). The range of JGR, which was heavily used by com live-in work system did not decline easily in muter pass holders, was 25 to 32kilometers to small-scale factories and shops despite the at the west of Osaka (see Figure 2). Many passen tempts to change the labor system during the gers between Osaka and Kobe shifted from the Meiji era. slower Hanshin to the faster JGR, while those During the feudal age, merchants who lived who traveled comparatively short distances independent of the main branch of their fami stayed with Hanshin. lies created separate branches known as bekke. Those who were in the habit of commuting Labor: The Beginning of the Wage-Labor between their homes and the main branch of System and Commutation by Workers their families came to be known as commuter family branches (tsuukin bekke). For example, Urban workers comprised laborers in facto most new commuter branches of families who ries, merchants, and a few samurai who worked dealt with pharmaceuticals along Nijo Street in in factories managed by the Tokugawa shogu Kyoto lived in the same or neighboring districts nate and feudal clans (han) in the late feudal age as their main branch families, and they were (Hazama 1964: 24-30). Young people in the first able to commute over a long distance because two mentioned groups were generally live-in of the opening of tramways (Nakano 1964: 342- workers, and apprenticeships at factories or 343). Even though their residential and work with merchants were the traditional form of ing areas were separate, they were still within education, upon completion of which the ap the same city. prentices could become independent. Because Although the live-in work system decreased the home and the workplace were the same for for many merchants, the system remained in such workers, they did not need to commute. some cases. Among the 12,039,000 people in The decline of apprenticeships was an impor the city of Osaka in the 1910s were 70,000 to tant element in considering the relationship be 80,000 apprentices (Maruyama and Imamura tween traditional work and commutation, and 1912: 2), whose number decreased slowly. How-

254 The Origins of Commutation in Japan 9 ever, the apprenticeship system continued to a large mechanized factory, skilled male work exist among 1,039 (97.7%) of the 1,063 kimono ers in metalworking or a machine factory, and fabric dealers and 87 (23.6%) of the 368 phar day laborers and unskilled workers (Sumiya macies in Osaka in 1927-28 (Oosaka-shi 1955: 117-118). Except for the last category, Shakaibu Chousaka 1928a, b). The wage-labor the work conditions for these groups were con system with live-in work was adopted by 24 sidered by Inumaru (1998a, b). As each of the (2.3%) kimono fabric dealers and 198 (53,8%) first three types of worker had longer working pharmacies, while no kimono fabric dealers and hours of up to an extra half a day, it was neces 83 (225%) pharmacies adopted commutation sary for both work and residential areas to be (Oosaka-shi Shakaibu Chousaka 1928a, b). No located close each other within urban districts, shop assistants in kimono fabrics dealers and which made commutation not necessary. The about 20% of shop assistants in pharmacies day laborers and unskilled workers could not commuted between their homes and work afford to commute because their average in places (Oosaka-shi Shakaibu Chousaka 1928a, come was only 0.56yen per day in 1911 (Shuu b). It was difficult for shop assistants to sepa kan Asahi 1988: 173), about the average income rate working and residential areas, and neither of the poor. was it easy for the traditional merchants of The head of lower-income households usually Osaka to stay in the habit of commutation. worked as a factory hand and earned about 14 The time system used throughout the feudal to 15yen per month in Tokyo and about 11 to age in Japan was a "non-fixed" system: "day 12yen per month in Osaka (Naimushou Chi time" (from sunrise to sunset) and "night-time" houkyoku Shakaikyoku 1914: 38-39). Accord (from sunset to sunrise) were each divided into ing to an estimate of living costs for workmen six equal periods so that their lengths in the at machinery factories, their average monthly daytime differed from those at night and both income was 13yen in 1899. After subtracting changed with the seasons. The "fixed" western rent, food, and other household expenses from time system was first adopted in January 1873, their wages, only 0.3yen remained per month and time management gradually became popu (Tsuda 1972: 117), so it was not possible for lar with the wage-labor system which adopted them to buy even the cheapest monthly JGR this system of time. In the latter half of the commuter passes that sold for 1.2 yen (Shuukan 1880s punctual starting times began to be es Asahi 1988: 136). tablished by controlling tardiness (Suzuki 2001: Although the origins of providing allowances 99-107), but adopting the "fixed" western time for commutation are not well understood, it is system did not always allow workers to com known that in 1928 three large-scale factories mute between their homes and workplaces. - Oosaka Gasu-Seimi (Gas Chemical), Oosaka Most factories continued to use the labor hab Rikugun Ryoumatsu Shisho (Army Food Ware- its of the "non fixed" time system in the early house), and Tobata Imono (Casting) Kizugawa Meiji era. There were two types based on the works-provided commutation allowances in number of working hours, the urban worker Osaka prefecture (Oosaka-shi Shakaibu Chou who put in 8.5 to 9.5 hours a day and the rural saka 1929). Workers were not able to commute worker who labored for 11 to 16 hours a day. between their homes and workplaces before the Although most factories adopted the former 1910s because of working conditions and in type in urban areas in the early days, they comes, but shop assistants working under the increasingly opted for the latter to improve wage-labor system with commutation, manage management efficiencies (Suzuki 2001: 108- ment staffs at factories, and officials were able 111). As long working hours covering half the to commute between their homes and places of day increased, it became difficult to commute work because they were allowed to live in their between homes and workplaces. own home, worked under scheduled work-time Most workers in the wage-labor system could management systems, and received sufficient be put into four main categories: female work salaries. These office workers corresponded to ers in textile manufacturing, female workers in the clerical employees who were called "white-

