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Religion, home-making and migration across a globalising city: Responding to mobility in London John Eade*

University of Roehampton, 80 Roehampton Lane, London, SW15 5SL, UK During the last 60 years three forms of mobility have played a crucial role in the process of home-making across London – global migration, suburbanisa- tion and gentrification. While these mobilities have been extensively analysed in terms of secular processes, the role of religion is becoming ever more evident and this paper seeks to contribute to this growing understanding by analysing the involvement by different Christian churches in the making of multiple homes across the metropolis. Various aspects of this home-making process are explored – the ways in which Anglican churches have responded to global migration and gentrification, as well as the challenges of increasing ethnic and ritual diversity for Methodist and Catholic congregations. Religion is intimately involved in diverse crossings of spatial and cultural boundaries and the construction of multiple dwellings (immediate and virtual). While global migration, suburbanisation and gentrification operate here in specific local contexts across a particular city, these modes of mobility operate around the globe and encourage comparison with American and Australian cities. Keywords: home-making; migration; globalisation

Introduction: religion and multiple home-making in a rapidly globalising city In the extensive literature which has investigated the impact of immigration on W. European societies since the Second World War, there has been a growing appreciation of the religious diversity generated not only by non-Christian Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 congregations but also by those belonging to mainstream Christian and Pentecostal churches. This diversity is demonstrated most strikingly in such rapidly globalising European cities as London, Amsterdam, Brussels, Paris and Barcelona where the interweaving of ethnic and racial difference has become increasingly complex under the impact of global migration. Research has focussed predominantly on the ways in which ethnic and racial minorities are drawing on religious traditions to establish homes in impoverished localities within these and other urban societies. However, attention is now being paid to the movement of those from ethnic and racial minorities into more prosperous suburban neighbourhoods dominated by white majority residents and the ways in which the

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ISSN 1475-5610 print/ISSN 1475-5629 online q 2012 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14755610.2012.728142 http://www.tandfonline.com 470 J. Eade suburban landscape is being changed by the appearance of religious centres supported by these new settlers. This process contributes to the questioning of assumptions about the highly secularised character of European society and the growing awareness of the similarities between these suburbs and what has been happening in American and Australian cities (see, for example, Waghorne 1999; Watson 2009; Stevenson et al. 2010; Dwyer, Gilbert and Shah 2012). London provides a very useful location for examining these processes. Its economic success as a ‘global city’ has been accompanied by increasingly diverse immigration flows, which over the last 30 years have brought its cultural diversity closer to levels attained by N. American cities.1 This diversity is expressed by the wide array of religious centres built not only in the inner London boroughs where most migrants have settled but also in the spread of mosques, temples and gurudwaras across the wealthier suburban neighbourhoods reflecting social mobility and the arrival of more affluent migrants. The appearance of purpose-built religious centres in the outer suburbs attests to the development of social mobility among earlier settlers from S. Asia in particular and the arrival of more affluent migrants from other global regions as well as London’s position within a wider regional context since some of these religious centres attract a widely dispersed car-owning clientele from the surrounding towns as well as the metropolis (see Shah, Dwyer and Gilbert 2012). The image of British suburban life as stable, homogeneous and highly materialistic, which has been popularised by television, novels and social commentaries (see Shah, Dwyer and Gilbert 2012), is belied not only by a history of dynamic and diverse class community- making but also by growing cultural diversity driven by global migration. Religion is playing a significant role in that diversity and adding to the comparisons which can be made between London and other globalising cities. These two prime modes of migration involving ethnic minorities – settlement in large numbers across inner London and the movement of wealthier members into the suburbs and beyond – are complemented by a third process where young white middle class gentrifiers have moved into working and lower middle class neighbourhoods in the inner boroughs. This has brought relatively wealthy young Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 white settlers in close proximity with poorer minority ethnic residents. Although some may be escaping from suburbs where they had been brought up, this movement back into the inner city may not end there – for some it is ‘a staging post on a journey likely to proceed to towards parenthood and suburban or rural and semi-rural living’ (Hardill, Graham and Kofman 2001, 234). While many gentrifiers come from various areas of rural and urban