EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

others see man as the bearer of values Tokugawa Intellectual History: largely determined by or responsive to State of the Field economic, social and political influences; others, as a being in quest of spiritual goals; yet others, as the decentered ©James McMullen, Oxford University participant in a linguistically constructed world with which their own relationship is I at best problematic. This diversity means that scholars have tended not infrequently Tokugawa intellectual history has been either to talk past each other, or to write called “one of the liveliest and most virulently partisan, indeed sectarian, interesting” branches of the study of Japan reviews of each others’ work. in America. 1 The claim was made by The strength of Yamashita’s survey lies Samuel Yamashita in a spirited and precisely in his attempt to encompass a accessible article, “Reading the New very heterogeneous body of work within a Tokugawa Intellectual Histories”. broad overview. He set his subject, Yamashita’s essay surveyed publications moreover, in the wider context of recent between 1979 and 1992. In this sense, European and American thinking on much of the ground for the present essay intellectual history. He has, one might say, has already been covered. Yet even a attempted an intellectual history of modest attempt to update a survey of Tokugawa intellectual history. Yamashita Tokugawa intellectual history remains a found that the field was indeed burgeoning, challenge. Of all fields, intellectual history for reasons that apply a fortiori to the seems to exhibit the broadest range of present. He noted the revival of interest methods and approaches. The very concept among Japanese scholars after a long post- of “intellectual history” differs radically war period of neglect, the publication in among its practitioners. It ranges from Japan of extensive series devoted to conventional intellectual biography, thought, and the vigor of American through historical sociology in the grand scholars, as expressed in a series of Weberian manner, to postmodernist conferences. Against this background, explorations of the relation of language to Yamashita divided the scholarship of this reality. The understanding of man in period into four main “interpretive communities”, a concept derived from society that informs the field is also 3 contested. Some writers adhere to a Stanley Fish. These communities are: the common-sense, “objectivist” 2 approach; “modernization school”; the school of William Theodore de Bary; the “new intellectual historians”; and, though he

1 writes of just one exemplar, “the Samuel Hideo Yamashita, “Reading the postmodern theorists”. Yamashita’s own New Tokugawa Intellectual Histories”, Journal sympathies seemed to incline towards the of Japanese Studies, 22:1 (Winter, 1996): 1. An last two mentioned. But he found both useful earlier survey of the field that paid merit and demerit in each of the four attention particularly to Japanee scholarship, is Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi's review artticle, “Early-Modern Japanese Confucianism: The Gyōza-Manjū Controversy”, in Sino-Japanese 3 Ibid., 4; for further discussion, see Janine Studies Newsletter, 1:1 (November, 1988): 10-23. Sawada, “Tokugawa Religious History: 2 The expression “objectivist” is used by Studies in Western Languages, 1980-2000,” Yamashita, ibid., 13. below.

22 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

approaches. “None”, he wrote emolliently, have been overly influenced by H.D. “is intrinsically closer to an imagined Harootunian’s ill-judged review of 1990, historical reality or inherently more which charged Nakai with “rigid truthful than any other. In fact, each of commitment to a normative course that these strategies configures as well as had been supplied by modernization theory disfigures the Tokugawa material”.4 years ago”.8 Yamashita’s classification has a certain Rather few scholars balance high cogency, and can even be linked to the methodological sophistication with institutional setting of the field in the rigorous study of the primary sources for United States. He is above all concerned the period. All too often, there is an inverse with method and intellectual pedigree. He relationship between theoretical bravura is most instructive where, as with the “new and textual thoroughness. Yamashita’s intellectual historians”, he can link the sympathies are confirmed by a perhaps method to the work of historians writing unconscious betrayal of the standards that on Europe and America. At the same time, most empirically orientated scholars would his article is also both provocative and accept as de rigueur. Writing of the work of eccentric. It has several weaknesses, which Kate Nakai and of Bob T. Wakabayashi, he seem to derive partly at least from its praises their method in startling terms. author’s theoretical leanings. First, the Both should be congratulated for modernization category is too inclusive. It reading their sources in the original incorporates historical sociology, like the kanbun or bungotai form, for with the now classic work of Robert Bellah5 with its writings of leading Tokugawa thinkers now explicit concern with the resources that available in modern Japanese, it is predisposed Japan to rapid modernization. tempting to use these more accessible and But, with less obvious justification, it readable versions. Both also made good includes a historian of education such as use of the relevant secondary literature in Richard Rubinger, 6 together with highly Japanese, and to their credit acknowledge focused monographs on particular their debts.9 historical figures. The principal exemplar In a field where the original language is in the latter category was Kate Nakai’s the very stuff on which interpretation is study of Arai Hakuseki’s political career, based, Yamashita’s wording suggests that Shogunal Politics. 7 This work, however, it is especially laudable to consult the was, at most, incidentally and tangentially original texts. This implies expectations of concerned with the causes of the scholarly practice that would be Restoration, let alone the broader theme of unacceptable in the intellectual history of modernization. Here, Yamashita seems to other cultures. Yamashita does, it is true, allude to problems concerning accuracy of

