Durham E-Theses Working out our melancholy, our muscles and our masculinities Depression, anomie, alienation, commodity fetishism, body-modication and masculinity in a de-industrialised Northumbrian Town. GIAZITZOGLU, ANDREAS,GEORGE How to cite: GIAZITZOGLU, ANDREAS,GEORGE (2010) Working out our melancholy, our muscles and our masculinities Depression, anomie, alienation, commodity fetishism, body-modication and masculinity in a de-industrialised Northumbrian Town., Durham theses, Durham University. 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A PhD thesis, written and researched by Andreas Giazitzoglu; January 2007 – January 2010. Presented to the Department of Applied Social Sciences (Sociology), at the University of Durham for the award of Doctor of Philosophy. Submitted February 2010. 1 Abstract This thesis is ‘about’ two places. Firstly, it is about Town A, which is a milieu located in South-East Northumberland (UK). Town A was once culturally and socio-economically defined by its coalmining industry. Town A’s last remaining mine closed around thirty years ago; at which point Town A became de-industrialised. Town A’s de-industrialisation, and subsequent, on-going transition from an industrial into a post-industrial economy and culture ‘frames’ this work and its dialectics. Secondly, this research is about Gym D, which is a gym that is located in Town A. Gym D attracts the areas’ ‘hard core’ (as distinct from casual) body-building community. Steroid use is rife among the gym’s close-knit community. This thesis proposes that three typologies of working class males have co-evolved and currently co- exist in Town A and use Gym D. These typologies, as I have labelled them, are the Drifters’, the Changers’ and the Traditionalists’. The three groups have all been ‘constructed’ by different cultural habitus’ that have entered and now operate in Town A. The Drifters’ are all consensually unemployed. The Drifters share an anti-work ethic, and rely upon the Welfare state’s benefit systems for their survival. The Drifters constitute Town A’s ‘Chav’, ‘underclass’ culture and masculinity. In contrast, the Changers are all embourgeoised individuals, who aspire to be ‘middleclass’, global, yuppie men. The Changers dress and act differently to other users of Gym D and also socialise in Newcastle’s ‘fantasy spaces’, instead of the ‘rough’ spaces in and around Town A. The Changers all work in white-collar, post-industrial jobs; many of them have been to university. The Changers have thus successfully assimilated into the North-East’s emerging post-industrial economy. Simultaneously, the Traditionalists’ manage to retain Town A’s ‘traditional’, coalmining, artisan identity and lifestyle; despite such becoming increasingly obsolete. The Traditionalists’ all endeavour to perform ‘proper’, ‘hard’ (blue collar) jobs; and continue to live and act as the Town A miner stereotypically did, particularly during their leisure lives. Epistemologically, this work does three things. Firstly, this work examines the contrasting ways that the three typologies of life identified in this research: 1) experience a disjunction in their lives between ‘how things are’ and ‘how things should be’; 2) work/labour (or fail to work), 3) spend money/buy commodities. By so doing, this work considers how relevant the theories of anomie, alienation and commodity fetishism are to users of Gym D today. I consider how the ‘mass sadness’ that afflicts my participants’ lived experiences can be accounted for and contextualised by the theories. Secondly, this work considers how my participants’ ‘gym labour’ and ‘commodity bodies’ relates to their experiences of anomie, alienation and commodity fetishism. I ask ‘does my participants’ involvement with Gym D alleviate or extend their psycho-social depression’? Thirdly, this work considers how the ‘commodity bodies’ that my participants’ have constructed in Gym D relates to their existences and identities at a semiotic level. I suggest that my participants’ modified bodies act as communicative devices in their existences, which denote metaphoric and social information about my participant groups’, within their distinctive, subjective cultural experiences. This thesis is a product of the phenomenological tradition. Its arguments are substantiated by a series of qualitative interviews and a period of ethnographic fieldwork that I conducted ‘on’ my participants. 