255 10 MIKI M.

Table 3. Changes in the index of increasing use by office workers

Notes: The index 1.0 represents the total number of users in 1901. The number of workers at the Shibaura Seisakusho factory in 1914 is substituted by that for 1915. The number of workers at Mitsubishi Nagasaki Shipyard in 1901 is substituted by that for 1902, 1909 is substituted by 1910, and 1919 is substituted by 1918. The indexes for factory hands are for reference. Sources: Kawakami (1958; 21) and, for Shibaura Seisakusho and Mitsubishi Nagasaki Shipyard, Hazama (1964: 437). collar" workers in the United States.4 Their 29) because their schools needed to be within number increased significantly during the pe walking distance of the homes of elementary riod of 1901-19, as shown in Table 3 which also school students. Commutation by elementary shows that the increase in office workers was school students was therefore not important larger than that in factory hands for both and not included in the definition of commuta Shibaura Seisakusho's factory and the Mitsu tion. bishi Nagasaki Shipyard. The secondary education system mainly comprised middle schools for boys, and a proto Education: The Relationship between the type that operated for five years and was con Creation of Schools and Commutation nected with elementary education was estab by Students lished in April 1886 (the Middle School (for Boys) Command, Chuugakkourei). In February 1899 an amendment was proposed to the Mid The school system and commutation by stu dle School Command (Kaisei Chuugakkourei) dents that dealt with a Middle School for Girls Com It was only since 1872 when the Educational mand (Koutou Jogakkourei) and a Vocational System (Gakusei) was established that an School Command (Jitsugyou Gakkourei) (Yone authorized school system started all over Japan. da 1992: 2-5). There was however a time lag between the Although the number of middle schools for establishment and popularization of the system boys increased temporarily in the 1880s, their since remarkable increases in the number of number decreased in every prefecture due to pupils and students entering the schools took strict examinations by the Ministry of Educa place around the mid 1890s in the case of ele tion and the deflationary policy of Finance Min mentary education, the mid 1900s for second ister MATSUKATA Masayoshi around 1884. ary school education, and the mid 1920s for As the government permitted the construction higher education (Amano 1992: 122-124). of more than one middle school for boys per Elementary schools were established by district, city, town, or village, the number of towns and villages under the conditions of the schools as well as of students increased rapidly municipal system in 1889 (Hijikata 1994: 27- between the Sino-Japanese (1894-95) and the