4 reading and translation when reporting Yamashita, 46. the review literature on the work of the 5 Robert N. Bellah, Tokugawa Religion: The “new intellectual historians”. None the less, Values of Pre-Industrial Japan (Glencoe, Ill.: his sympathy with the theoreticians The Free Press, 1957). 6 appears to incline him to sweep disciplined Richard Rubinger, Private Academies of Tokugawa Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982). 7 Kate Wildman Nakai, Shogunal Politics: 8 H.D. Harootunian, Review of Shogunal Arai Hakuseki and the Premises of Tokugawa Politics, Journal of Japanese Studies, 16:1 Rule (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University (Winter, 1990): 160. Press, 1988). 9 Yamashita, 10-11.

23 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

linguistic understanding of primary source form; it retains longueurs in the form of material under the carpet.10 excessively long passages of translation A further eccentricity was that the which, while they help establish the survey addressed only “American” author’s bona fides as a researcher, make scholarship. It is perhaps one thing to for hard reading. None the less, Boot’s restrict such a survey to English language work forms an admirable counterpoint in publications. Regrettably, few have ready method and findings to Herman Ooms’s access to the relevant scholarship written Tokugawa Ideology, reviewed by in other languages, such as German, Yamashita. Boot scrupulously analyses the French, Chinese or Russian. Nor would mainly kanbun primary documentation one wish to deny that America leads the concerned with the early phases of the way; outside Japan, the field is most Neo-Confucian movement in the Tokugawa vigorous in the United States. Nonetheless, period. His work exhibits an exemplary a significant contribution is made by and, indeed, timeless critical thoroughness. scholars writing in English outside that The scholarly community needs such country. After all, the main scholarly works of caution and integrity, just as it journals in Japanese Studies are genuinely needs the stimulus of works of abstraction international. A book written by a and theory. Japanese for an English language Omitted, too, from Yamashita’s survey readership may be reviewed in an were two books of non-American American journal by a Dutch scholar also authorship that dealt with two of the most writing in English. Yamashita’s apparently original and difficult Tokugawa thinkers, self-imposed restriction means that his both influencd by Dutch studies, the survey is incomplete and unbalanced. materialist Miura Baien and the Oddly in a scholar sensitized to the antinomian Andō Shōeki. The New subtleties of power, he seems to constitute Zealand scholar, Rosemary Mercer’s Deep his own hegemonic discourse, to indulge in Words: Miura Baien’s System of Natural what, facetiously to borrow the language of Philosophy, a Translation and critical theory, might be called the Philosophical Commentary, 13 follows a “discursive exclusion of the pattern common in the field: an heterogeneous”. 11 His survey omits a introduction followed by translations from number of works of quiet but real scholarly Baien’s work. What distinguishes this book value. Thus 1992 saw a reissue of W.J. is that, unusually in the field of Japanese Boot’s 1983 Leiden University doctoral intellectual history, Mercer is a dissertation, “The adoption and adaptation professional western philosopher; she of Neo-Confucianism in Japan: the role of approaches Baien’s work with the critical Fujiwara Seika and Hayashi Razan”. This rigor of that discipline. Toshinobu “second version”,12 though revised in some Yasunaga’s Ando Shoeki: Social and particulars, is not yet rewritten in book Ecological Philosopher in Eighteenth- 14 century Japan follows the same pattern. 10 While Yamashita does mention reviews critical of the “new intellectual historians” for 13 Rosemary Mercer, Deep Words: Miura inaccurate translation (Ibid., 34-35), he refrains Baien's System of Natural Philosophy: A from himself evaluating these criticisms. Translation and Philosophical Commentary 11 Herman Ooms, “Tokugawa Texts as a (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991). Playground for a Postmodern Romp”, Journal of 14 Toshinobu Yasunaga, Ando Shoeki: Japanese Studies, 22:2 (Summer, 1996): 365. Social and Ecological Philosopher in Eighteenth 12 2 vols., W.J. Boot, Leiderdorp, 1992. Century Japan (New York: Weatherhill, 1992).