Britain, others belong to the ranks of white European and other affluent migrants working in London’s highly globalised service sector. Their shared cosmopolitan lifestyles are reflected in the shops, restaurants, cafes, schools and houses which have radically altered these former largely working and lower middle class neighbourhoods. Because research has focussed on the socio-economic dimensions of gentrification and the secular interests of gentrifiers (see Butler and Hamnett 2009), a contrast has emerged between the religious landscape of poor neighbourhoods with high concentrations Culture and Religion 471 of ethnic minorities and, in sometimes close proximity, the secularised wealthy locales of the (predominantly white) gentrifiers. Just as assumptions about the highly secularised character of suburbia have been challenged by the religious diversity associated with the arrival of middle class members of Britain’s minorities, so the assumption that gentrification necessarily encourages religious decline in these wealthier neighbourhoods of inner London needs to be questioned. As we shall see gentrifiers are contributing to the revival of religious congregations in some localities at least; religion is not just a matter for ethnic and racial minorities in these localities. These three modes of mobility involve a complex interweaving of fixity and process, where local urban ‘communities’ are created through multiple allegiances and narratives. Here the focus will be on the diverse strategies which local religious congregations are developing to maintain a sense of home in a rapidly changing city. As Tweed points out, religions ‘are not reified substances but complex processes’, which are characterised by confluences and flows (Tweed 2008, 59). The relationship between religion and space can, therefore, be understood in terms of dwelling and crossing where religion entails ‘finding a place and moving across space’ (2008, 59). This relationship between dwelling and crossing operates within a particular metropolitan and national context but as we have already indicated, the interweaving of global and local also results in changing urban landscapes which bear comparison with those in other rapidly globalising cities.

Religious revival within the church of England: the The greater complexity and dynamism of London’s religious landscape provides the setting for what many regarded as a surprising phenomenon. From the 1990s religious vitality has been evident not just among non-Christian settlers and Pentecostalists but also by the Church of England – at least in the London diocese which extended from Enfield in the north-west suburbs across Hackney and Tower Hamlets, central London and out to the outer western suburbs around Heathrow. This increase reversed, however temporarily, the general trend Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 towards decline within the Church of England nationally. This surprising growth has been carefully analysed by Bob Jackson in two surveys (2002 and 2011). In 2002 he pointed out that although the London diocese stood out as a whole, the general picture of national decline within the Church of England masked evidence of growth in particular localities, i.e. one in 12 churches had grown ‘by over 10% in the 1990s’ (Jackson 2002, 1). In 2010, he published with Alan Piggot a follow-up study which revealed that this mixed picture of decline and growth had continued with three other dioceses (Southwark, Coventry and York) besides London experiencing growth between 2003 and 2010. Closer inspection of the data, on which this picture of resurgence relied, raised certain doubts, however. Much depended on what measures were used, and the most likely scenario was numerical growth followed by recent decline. Although social factors explained a great deal, especially immigration, Jackson argued in 472 J. Eade his 2002 report that institutional factors were important – it was ‘also the character, policies and performance of a diocese ... that determines whether it grows or declines’ (Jackson 2002, 6). Another factor was the size of the congregation. Small congregations, mainly in inner London, enabled people to know one another, ‘newcomers are noticed easily, and people drifting away can also be identified and paid attention to’ (Jackson 2002, 24). Many congregations had moved away from relying on Sunday as the main day for collective worship and were seeking to attract large congregations on Saturday evenings or mid- week. A certain degree of decentralisation had taken place with the creation of home cells and prayer groups. Many churches were able to offer their church halls and other associated buildings for use by local playgroups, cre`ches, dance classes, choral societies and other artistic groups. Some had acquired a wide reputation for a particular style of worship or as concert venues. In areas of high ethnic concentration, churches could revive by welcoming global migrants, while some churches became ethnic chaplaincies catering for a particular minority group. In other words, the one size that fits all parish tradition was accompanied by the emergence of sub-cultural niches which has been evident in the USA for some time (see Chafetz and Ebaugh’s study of multi-ethnic Houston 2000). These niches represented another departure from the parish strategy of serving a local settled population – they attracted people from far and wide who were far more mobile than ever before with the rapid widening of car ownership and the availability of an extensive and increasingly reliable metropolitan transport system. Several case studies were included