256 The Origins of Commutation in Japan 11

Russo-Japanese Wars (1904-05). (Itou 1999: 48-91), students were obliged to Although there were a few middle schools for move to and lodge in these large cities to re boys per prefecture, a majority of them were ceive higher schooling. built in the prefectural capitals and second larg The origins of commutation by students in the est cities. Students were obliged to lodge in the city and suburbs of Osaka city where their school was or to commute by railway. The ratio of children beginning secon After secondary school education started in dary education was 4.3% in fiscal year 1895 1873, the Osaka prefectural government con and grew to 8.8% in fiscal year 1905 (Ministry structed a middle school for boys on Nakano of Education 1962: 39), but the difference in the shima in the Osaka municipal area in August ratios for boys and girls entering middle 1877. Many public and private middle schools schools was very large, respectively 5.100 and for boys that had been temporarily constructed 1.3% for 1895 and 12.4% and 4.2% for 1905. were unified as a prefectural middle school Between 1900 and 1910, banks and large fi around 1884. Before three middle schools for nancial groups adopted an employment system boys were built in 1895, there was only one that valued education (Amano 1992: 262). As such public middle school (Oosaka-fu Kyouiku heavy chemical industrialization promoted the Iinkai 1973: 469-477). growth of companies due to the prosperous The first middle school for boys in Osaka conditions during the First World War, demand eventually became Osaka Prefectural Kitano for graduates from higher education increased Boys' Middle School (Kitano Chuugakkou) after (Itou 1999: 125). The number of graduates from several name changes.5 Although the ratio of higher education increased rapidly during the registered students was nearly equal among 1920s, many of them becoming office workers those from the city of Osaka6 and those from (Amano 1989: 414-415). It is very important to other prefectures, the ratio of students from consider the connection between the increasing rural districts within Osaka prefecture was rela number of students in middle schools for boys tively small at Kitano Boys' Middle School in in the early 1900s and the increase in office 1885 (Figure 4). JGR had only opened a line workers in the 1920s. between Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe in those days, On the other hand, twenty four prefectures but Kitano Boys' Middle School did not have a did not have a national higher school in 1915. dormitory (Oosaka Furitsu Kitano Koutou As there was a high concentration of private gakkou Koushi Hensan Iinkai 1973: 259), which higher schools in Tokyo, Kyoto, and Osaka pre meant that many students who lived in rural fectures, from which many students graduated districts had to stay in private lodgings built

Figure 4. Changes in residence of the registered students at Kitano Boys' Middle School. Source: Oosaka Furitsu Kitano Koutougakkou Koushi Hensan Iinkai (1973: 200, 435).

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Figure 5. The relation between railway and tramway networks and locations of major schools. Source: Oosaka-fu (1903, 1913). A: Osaka City B: Rural districts C: Other prefectures a: Hanshin b: Hankyu c: Keihan x. Nankai y: Osaka Koya Railway z: Kanan Railway Schools are indicated by their original names from 1902, and they are not considered to have changed their names unless they moved. The names of private schools are underlined. Whether schools were included was mainly based on Nojima (1918). The lines of the Osaka municipal tramway are omitted. Tramways are appropriated to suburban electric railways as duplicate lines. Hankyu was known as Minou Arima Denki Kidou in 1912.

258 The Origins of Commutation in Japan 13

for students. About 80% of the new students at ience of transport systems (Yoneda 19920 135- Kitano Boys' Middle School were living in 141). Osaka prefecture in 1591 because other prefec Many boys who lived in rural districts went tures had built some middle schools for boys. It to middle schools near their homes, but they is reasonable to think that the number of stu along with students who lived in the city but dents who commuted between home and school attended schools in rural districts accounted for increased as private railways opened between only a small percentage of middle school stu Osaka and Sakai or Kashiwara in the rural dis dents. They pioneered commuting between tricts (Figure 5). home and school due to the increase of both The number of applicants for admission to middle schools for boys and private railways middle schools for boys doubled as more after the Sino-Japanese War. schools were built after the Sino-Japanese War Because of the inconvenience of commuta ended in 1595. While the number of students at tion by public transportation, some middle Kitano Boys' Middle School who were living in schools for boys in rural districts built their the city of Osaka7 increased rapidly after 1595, own dormitories. While dormitories temporar the number of those living in rural districts ily increased in number, they were abolished decreased (see Figure 4), which suggests that one after another when commuting became many students who lived in rural districts went easier due to the opening of private electric to school in their own districts. However, many railways during the 1920s and 1930s (Oosaka students who lived in the city of Osaka or in Furitsu Mikunigaoka Koutougakkou Souritsu other prefectures went to middle schools for Hyakushuunen Kinenshi Iinkai 19950196-197). boys in Osaka in both 1902 and 1912 because Most students at normal schools in the city of up to this point their quality of education was Osaka who came from rural districts and other superior and they benefited from the conven prefectures generally lived in dormitories,8 as