24 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Its strengths lie in a different direction. sober empirical reality, and to point to The author is familiar with the broad East themes that remain yet to be fruitfully Asian philosophical and religious tradition explored. and is particularly persuasive on the Nor are these three categories influence of Zen Buddhism, together with exhaustive. The Canadian historian John Dutch learning, on Shōeki’s thought. S. Brownlee has continued his instructive Neither book is entirely successful. Mercer, survey of Japanese historical and political as Peter Nosco pointed out in his review,15 thought, which had already in 1991 while cautioning against philosophical touched on the secular and rational comparisons between Baien and western character of the historical thinking of Arai philosophers, indulges in just that. Her Hakuseki.16 In the first part of his 1997 claim that Baien’s category of “fineness” monograph Japanese Historians and the corresponds to a universal should be National Myths, 1600-1945: The Age of the treated with great caution. Yasunaga’s Gods and Emperor Jinmui,17 he devoted book, on the other hand, lacks bibliography, chapters successively to Hayashi Razan index and macrons over the long vowels of and Hayashi Gahō, the Dai Nihon shi, Arai romanized Japanese. Yet both books, Hakuseki and Yamagata Bantō, and to eccentric to some degree like their subjects, Date Chihiro. Much of his account is have drawn attention to the creativity and descriptive, but he also convincingly variety of eighteenth-century Japanese documents a growing spirit of “positivism” thought. and a secular and rational approach to the These contributions to the field are past as it underlay and explained the worthy even of belated note. The present political structures of the present. This essay, however, is concerned largely with rationality was, however, constrained by monograph and book-length work Confucian metaphysical thought and published in the mid to late 1990s, thus pitted against the demands of nationalism taking the story on from Yamashita’s and its associated irrational myths. article. It is influenced by, but attempts to Nonetheless it provided the foundation for adjust, his “interpretive communities”. A modern Japanese historiographical threefold division has been adopted, practice. In a quite different direction, though it is not intended to suggest that Wai-ming Ng’s very recent book, The I the three categories are in any sense ching in Tokugawa Thought and Culture18 methodologically exclusive or pure. Yamashita’s “modernization” becomes 16 historical sociology; the de Bary group is John S. Brownlee, Political Thought in assimilated to a broader history of ideas; Japanese Historical Writing: From Kojiki (712) the “new intellectual historians” and “post- to Tokushi Yoron (1712) (Waterloo, Ontario: modernists” are grouped together. The Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1991), Chapter approach is influenced by Yamashita, but 10, “Secular, Pragmatic History in Tokushi Yoron (1712). remains that of a generalist uncommitted 17 John S. Brownlee, Japanese Historians to any particular method. For the and the National Myths, 1600-1945:The Age of generalist may be well placed to spot the Gods and Emperor Jinmu (Vancouver: UBC excesses and shortcomings, to test the Press, and Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, claims of the theoretically-inclined against 1997), Part 1, “The Tokugawa Period”. 18 Ng Wai-ming, The I ching in Tokugawa thought and culture (Association for Asian 15 Nosco, Peter, Review of Deep words, Studies and Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Monumenta Nipponica, 47:3 (Fall, 1992): 411-12. Press, 2000).