in the two surveys to illustrate the ways in which these processes were operating in particular areas of the diocese. St Gabriel’s Cricklewood provided an insight into how a church could respond to rapid movement into and out of an inner London neighbourhood. It covered an area long associated with poor migrants. Irish Catholics had arrived in large numbers during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and were followed by settlers from the Caribbean after the late 1940s. When the new vicar arrived in 1994 the congregation was sharply divided – ‘blacks sat on one side and whites Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 the other’ during services (Jackson 2002, 35). He changed the style of worship and welcomed cultural diversity so that by 2002 the congregation included people from 23 national backgrounds, while the proportion of African- Caribbeans had risen from 30% to 45%. The vicar also changed his role by working with a pastoral team and refusing to be drawn into local community jobs. Close attention was paid to the crucial issue of recruiting young worshippers and encouraging them to join the parish council so that by 2002, 10 of the 14 members were ‘in their 20s or early 30s’ (Jackson 2002, 36). Furthermore, worship was not focussed solely on the parish church. Home groups and cells were developed and some saw these smaller, face-to-face groups ‘as their first home and priority’ since the church congregation was growing larger and becoming more impersonal (2002, 37). Although church numbers had stopped growing after 2002, the process of ethnic diversification continued, particularly with the arrival Culture and Religion 473 of young migrants from Poland and other former socialist countries joined the European Union in 2004. Yet ethnicity and gender continued to hinder the process of recruiting people as lay leaders remained a major problem; very few were men and from ethnic minorities (Jackson and Piggot 2011, 80). The local population was also highly mobile; while people were moving into the area many were also leaving. This rapid turnover particularly affected the recruitment of lay leaders since many moved house (Jackson and Piggot 2011, 80). The church had to run as fast as possible to stay in the same place and during the last 10 years it appeared that it was losing this race. St Gabriel’s showed the ways in which the Established Church was responding to rapid change in inner London by showing the kinds of ‘adaptive dexterity’ which Watson (2009) observed in Sydney’s multicultural suburbs. Although the revival of Anglican congregations was most striking in the inner London areas, it was also evident in the suburbs – albeit, at a lower level. The 2002 and 2011 surveys provided case studies of two parish churches in the western suburbs which had benefitted like St Gabriel’s from welcoming global migration. Yet, the most dramatic illustration of suburban change generated by immigration was provided by St John’s in – one of the most celebrated areas of British Asian settlement (see, for example, Baumann 1996). During the 1960s the congregation had shrunk as white residents moved out and by 2003, when the current vicar arrived, the majority of the congregation was Asian accompanied by African-Caribbeans and white minorities. Since then the congregation had grown ‘through an evolutionary approach aimed at doing things well in a multi-ethnic setting’ (2011, 82). This strategy has included embracing a Punjabi-medium service reflecting the fact that half the congregation are now ‘Punjabi Indians’. At the same time services also sought to include migrants from other areas of India, as well as from ‘Pakistan, Jamaica, Grenada, Trinidad, Sierra Leone, Kenya, Poland, Lithuania and the Ukraine’ (2011, 84). This multi-ethnic strategy had been extended beyond simply reaching out to Christian migrants – the church’s buildings were also made available for language classes which Muslims attend and the Christmas events which were held away from the church Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 so that those from other faiths could come. These churches showed the ways in which movement across London was shaped by ethnicity – not just in the inner areas but also across the suburbs. The role played by social class in movement out to the ‘leafy suburbs’ was not so evident in the cases considered so far, although it was suggested by St Gabriel’s loss of its leaders as they sought housing outside the area – perhaps in western suburban locales such as Ealing. In another of the parishes surveyed by Jackson – St Martin’s Ruislip in the north-west suburbs – inward movement was far more clearly shaped by social class as was the strategy adopted by the church. Numbers had increased during the 1990s by developing the kinds of ‘adaptive dexterity’ seen elsewhere – changes in liturgy, building a lay leadership, introducing prayer groups, house groups and a Saturday evening service, etc. However, Ruislip had a less volatile population and attracted people who ‘tend to come and raise a family and to stay 474 J. Eade put until they die’ (2011, 87). In this ‘aspirational area’ the Anglican church – as elsewhere across England – was able to draw on a key resource – its schools, which attracted many parents who had hardly any association with the Church of England or religion in general. Hence while some of these parents might have been attracted to the religious life of the parish, the general lack of religious interest acted as a continual constraint on attempts to increase the size of the congregation and by 2003 average attendance had again peaked (2011, 87).