2 Acknowledgments Professors David Byrne and Richard Giulianotti acted as my PhD supervisors while I researched and wrote this thesis. It has been a true privilege to have David and Richard supervise me. I would like to acknowledge both for their friendship, kindness and knowledge. Thank you both for taking the time to read various versions of my work, and for making suggestions about this thesis’ development. Thank you also for teaching me the value of keeping academic language and arguments simple. Intellectually, I would also like to thank Professor Marcus Banks, who was my tutor at Oxford. Marcus taught me the basics of syllogism and reason. I heard his voice when things got hard. Also, loads of thanks to Chris Hall at the University of Northumbria, who showed academic confidence and interest in me as a teenager, at a time when my life was confused, and my confidence was low. I would like to thank Dr James Rhodes (University of Leeds), who was kind enough to distribute a paper I had written at a working class studies conference at the University of Pittsburgh, when my lack of funding meant I could not present my work myself. I am indebted to the fine community of St Johns’ College, Durham; where I was lucky enough to be made a college tutor, during the course of this research. Thanks for all the lovely meals you’ve given me; and for even organising a forum about my research. I would especially like to thank Dr Mark Ogden, and Kevin Tyson at Johns’: two very classy, erudite individuals. I would also like to acknowledge all of the participants who were so honest with me in the field. Thanks for accommodating me, and for putting up with me! Although, I doubt any of you will ever read this work. Thanks to all the lads at Tropicana Gym in Morpeth also, where I trained after my fieldwork in Gym D; and where I had some great sessions and exceptional crack! And to my ‘real friends’: the same ones’ who I mentioned in all my other acknowledgements, right from the first dissertation I wrote. Thanks to my Mother and Father, who made huge financial sacrifices to educate me. Thanks for putting a roof over my head, and food on the table; and for the love and kindness. I hope you find what you’re looking for! I also acknowledge Bobo (‘Rambo’) Giazitzoglu, who we lost during this research at the age of twelve: I miss you every day, and trust you made it to heaven. Thanks to my Grandma also: I expect a chocolate cake if I get my PhD! I acknowledge the Cochrane family, especially Steve, Lynne and Andrew for their support, positive vibes, open-mindedness and resilience. And most of all, I acknowledge my Emma: the world’s greatest lass! You inspire me in ways I never knew possible. I am so grateful we met; and I can’t wait to see where our journey will take us, now this chapter of our life is over. You have shown me true love; and got me through so much. For Jesus Christ. Who I still believe in and know; and who I hope I served in some way during my time as a PhD student. 3 Contents Chapter 1: Introduction. Section One: Context and problems Chapter 2: Depression, anomie, alienation, commodity fetishism and contemporary being. Chapter 3: Body-Modification and the modified body in contemporary society at large, and Town A as a locus. Chapter 4: The physical landscape of Town A. Section Two: Methodological related issues and processes Chapter 5: Fieldwork: interviews, ethnography and objectivity Chapter 6: Gym D Section Three: Findings and analysis Chapter 7: Typologies of Gym D life Chapter 8: Constructions of anomie Chapter 9: Alienation through Labour Chapter 10: Commodity fetishism, and the ‘two other’ depressing variables Chapter 11: Muscle ‘strain’, gym labour and ‘semiotic’ commodity bodies Section Four: Conclusions Chapter 12: Conclusion Section Five: Appendix Qualitative Interview Template Bibliography 4 Chapter 1: Introduction Town A is a ‘de-industrialised’ Town that is situated in South-East Northumberland; fifteen miles north of the city of Newcastle upon Tyne, where approximately twenty-eight thousand people currently live. In essence, this thesis is ‘about’ Town A, and the changing society it hosts. I begin this thesis’ introductory chapter by giving readers’ a level of background relating to Town A’s industrial past. I aim to illustrate that Town A is, culturally and physically, a derivative of its mining industry. I then give readers an insight into the contemporary, de- industrialised context of Town A.