25 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

is a survey of the diffusion of I ching Eiji Takemura, The Perception of Work in studies in Tokugawa Japan. Its approach Tokugawa Japan: a Study of Ishida Baigan seems best described as bibliographical and Ninomiya Sontoku. 21 Both these and cultural. It surveys the prodigious and works explicitly take Robert Bellah’s varied Tokugawa period output of texts on classic study as their point of departure. this important work. Its main finding is to Takemura is concerned in his short show how remarkably widely Japanese book with practical attitudes to work; he culture was penetrated at different levels eschews what he calls the “sublime by Chinese ideas on divination, cosmology, ideologies [such as Confucianism, which] numerology and moral thought. Its broad remained for the most part the heritage of scope means, however, that in no one field the intellectual few”.22 Ishida Baigan and is Ng’s discussion particularly profound. Ninomiya Sontoku, in his view, saw work Rather, his book opens paths to further both as social role play and as a mode of enquiry. spiritual self-fulfillment. Takemura argues that through the teaching of these II individuals “work was ideologized in depth and enriched with meaning”. 23 They Historical sociology addresses society promoted not a submissive loyalty, but and its dominant traditions. However, it constructive planning, autonomy and even exploits much of the same material as criticism of superiors. He is cautious over intellectual history, is concerned with to what extent their teaching contributed moral values, world view and ethos, and directly to modernization, though he does its findings are germane to intellectual argue that it “promoted economic change”24 history. The best-known example of this and even “helped Japan’s relatively smooth approach in the Tokugawa field is, of industrial transformation”. 25 Yet both course, Robert Bellah’s Tokugawa movements declined; the former into Religion.19 This seminal book looked at the submissiveness and “common morality”; value system of the Tokugawa period from the latter to be highjacked by statist the point of view of its contribution to ideology. This is a readable introduction to Japan’s modernization during and after the topic, but adds little fundamentally to the Meiji period. This concern reached a the work of Bellah and others. high tide during the sixties and seventies; Eiko Ikegami’s The Taming of the to some extent, modernization has since Samurai is on an altogether grander scale. receded in importance as its underlying It may well be the most widely noted book assumption of the normative status of in the field in the period under review. The western culture has been exposed and sweeping nature of its claims concerning questioned. None the less, two books the Japanese experience requires that, of published in the period under review may be discussed under this rubric: Eiko Making of Modern Japan (Cambridge, Mass.: Ikegami’s The Taming of the Samurai: Harvard University Press, 1995). Honorific Individualism and the Making of 21 Eiji Takemura, The Perception of Work in Modern Japan;20 and the slighter book by Tokugawa Japan: A Study of Ishida Baigan and Ninomiya Sontoku (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, Inc., 1997). 22 Ibid., 199. 19 Bellah, Tokugawa Religion. 23 Ibid. 20 Eiko Ikegami, The Taming of the 24 Ibid. Samurai: Honorific Individualism and the 25 Ibid., 23.

26 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

all the work touched on in this essay, it be sensitive to the impact of the Tokugawa most carefully evaluated. Like Takemura’s settlement on the hitherto relatively book, it stands firmly and self-consciously independent ethos of members of the in the tradition of Robert Bellah’s warrior estate; she is good on the Tokugawa Religion. Indeed, Ikegami dilemmas facing Tokugawa samurai. writes of “shar[ing] many of Bellah’s Under this regime, honor was “tamed” and interests and questions concerning “proceduralized”. Refocussed and rechan- Japanese culture”.26 As her title suggests, neled into constructive modes of behavior, she is interested in the “resources” that it was now subject to “moralization”29 and traditional Japanese culture brought to the promoted “long-term goals”.30 At the same modern world. Writing nearly four decades time, the earlier martial and violent honor after Bellah, however, Ikegami could draw survived as a substratum, “never on a vastly greater volume of analysis of completely eradicated”. It was preserved, Japan’s cultural inheritance. As a native Ikegami argues, for instance, in the speaker of Japanese, moreover, she Hagakure, which “created a ‘time bomb’ in controlled a body of historical scholarship Japanese culture”.31 in a fashion denied Bellah himself. Like The book is an impressive and at times Bellah, she is explicitly concerned with the even brilliant achievement. Ikegami has values of the warrior estate. However, she drawn on a large body of Japanese adopts a diachronic, historical method that secondary writing, some of it fresh to sets her work off from what she sees as English-language readers. She analyzes Bellah’s “static” and “functionalist” particular incidents with insight, and is approach.27 She is sensitive to the dynamic duly sympathetic, at times arguably too development of Japanese history, to the sympathetic, to her subject. The book multi-layered character of the Japanese contains much fascinating detail. But it cultural tradition, and particularly to the has a number of weaknesses. Some derive effect on samurai of state formation in the from its basic thematic and conceptual early modern period. structure. Others reflect the reductionism Bellah had focussed on inner-worldly seemingly inherent in the project of mysticism and its associated asceticism as historical sociology. a Japanese counterpart to Weber’s The identification of honor as a major “Protestant ethic”. Ikegami, by contrast, and positive cultural resource for modern builds her analysis around what she terms Japan, first, suggests unpleasant moral “honorific individualism”. A major thesis of ambiguities. Ikegami is of course sensitive her book is that early Japanese notions of to the association of honor with violence, honor were basically individualist, focused though less, it seems to its implications in on the one-to-one combat of the twelfth Japan’s twentieth-century history. On century. In late medieval times, honor had grounds of moral sensibility, not all connotated “violence, autonomy, individu- readers seem likely to share her ality, and dignity”. 28 This form of honor celebration of it as a positive value. A more was, however, incompatible with the serious structural problem, however, requirements of order in Japan’s early concerns the concept of “honorific modern state. Ikegami is particularly individualism” itself. This self