Figure 6. The occupations of parents of middle school students in Osaka Prefecture. Sources: Oosaka Furitsu Kitano Koutougakkou Koushi Hensan Iinkai (1973), Oosaka Furitsu Yao Koutougakkou Souritsu Hyakushuunen Kinenkai "Hyakunenshi" Henshuu Iinkai (1995), Oosaka Furitsu Mikunigaoka Koutougakkou Souritsu Hyakushuunen Kinenshi Iinkai (1995), Oosaka Furitsu Kishiwada Koutougakkou Koushi Hensan Iinkai (1997), Oosaka Furitsu Otemae Koutougakkou (1958), Oosaka Furitsu Shimizudani Koutougakkou Hyakushuunen Kinen Jigyou Jikkou Iinkai (2001), and Oosaka Furitsu Shijounawate Koutougakkou "Nawate Hachijuunenshi" Henshuu Iinkai (1987). B.M.S. is an abbreviation for Boys' Middle School and G.M.S. is Girls' Middle School.

259 14 MIKI M. was the case at the Osaka Prefectural Medical trips. Vocational College and the Osaka Prefectural In regard to labor, the pre-conditions for com Agriculture Vocational College where students mutation by workers were the decline of ap lived in dormitories and private lodgings. It has prenticeships, the development of work-time therefore been considered that the relationship management, and the creation of allowances for between higher schools and commutation by commutation. The live-in work system contin students was very small. ued in many industries despite the Meiji gov Many of the parents of middle school stu ernment having encouraged the abolition of the dents were office workers (Figure 6), and the traditional work system. As most workers who ratio of parents who worked in offices not only commuted between their homes and work was high in every school but also increased places in urban areas spent many hours at over time. Sociologically, they earned rela work, they needed to live close to their place of tively high salaries and were graduates from work. Only a few factories provided allowances vocational colleges and imperial universities, so for commutation in the 1920s, and furthermore they were eager to give their children a good the income of factory hands was generally so education. low that they could not afford to pay the train The commutation by students and that by fares to commute between their homes and office workers accounted for the popularization workshops. Commutation was therefore only of commutation, and the two were closely re possible for office workers in those days. lated with each other and created a regenera In regard to education, commutation by stu tive structure. It is safe to assume that unlike dents was started by many boys and a small commutation in the feudal age and commuta number of girls at middle schools. Because tion in the Meiji era before its popularization, most normal school students were forced to live the increasing use of the railways by students in dormitories and higher school students were and workers was an important factor in ena obliged to live in private dormitories, commuta bling quantitative growth to be maintained. tion was not necessary for them. An increase in commutation was however due to the develop Conclusion: The Regenerative Structure of ment of the railways and the increased number Commutation of middle schools for boys after the Sino Narusawa (1997: 90) pointed out that it took -Japanese War. Many middle school students about thirty to forty years for school, railway, were children of office workers who had the and military systems to take a firm hold in financial resources to send their children to Japanese society after they were introduced schools. from western societies. It also took about the The author emphasized in this paper that same amount of time for commutation to be increasing commutation was closely related to established. This paper analyzed the develop its regenerative cycle. Although modern facto ing process of commutation in Osaka and its ries and schools were necessary conditions for suburbs, and the results can be summarized the formation of commutation in the early days under the categories of (1) transportation, (2) of the Meiji era, a large number of workers and labor, and (3) education. school pupils did not need commutation. Most In regard to transportation, changes in the of the people who popularized commutation system of railway fares indicated that commu were boys at middle schools and office workers tation during the early Meiji era differed from who had attended higher schools. commuting by ordinary Japanese after that Students who were a product of the "middle time. After students popularized commutation school boom" of the 1900s and 1910s acquired during the 1890s and 1900s, office workers con stable positions as office workers between 1920 tributed to its further expansion. In addition, in and 1930. This indicates that the generation the 1910s some merchants used commuter which contributed to the growth of commuta passes to travel between Osaka and Kobe on the tion by students was the same generation that Hanshin Electric Railway for business or sales accounted for the growth in commutation by