Making a public space more homely and lively The churches within the London diocese, which showed the highest degree of ‘adaptive dexterity’, came from the evangelical and high church wings of . Holy Trinity Brompton (HTB) had developed a reputation as an evangelical powerhouse, attracting 4000 worshippers to its Sunday services and reviving a number of west and east London churches through planting. Its Alpha courses attracted spiritual seekers and provided a more everyday rhythm of religious engagement than the traditional Sunday-only observance. Furthermore, the conventional, hierarchical arrangement of pews facing the altar where the priest, garbed in holy vestments, dominated proceedings was replaced by more flexible seating arrangements and a clerical leader of proceedings who dressed informally and interacted closely with the worshippers. HTB drew on charismatic influences which acted as a bridge with other Christian churches in Britain, the USA and other Anglophone countries. Judging by the videos displayed on the highly organised website and from comments elsewhere, HTB mainly attracted white middle class young adults from across London. However, its plants adapted to local conditions so that when HTB followers began the revitalisation of the inner western suburban church of St Paul’s Hammersmith, for example, they quickly involved both white middle gentrifiers and black and white working class residents. Following HTB practice they introduced a wide range of activities throughout the week for both inside and outside the church, such as the Alpha course, New Wine Worship conference and a multi-ethnic playgroup. Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 A similar mixture was also evident in the inner eastern suburbs too. St Paul’s Shadwell in an area characterised by dense Bangladeshi settlement was saved from imminent closure in 2005 by young gentrifiers, who had settled in the area but were commuting to HTB, as well as by HTB members who ‘were prepared to move house in order to join in the transplant’. The high turnover, where almost a third of the original transplanters had left the area, was countered by a wide range of newcomers – HTB members, those discovering the church through the internet, ‘friends of friends’, those who had no religious upbringing (the ‘dechurched’) and ‘a number of existing local people who have found faith and joined the church’. In an area where the landscape had come to express the religious interests of Bangladeshi Muslims through its mosques, madrassahs and community centres, the congregation had even succeeded in attracting some local Bangladeshis to its services. Culture and Religion 475 Those belonging to the HTB network of churches were eager to change the internal order of their buildings in order to facilitate more expressive and lively forms of worship led by informally dressed ministers. This approach reflected a theological understanding of place as sanctified through ritual practices invoking the Holy Spirit – a tradition which linked Anglican charismatic churches to other Protestant and even Pentecostalist congregations (see Smit 2009). At St Martin’s Ruislip, however, a different understanding of place was observed through a High Church/Anglo Catholic emphasis on the spiritual heritage of God’s house based on its association with an early Christian martyr (St Martin of Tours) and its historic links with the pre-Reformation Church and Benedictine monks. The link between the church’s spiritual and material heritage was also evoked in the website’s history section which described the mediaeval traces inside the church (‘wall-paintings, two piscinas, a priest’s door and two wooden chests’).2 Internet visitors were also regaled by photographs of the church which established links between its contemporary congregation and its heritage, aesthetic appeal and the timeless quality of its setting surrounded by an ancient cemetery.