26 Ikegami, 9. 29 Ibid., 236. 27 Ibid. 30 Ibid., 330. 28 Ibid., 117. 31 Ibid., 298.

27 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

contradictory-sounding concept derives same thing. To make her thesis of the from the thought of Thomas Hobbes’ redirection of honor persuasive, Ikegami Leviathan, where the philosopher must extend the sense of honor to an generalizes the concept of honor to include internalized value “resid[ing] in the possession of material wealth and power.32 innermost depths of a person’s self- Ikegami links Hobbes’ honor to the understanding”. 35 In a similar direction, “possessive individualism” that C.B. she writes, problematically, of a moralized Macpherson, the distinguished Canadian honor linked to autonomy. Under the scholar of Hobbes, identified in the Tokugawa order, samurai “were required tradition of seventeenth-century English to demonstrate their moral autonomy political thought. 33 At the same time, when it touched upon the matter of their Ikegami shifts the sense of “honor” from its honor”.36 It is, however, difficult to see the broad Hobbesian sense to the social value sensitivity and violent response to insult that is the opposite of shame.34 For her, that remained characteristic of samurai honor is social approval and the behavior throughout the period as the recognition of dignity. The problem is that exercise of genuine “moral autonomy”. the two types of honor reflect different Thus Ikegami ends up constantly types of society. Hobbes, as Macpherson adjusting her concept of honor to reconcile convincingly argues, accepted a model of two values which at best rest uneasily society based on a market economy, together. The result is that the semantic acquisitiveness and “possessive inclusiveness of honor is extended to the individualism”. Ikegami’s social concept of point where its analytical value becomes honor more usually reflects a status-based strained. Honor is not a talisman that society largely premised on pre-market explains everything. After all, even relations. Her coupling of “individualism” warriors in battle are driven as much by and “honor” for the basic theme of her book their individual need to survive and to thus creates a tension that informs the gain access to the rewards of victory as by whole work. At the least, her key concept the need to defend their honor. requires further explication. Ikegami is conscious that honor reflects “Individualism” typically places self primarily the social and particularistic before society; “honor” implicitly does the here and now. She writes that “any honor opposite. In the general understanding, culture is by its nature liable to serious honor is heteronomous; the source of honor conflict with a transcendental value lies outside the self, in society. Its antonym system”. But Japan, she argues, was never is shame. Honor is thus not to be equated historically exposed to a system of thought with morality, for arguably immoral or or “universalistic religion” that might amoral actions may attract honor. Only in challenge her honor culture. Japan a perfectly moral society, indeed, could “neither developed indigenous elitist honor and morality in practice mean the counter-ideologies nor imported those of 37 Western Europe”. As this suggests, Ikegami takes a limited view of 32 Ch. X. 33 Confucianism. That tradition, she thinks, C.B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke “never became an ultimate religious value (Oxford: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 1962). 34 Here she apparently follows Orlando 35 Ibid., 23. Patterson (MS of vol 2 of Freedom); Ibid., 418, 36 Ibid., 220. note 9. 37 Ibid., 335.