260 The Origins of Commutation in Japan 15 office workers. In addition to the fact that these (Discount tickets for steam-powered trains for individuals preferred to live in suburban resi school pupils) in Teishinshou (1899-1900). 3. The percentage for Daiki was not known. dential areas from 1920 to 1930, their commut 4. Although "white-collar" workers were difficult ing habits which were formed during their mid to define, they were considered to be office dle school days are thought to be an important workers who increased rapidly as a result of factor behind their behavior as adults. Further higher educational backgrounds and the spe more, those who chose to live in suburban resi cialization of businesses (Susato 1996: 24-28). dential areas between 1920 and 1930 also had 5. Although the name of this school changed many times, "Kitano Boys' Middle School" is their children attend and commute to middle used throughout this paper. schools. Consequently, this structure of regen 6. The city expanded its municipal area in April eration further promoted the popularization of 1897 (see Figure 5). commuting. 7. In November 1887, Osaka Prefecture was di Since commutation is considered to have had vided into present-day Osaka and Nara prefec tures, so students who lived in rural districts a regenerative structure developed through included those who lived in today's Nara Pre higher education, commutation increased rap fecture. idly after the 1910s. It is assumed that the 8. All 377 students lived in lodgings at the Osaka opportunity for change in the commutation Prefectural Normal School for Boys. At the system in Japanese urban areas from the pre Osaka Prefectural Normal School for Girls, 160 students lived in school lodgings, 23 lived in modern to post-modern period, as described by private lodgings, and 17 lived in other places Okado (2000), is also applicable to the period of (Educational Affairs Section of the Ministry of the First World War. Education 1907. 36). Although this paper pointed out a regenera tive structure for commutation, it was practi References cally impossible to prove the regenerative structure itself. The author considers that the Amano, I. 1989. Kindai Nihon koutoukyouiku kenkyuu regenerative structure needs to be proved to (A study of higher education in pre-modern Ja pan). Tokyo: Tamagawa University Press. (J) have existed by analyzing life histories of resi Amano, I. 1992. Gakureki no shakaishi (A social his dents in the suburbs. tory of educational background). Tokyo: Shin chousha (selected edition). (J) Acknowledgment Educational Affairs Section of the Ministry of Educa tion. 1907. Shihangakkou ni kansuru shochousa A summary of this paper was presented at the (Various investigations connected to normal schools). Reprinted in Sasaki, T. ed. 1987. Mon symposium on "Regional Formation in Modern Japan bushou kyouikutoukei, chousa shiryou shuusei from the Viewpoint of Nation, Society, and Persons" at the Fall Meeting of the Association of Japanese (Compilation of statistics on education and mate rials from investigations by the Ministry of Edu Geographers at the University of Kanazawa in Sep cation). Vol. 1. Tokyo: Taikusha. (J) tember 2002, and at the 12th International Conference Hanamoto, K. ed. 1943. Oosaka-shi Denkikyoku yon of Historical Geography, Auckland, New Zealand in December 2003. I wish to thank the late Dr. Aoki juunenshi (A history of forty years of the Electric Bureau of Osaka City). Osaka. Electric Bureau of Nobuyoshi who helped me consider commutation Osaka City. (J) from a historical perspective through his lecture at Hashimoto, T., and Kuriyama, S. ed. 2001. Chikoku no Kansai University in 1987. This study was finan tanjou: Kindai Nihon ni okeru jikan ishiki no keisei cially supported by Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Re search by the Japan Society for the Promotion of (The origin of being late: The formation of an awareness of time in pre-modern Japan). Tokyo: Science ((A) (1), No. 13308002). Sangensha. (J) (Received 25 December 2002) Hazama, H. 1964, Nihon roumukanrishi kenkyuu (Re (Accepted 24 July 2004) search in the history of personnel management in Japan). Tokyo: Daiyamondosha. (J) Notes Hijikata, S. 1994. School and community in prewar Japan: A study of 5000 children in Goka village, 1. See, in particular, Ukita (1998) about studies on Nagano prefecture. Tokyo: University of Tokyo the geography of education in Japan. Press. (JE) 2. "Gakkouseito ni taisuru kisha waribiki no ken" Hyoudo, T. 1971. Nihon ni okeru roushikankei no

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