Responding to migration: the methodist church in inner London areas In the previous sections, we have seen how the Established Church in the London diocese has engaged with the three modes of migration outlined in the Introduction. The general revival in church attendance across the diocese was investigated by drawing on some of the case studies provided by Jackson and his colleague to show how particular congregations responded to the manifold crossings bound up with migration across the globalising city. The continual process of home-making had to cater for the (sometimes rapid) inward and outward movement by those from diverse ethnic and class backgrounds. Although Jackson shows the importance of religious institutional innovations, we have focussed here more on the social and cultural processes at work – a focus which will inform the discussion of the response to migration by the second Christian community under consideration, the Methodist Church. Here we draw on a study Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 undertaken at the University of Roehampton during 2002, which revealed the crucial importance of immigration, especially from Africa and the Caribbean, to Methodism in London – confirmed by more recent research (see Fumanti 2010). Drawing on a range of data including that generated by questionnaires sent to all Methodist ministers across London, it became clear that: without the presence of ethnic minorities, London Methodism would have experienced a very severe decline in membership, almost certainly leading to a situation in which congregations would have been closed – much like the fortunes of the denomination in the rest of the country. (Wood 2002, 27) Although one commentator has welcomed the ways in which churches have responded to urban multiculturalism by weaving ‘each others’ distinctive cultures ... into an exciting new sort of Christian life’ (Normanton 2001, 3), Wood’s interviews with those attending four inner London churches who came 476 J. Eade from Africa and the Caribbean revealed the complexity and tensions lying behind attempts to weave together different traditions. It quickly became apparent that religious practices being introduced in London were influenced by changes taking place in their countries of origin as mainstream churches sought to compete with more charismatic Christian groups. During colonial rule Anglican, Methodist and other churches had established modes of worship which reflected styles observed back in Britain and these styles had marked a boundary between respectable and those belonging to more charismatic congregations. As someone who had migrated from Nigeria explained: ‘The respectable churches like the Methodist Church, the Church of England, Anglican and so on, were supposed not to follow that (charismatic worship) at all, even in Africa’. However, modes of worship had changed in post-colonial Africa as an older congregant explained: Methodist worship in Ghana these days have taken a new turn altogether than what I knew. It’s more or less they are leaning towards the more apostolic way of worship where they clap and they sing, but in my younger days you were not, we sang hymns and praised God, but these days it’s more charismatic in character than when I was young in Ghana, because I think the influence of these other churches, growing more congregations, so they must also compete in order to, so they have to adopt some of their ways to attract, playing music and bands instead of simply the organ alone and the hymns. But now they have to back it up with drums and these other, as can be found in the book of Psalms. (Wood 2002, 61–62) Migrants had brought these more expressive modes of worship to London and some Methodist ministers were welcoming this diversity of practice so that settlers could feel more ‘at home’. Yet according to one African-Caribbean worshipper not everyone welcomed these influences: The ministers, you know, they’re more like getting into this sort of clapping business. Sometimes in the church here, I’m telling you, you say: ‘Amen’ and people turn around and look at you as if you’re mad! But no, not where I come from [the Caribbean], no. You hear [there]: ‘Praise the Lord!’ It’s a lot of difference, a lot of difference. (Wood 2002, 61) Other reasons for adopting more expressive forms of worship were the need Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 to compete with the fast growing black churches and other charismatic communities in London itself and, relatedly, to attract young people to services. Like HTB and other evangelical Anglican congregations in the metropolis, introducing more expressive, lively forms of worship was one way of holding on to young Methodists and attracting new recruits. As another congregant noted: Methodism, like most of the traditional churches [in Britain], will have to change their way of doing things and their way of worshipping, to make it attractive to the younger generation [ ...] If they do change it will help, but if they don’t change then the youth will probably find it a bit boring and in so doing probably [we] will tend to lose a lot more of the younger generation. (Wood 2002, 51) Like their Anglican counterparts Methodist churches were facing a stiff challenge in catering for the diverse interests of a mobile population in a city where there were many rival religious and secular attractions. With the growth of Culture and Religion 477 global communications people were well aware that alternatives were also readily available through satellite television if services failed to inspire. One African- Caribbean worshipper, for example, had found the preaching at his local church ‘dead’ so he found solace in American services beamed into his London home: ‘The Caribbean preaching and here is not the same. You find some in America ... [and] that’s why I have Sky with the Gospel Channel’ (Wood 2002, 112). To make church services more attractive to particular ethnic minorities some Methodist ministers in the inner boroughs had encouraged the growth of ethnic fellowships (see Fumanti 2010). This had been