28 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

transcending the norms of a social interested in the internal life. As Kate group”.38 She seems to reduce Japanese Nakai remarks, he “was a Confucian ‘actor’ Confucianism to “logical skills” which rather than a Confucian ‘thinker’“;44 and merely supplemented “a remarkably Shōin’s thought was too much influenced strong sense of personal autonomy by Japanese particularism and nation- expressed in the idiom of the indigenous alism for him to be cited as an exemplar of samurai culture”. 39 “Confucian teachers”, the Confucian tradition. further, “did not and could not In a similar direction, Ikegami paints a fundamentally challenge the emotional broad picture of Japanese Confucian dimension of the samurai’s honor thought that does not allow for significant culture”. 40 They chose the path of exceptions or minority views. She writes of “accommodation” 41 to Japanese society the inversion in priority of the two core and its values. Chinese Confucian values of loyalty (chū) Yet many have seen in Confucianism and filial piety (kō) that took place in exactly such a potential challenge to Japan, of “placing chū first and making kō existing society. Mencius celebrated the secondary”. 45 This is of course the “great man”, who was “above the powers of commonly accepted view, repeated riches and honors to make dissipated, of constantly by ideologues and scholars since poverty and mean condition to make Tokugawa times. But it overlooks swerve from principle, and of power and significant exceptions, where thinkers force to make bend”.42 And in Japan itself, adhered, for complex reasons, to the a seventeenth-century Confucian could Chinese priorities.46 If historical sociology write that “The superior man is deals with the “resources” that the past unconscious whether others know or do not brings to the present, then the past itself know him. He merely develops his own should not needlessly be painted in virtue, irrespective of praise or reviling. monochrome. Hence he is one who takes his own solitary There are other significant omissions. course”. 43 But Ikegami discounts any Ikegami, like many other scholars, seems alternative to her honor culture. Her main to overlook the influence of military exemplars of Japanese Confucian behavior, philosophy on the Japanese value system. in fact, are hardly good representatives of Yet the canon of Chinese military the tradition. They are Arai Hakuseki at philosophy was as well known to samurai the age of eighteen, at most one year after as the Confucian classics. Ming dynasty his discovery of Confucian learning, and military treatises were also avidly read. Yoshida Shōin. Hakuseki, even in his Here was a deeply rooted ethos that has maturity, was a man by temperament little little to do with honor. “Though he be a dog or a beast, a warrior’s true task is to

win”. 47 Surely it is unwise to 38 Ibid., 306. 39 Ibid., 316. 40 Ibid., 319. 44 Nakai, 79. 41 Ibid., 305. 45 Ikegami, 252. 42 Mencius, 3b, 2 (iii); James Legge tr., The 46 For example, Hayashi Razan and Chinese Classics, 2 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Kumazawa Banzan. See I.J. McMullen, “Rulers University Press, 1960 [reprint of 2nd edition of or Fathers: A Casuistical Problem in Early 1895]): 265. Modern Japan”, Past and Present, No. 116 43 Kumazawa Banzan, Rongo shōkai, in (August, 1987), especially: 69-78. Masamune Atsuo comp., Banzan zenshū, 4 47 For example, Hayashi Razan and (Tokyo: Banzan Zenshū Kankōkai, 1940): 28. Kumazawa Banzan. See I.J. McMullen, “Rulers

29 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

underestimate the starkly rational and of scholars like Hamaguchi Esyun.50 Yet realist approach legitimated by the she strives to differentiate her work from military canon and inculcated in samurai such views. Perhaps it is her sensitivity to by long historical exposure to warfare. the weakness of her argument that leads This rationality, as much as “honorific her to conclude her book with a fierce individualism”, explains the “enormous attack on Ruth Benedict’s analysis of individual courage and risk-taking”48 that Japan as a shame-based culture. Ikegami identifies in the Japanese In the end, Ikegami’s “honorific response to the challenges of nation individualism” not only contains a morally building in the Meiji period. Thus, repugnant element; it is also hard to surprisingly in one so sensitive to the accept as the key to the success of modern complexity and internal dissonance within Japanese society. Her most serious the culture of honor, Ikegami has contribution to the understanding of the simplified the pluralism of the Japanese Japanese historical inheritance seems tradition. In attributing so much to her likely to lie in her vivid sense of the indigenous ”honorific individualism”, she layered, ambiguous and cumulative comes close to the reductionism or character of the Japanese historical essentialism that characterize certain experience. styles of sociological writing on Japan. Her failings are, however, not crude. She is III always sensitive to ambiguities and dilemmas, and her analyses are often very The history of ideas, as pursued by subtle. scholars such as Arthur O. Lovejoy, views Yet the tension between honor and thought as relatively autonomous. Though individualism remains. In her “Epilogue”, he does not make this connection, in Ikegami introduces a concept of Yamashita’s survey, the “interpretive “proximity”, whereby “a socially embedded community” centered round William sense of self . . . and a more subjective Theodore de Bary comes closest to this sense of self are brought into proximity”.49 type of scholarship. True, Yamashita’s Thus, she contends, honor and identification of de Bary with a particular individuality need not be polarized; nor is approach is in some ways inappropriate, honor “a dated and superficial concept”. for de Bary’s influence has been as much Here, finally, Ikegami confronts the institutional, through the funding for the structural problem of her work. Yet her field that he has secured, as intellectual. solution to the problem of the construction He would not wish to be associated with a of the modern Japanese self has an particular approach. De Bary’s own work, element of déja vu. It leads close to the however, as Yamashita points out, views familiar territory of the Nihonjinron. As Confucianism, particularly in its revived Ikegami acknowledges in a footnote, her Neo-Confucian form, as a movement with analysis is similar to the “contextualism” the potential to develop or “unfold” doctrinally. Yamashita characterized the de

or Fathers: A Casuistical Problem in Early 50 Ibid., 419, note 1; For Hamaguchi Modern Japan”, Past and Present, No. 116 Esyun's theory, see “A Contextual Model of the (August, 1987), especially: 69-78. Japanese: Toward a Methodological Innovation 48 Ikegami, 365. in Japanese Studies”, Journal of Japanese 49 Ibid., 372; italics original. Studies, 11: 2 (Summer, 1985): 289-321.

30 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Bary method as differentiated from the These publications do not always make for “modernization” school by virtue of its easy reading. It needs considerable positive view of Confucianism. That scholarly powers to make the material tradition was progressive, reformist, and, incisive, persuasive and alive. Otherwise, in certain manifestations, “liberal”. 51 the emphasis on doctrine too often Essentially, de Bary and his followers, produces a turgid or arid style. Too often, though not of course insensitive to ideas and concepts are inadequately historical context, try to see Confucianism explained, listed as inert items in an as an object of study in its own right, insufficiently articulated or contextualised rather than as the product of given social framework of belief and practice. environments. They seem to prefer to Furthermore, the pan-East Asian believe that ideas are an autonomous perspective of the group imposes special realm of experience, as objects of technical and linguistic requirements, sympathetic study or even of belief. For especially where Japan is concerned. them, Confucianism is a grand tradition Japanese Confucians belonged to a diffused across the national boundaries of scholastic tradition. Most read Chinese East Asia. Indeed, it almost has the effortlessly; some emulated their Chinese texture of Christian Catholicism. Their mentors by writing in that language. To approach might be called “theological” in write about, a fortiori to translate, this the sense that the development of doctrine, material requires facility in handling both the inter-relationship of divergent classical Chinese and classical and modern metaphysical emphases, and particularly Japanese. This expertise, it is difficult to the “spirituality” of the tradition, engage deny, has not always been fully available. their keenest interest. It is significant that Much of this work consists of the Chinese and Japanese scholars who translations with introductory essays that work with this group, men such as Okada set the translation in context, a format of Takehiko or Minamoto Ryōen, tend obvious value for American university themselves to write from within the broad teaching. Such was Mary Evelyn Tucker’s tradition of East Asian spirituality. In 1990 book, Moral and Spiritual Cultivation some sense, they tend to be bearers of its in Japanese Neo-Confucianism: The Life ethos. and Thought of Kaibara Ekken (1630- Credit must be given to de Bary and 1714), 52 reviewed not uncritically by those associated with him, including the Yamashita. In the decade of the nineties, late Professor Wing-tsit Chan and Irene the same format is adopted by John Allen Bloom, for the efforts that they have made Tucker’s Itō Jinsai’s Gomō jigi and the over a long period, through seminars and Philosophical Definition of Early Modern other activities, to raise understanding of Japan, published in 1998. 53 This work the Neo-Confucian world, particularly on illustrates both the strengths and the East Coast of the United States. The weaknesses of the de Bary approach. result has been an impressive volume of published work, a great collaborative effort, 52 Mary Evelyn Tucker, Moral and Spiritual covering China, Korea and Japan. Yet it is Cultivation in Japanese Neo-Confucianism: The not easy to feel one’s way into the world of Life and Thought of Kaibara Ekken (1630- belief and practice of a tradition as 1714) (Albany: State University of New York ramified and subtle as Neo-Confucianism. Press, 1989). 53 John Allen Tucker, Itō Jinsai's Gomō jigi and thePhilosophical Definition of Early Modern 51 Yamashita, 17-18. Japan (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1998).