a successful strategy for revitalising local congregations as a contributor to the Roehampton study noted: the new members, who were coming, were coming for the [ethnic] fellowships or with people that were in the fellowships. Obviously speaking to their friends: ‘Come to our church, there’s a welcome there’ and they’d come and this is how [the congregation has] grown. (Wood 2002, 103) Yet some did not see this development as an unmixed blessing: I think these fellowships ... can be good or bad. They can be good in becoming units of Christians who get together on the basis of their common cultural interests, language and so on, which is a good thing. But they can be bad in that if people think that they can only recognise themselves, their own people and their own groups, their own nationalities, then obviously that’s the wrong thing. (Wood 2002, 103)3 Although some Methodist ministers shared the strategy pursued by Anglican priests of growing congregations through encouraging religious activities outside the church, some settlers clearly wanted the minister to be heavily involved in the varied interests of his multi-ethnic congregation. The responsibilities of the religious leader in the globalising city were even greater than those in the countries from which people had migrated according to one interviewee: Here, sometimes [the minister] has to take up family matters, he has to take on immigration matters, he has to take on police matters, he has to take on legal things and all that. So the role of the Methodist minister in London, looking after people from ethnic backgrounds, from West African countries as well as East African and

Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 Jamaican and all these places, they are all the problems that go with it. [ ...] The role here is more to do than the role I think in Ghana. You are not only winning the soul of, directing the spiritual aspect, but also the social and sometimes the financial, looking for jobs. As a foreigner, the church is your backbone. [ ...] I would say there are difficulties because sometimes he has to understand the background of whatever, the cultural diversities of each group, you see, in order to be able to help. (2002, 121) The degree to which Methodist ministers were able to satisfy these high expectations and encourage a process of home-making which catered for such cultural diversity was linked to discussions about inclusiveness, especially the ethnic diversity of lay leadership. Methodists from Ghana, for example, were eager to be actively involved in the life of their London congregations as ‘virtuous citizens’ (Fumanti 2010), drawing on Methodist ideological commitment to universal and selfless love as well as Akan traditions concerning ‘empathy for the pain of others, expressed in moral and material obligations to humanity at large, 478 J. Eade and family and fellowship members’ (Fumanti 2010, 13). The concerns about ethnic and racial exclusion, which were expressed by some of those interviewed during the Roehampton study, also surfaced during Fumanti’s later research (Fumanti 2010, 34). The suggestion that Methodist practices might be exclusionary touched a very sensitive nerve among some senior Methodists during the Roehampton study, although a 2007 conference on ‘Ethnicity, Cohesion and the Church’ hosted by the Methodist international office suggested that the issue was becoming more widely debated and accepted (Fumanti 2010, 33). The ways in which the ethnic diversity of a congregation could be represented through ministerial leadership was debated in one church in terms of recruiting a black minister who could act as a role model for younger black congregants: Well, my view personally is that people should be doing what they are capable of doing, so it doesn’t matter what colour. [ ...] Having the chance for us to have a black minister, a second minister, I agree with those who stood up at the meeting and said they’d prefer a black minister. And I think that one of the arguments they used was a role model. Because some of the youth come in, they go to Sunday School, they do their drawings and all the other things and they keep questioning that, asking, ‘Was Jesus black or white?’ Jesus was one person, it doesn’t matter, but then, we’re now training people to be lawyers, doctors, why not a minister? I think that if you have the chance to have two ministers and the predominant members are black, then I think giving a black minister will allow the young people really to accept that what you’re talking about is truly God who loves us all. If we’re all equal, why is it ministers are white? (Wood 2002, 125)

From the city to the commuter belt: polish migrants and charismatic catholic worship In the previous section, the focus has been on religious home-making among Methodists settling predominantly in inner London. This process entailed links between multiple homes maintained through transnational ties between Africa, the Caribbean and Britain, as well as the interweaving of religious and other cultural traditions operating in countries of origin as well as in the globalising city. Anxious debates about ethnic fellowships and inclusion reflected the Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 differentials of power and resistance involving ministers, lay leaders and other worshippers. They also challenged long-established beliefs about the Methodist Church’s commitment to universal values of Christian fellowship and justice, as well as its ability to change in response to global migration. In the third case study the issues thrown up by global migration are examined in the context of the Roman Catholic Church, in many ways the most centralised and hierarchical of the three Christian communities examined here. The Roman Catholic Church had also been challenged to respond to migration by the arrival of those from Africa, S. Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America and eastern . Yet although the bishops had formally welcomed these newcomers, the willingness to respond to their material and spiritual needs at both central and local levels was less evident according to a study commissioned by the Catholic bishops of three English dioceses.4 In the case of the large influx of Polish migrants Culture and Religion 479 during the 2000s and the settlement of a significant proportion, the Church’s response was further complicated by the historic role of the Polish Catholic Mission, which supported Polish-language churches and other ethnic resources. The issue of Polish-language services became a central theme in the very public row over the ‘integration’ of these newcomers between the Cardinal-Archbishop of Westminster, on the one hand, and the Mission’s representatives and the hierarchy back in Poland on the other (see Eade 2011). While these disputes concerning inclusion engaged the energies of religious leaders, there is evidence that some young Polish migrants were ready to ‘pick and mix’ from the wide range of ritual styles available in the global city and beyond. Many were content to attend Polish- language services provided by local parishes or at the Polish Catholic Mission’s churches, but some were attracted to other religious denominations as well as courses and services which reflected the impact of the charismatic movement on the Roman Catholic Church since the 1970s (Eade and Krotofil 2013). A key feature of Polish migration after 2004 was its volatility and wide diffusion across urban and rural Britain. After the economic crisis of 2008 perhaps half returned to Poland and the strategy of keeping options open, which attracted a significant number (see Drinkwater, Eade and Garapich 2009), encouraged those remaining in London to look for opportunities, including religious ones, far beyond where they happened to currently reside. This was clearly illustrated by the charismatic services which had emerged at the Our Lady of Fatima and St Thomas More parish church in Harlow, one of the ‘new towns’ developed outside London after the Second World War. The current building and its attached hall had replaced a temporary structure in 1957 and was built in an uncompromisingly modernist style on a neat suburban street occupied by post-war detached houses. The congregation, drawn from as far afield as Peterborough, Cambridge and S. London,5 is currently served by three Polish priests belonging to the Missionaries of La Salette order. An insight into the charismatic character of the Polish language all-night vigil held there in 2007 was provided by a Polish migrant, Dominik Tarczynski, on the Catholic Charismatic Renewal website: Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 A friend and I had just come to England to find a job and earn money. We heard that there was this woman called Helena Quinlan who doesn’t eat and only lives on the Eucharist. She was speaking at the all night vigil for Polish people in Harlow, so we decided to go along and see what it was all about. We went because we didn’t have many friends and we thought it would also be a good place to make contacts and find a job. As we came in Helena was finishing her talk and offering to pray for people. She laid hands on them and they started falling down. I’d never seen anything like that before, adults falling on the floor crying and hugging, even strong guys. I wondered if it was some kind of strange sect but then I saw the Blessed Sacrament and a catholic priest so I knew it couldn’t be wrong.

(http:/www.ccr.org.uk/archive/gn0711/g08.htm, accessed 25 November 2011) Dominik’s account neatly described the mobility and search for options, including religious ones, which young Poles pursued between 2004 and the 480 J. Eade economic crisis of 2008. He had not settled in London and was ready to explore any opportunity which could widen his range of contacts and lead to a job even if it meant travelling to an all-night vigil outside the metropolis. After his charismatic conversion he joined his friends in trying to evangelise back in Poland but ‘[e]veryone just thought we were crazy’ (ibid.) so he returned to London where he worked for a Polish internet radio company before setting up an on-line Catholic television station during 2007. London was now more of a home from which he could travel round the world covering religious events for use at his television station. The charismatic celebrations encouraged lively participation by the young congregation through popular musical forms such as use of guitars and an emotional engagement with the rich symbolism used during the rituals. However, the degree of sharing and equality was limited and traditional images of home- making were fostered. Women were still expected to perform traditional roles as child carers. During an introductory charismatic course, for example, some looked after the children in a separate room and only returned at the end of the mass while meals were prepared by female participants. The male clergy frequently emphasised the themes of female susceptibility and male power. The example of Mary Magdalene’s redemption from a life of prostitution was often cited and in one sermon the priest talked about a particular family he knew where the husband bravely defended his marriage against his possessed wife who needed exorcisms.6 The Catholic charismatic movement, like some of the Anglican and Methodist congregations discussed above, saw the prayer group as its spiritual home (see Eade and Krotofil 2013). Since these groups could be set up anywhere they suited a highly mobile cohort such as the young Poles but they threatened the parish tradition which emphasised local participation among a settled population. As one Polish commentator argued, the Church should be wary of ‘localizing religious movements and associations somehow beyond parish structure, in a parallel position to the essential parish stream’ (Marian´ski 2003, 199). However, as those who stayed on after the 2008 recession began to settle down and start building Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 more permanent homes like Dominik in London and elsewhere the attractions of travelling to distant prayer groups, however lively, may have begun to pall.

Conclusion This paper has investigated the manifold ways in which different religious groups have engaged in and responded to the processes of movement and home-making across London. Religion is intimately involved in diverse crossings of spatial and cultural boundaries and the construction of multiple dwellings, which are both face-to-face and mediated through global communications. Rather than focus on a particular religious or ethnic community in one area the investigation has explored the changing presence of religious groups across London and its environs. Furthermore, in order to complement the growing literature on non-Christian Culture and Religion 481 groups, the focus here has been the contribution by Christian churches – Anglican, Methodist and Catholic – to the resurgence and visibility of religion in this highly globalised, multicultural metropolis. Global migration has provided the Anglican, Methodist and Catholic communities with both an opportunity and a challenge. Local congregations could be revived by welcoming the newcomers from other countries through the kinds of adaptive dexterity evident in other rapidly globalising cities, which included material changes especially inside the churches to make them more homely and attractive. At the same time those bringing different religious and ethnic customs could test the extent to which religious leaders were prepared to adapt, thereby exposing the power embedded in the structure of religious institutions. At the same time placing more emphasis on religious practice outside the local church through prayer groups and ethnic fellowships could prove divisive and challenge the authority of religious leaders, traditional rituals and the centrality of worship within the local church. Local churches varied in their response to these challenges but all these Christian churches had benefitted from embracing ethnic diversity – not just in the inner areas but also in the suburbs and beyond London as the Southall and Harlow examples revealed. Class also played a crucial role in promoting change through the arrival of white middle class settlers in the inner London neighbourhoods who made a significant contribution to the spiritual, organisational and physical revival of particular churches. London’s expensive housing market played a role here, of course, as many middle class worshippers at HTB, for example, could not afford to live close to this Knightsbridge evangelical powerhouse. Restoring churches and houses in poorer neighbourhoods could satisfy both God and mammon! Church renewal for both the Anglican and Catholic churches was vital to the maintenance of the parish system which covered London and sought to bring the faith to local communities. Movement by white people from middle and working class backgrounds into the outer suburbs presented yet another opportunity and challenge. Some were open to what local churches could offer. At St Martin’s Ruislip, for example, a wide range of spiritual attractions were available at a Downloaded by [Tsukuba University] at 23:24 24 April 2013 church which drew on considerable aesthetic appeal and, a rich heritage and elaborate ceremony. Like many other Anglican churches across London it also benefitted from its links to a church primary and secondary school. Yet the challenge faced by suburban churches in general was how to maintain numbers as more and more de-churched newcomers arrived. Some may have been spiritual seekers but they could pick and mix from a variety of traditions and had no need to express their beliefs at a local church. Although the Anglican Church emphasised its contribution to the ‘community’ at national and local levels, most people no longer felt the need to express their communal attachments through collective worship. Generation as well as ethnicity and class played key roles in the process of migration and religious home-making, therefore. HTB showed how they could work together to build a predominantly white young middle class congregation 482 J. Eade through American-inflected expressive forms of worship. This move away from the parish to the niche end of the congregational continuum reflected the ‘gathered community’ tradition which the Methodist Church had long observed. Yet the Methodist study showed the tensions wrought by migration. These could be avoided by catering only for one ethnic group as the charismatic services for young Poles in Harlow demonstrated. However, these relatively new forms of Catholic worship were still constrained by traditional attitudes towards women and priestly authority. We have seen how successful some local congregations across the globalising city has been in welcoming newcomers by pursuing strategies also seen in American and Australian cities, where religious congregations have responded to global migration and suburbanisation through institutional change (the development of niches) and adapting to different religious and cultural practices. Yet we must not underestimate the power of the parish tradition based around the centrality of the church, the authority of its leaders and its location within a territorial and spiritual hierarchy. As migrants settle down and become more attached to localities in a city where the economic downturn since 2008 has slowed the rapidity of flows, the process of home-making may be entering a new phase where the urge to adapt and diversify may weaken as pressures to ‘integrate’ locally and nationally strengthen.

Notes 1. This process appears to have slowed during the last 10 years, however. 2. http://stmartins-ruislip.org/AboutUs/History/tabid/97/Default.aspx (accessed Decem- ber 26, 2011). 3. This issue remained hotly debates as Fumanti’s subsequent research revealed (2010). 4. F. Davis et al. 2007. The Ground of Justice, http://www.caritas-europa.org/module/ FileLib/Ground_of_Justice.pdf (accessed December 26, 2011). 5. Personal communication from J. Krotofil. 6. Personal communication from J. Krotofil.

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