31 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Tucker’s introduction, first, is explanation of what significance this value commendably transnational in perspective. might have in practice or in broader He places Go-Mō jigi in a long tradition of historical terms. “Confucian lexicography”, going back to Not all those associated institutionally the Sung dynasty and Ch’en Pei-hsi’s with de Bary share this sort of approach. Hsing-li tzu-i. But he needs to write more Janine Anderson Sawada’s Confucian convincingly about the relationship of Values and Popular Zen: Sekimon Jinsai’s polemical work both to the Shingaku in Eighteenth-Century Japan57 received tradition and to its historical (1993) deals with the general area of context. He uses such categories as “Neo- commoner Confucianism. This book falls Confucian” with insufficient rigor; and he more within religious than intellectual appears to have a simplistic understanding history. Here, at last, “spirituality” is given of the relationship of thought to its social a more incisive and sophisticated background. His translation is also open to treatment. Much of the book is factual and the criticism that he treats Go-Mō jigi as a descriptive. The historical context emerges text written in Japanese rather than in vividly. The process of training, the Chinese. This leads to problems with his institutional and familial milieu, the English version.54 Another work somewhat problem of reconciling Zen Buddhist forms in the same manner is Marleen Kassel’s of enlightenment with Confucian moral Tokugawa Confucian Education: The teaching are sympathetically explored and Kangien Academy of Hirose Tansō (1782- their paradoxes exposed. This book 1856).55 This work fills in the detail of the conveys a graphic sense of Shingaku profile of this private academy provided in preachers as members of a commoner Richard Rubinger’s 1982 study, Private urban society, their limitations and their Academies of Tokugawa Japan. 56 It also particular, quite modest, form of religiosity. offers translations of key texts by Tansō. If indeed there is a “de Bary tradition”, The background essay is more this represents it at its freest and most comprehensive than Tucker’s. Yet here, too, attractive best. the limitations of the approach stand out. The book contains a biography, and IV summary of the development of Neo- Confucian doctrine in both China and Yamashita’s “new intellectual Japan that, though accurate, is more than historians”, so prominently represented by a little redolent of hagiography and adds such scholars as Tetsuo Najita, H. D. little to the established understanding. Harootunian, Herman Ooms and Victor Tansō’s philosophy is limned out. Central Koschmann in the eighties, were less is the concept of “reverence”, but the productive during the nineties. Yet several reader is not offered any very convincing works from this group have remained important or continued to attract serious critical attention in the period under 54 Documented in I.J. McMullen, “Itō Jinsai review. Two scholars, Naoki Sakai and and the Meanings of Words”, Monumenta Tetsuo Najita have produced work that Nipponica, 54: 4 (Winter, 1999): 509-20. 55 Marleen R. Kassel, Tokugawa Confucian Education: The Kangien Academy of Hirose Tansō (Albany: State University of New York 57 Janine A. Sawada, Confucian Values and Press, 1996). Popular Zen: Sekimon Shingaku in Eighteenth- 56 Richard Rubinger, Private Academies of century Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Tokugawa Japan. Press, 1993).

32 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

may be addressed in a review such as this. precisely because one is uncertain of the Naoki Sakai’s Voices of the Past: the consequences of an intended ethical action. Status of Language in Eighteenth-Century Only when here is discontinuity between Japanese Discourse was published in intent and consequences, is the ethical 1992.58 In its sheer density and difficulty, possible”. 60 As with other aspects of it remains sui generis. The book defied postmodernism, there is a resonance with easy evaluation and inevitably aroused Zen Buddhism, as well as with modern controversy. Its theoretical modality lay far anxieties about the role of language and beyond the range of most historians, even metaphysics. Be that as it may, Sakai of practitioners of intellectual history; it claimed to have found this non-normative was, however, admiringly reviewed by ethics in Jinsai’s rejection of the Sung Neo- Yamashita himself, who seemed awe- Confucian metaphysical view that struck by its theoretical claims. Five years identified moral norms with eternal after its publication, it was still arousing principles immanent in men and in the controversy. The book was the subject of a external world. He argues that Jinsai review article by Herman Ooms, the most believed that “ethical norms are open minded of the “new intellectual established and affirmed in action, they do historians”, in the Journal of Japanese not exist either temporarily or logically Studies in 1996.59 Ooms wrote with special anterior to action”.61 authority as a scholar familiar with much But Jinsai was not a Buddhist and of the largely continental literature that entertained no Buddhistic rejection of inspired Sakai’s seeming intellectual objective concepts. He believed in the hypertrophy. He was, however, far less existence of moral principles as taught by impressed than Yamashita. He argued the Confucian Sages. It is difficult to convincingly that Sakai’s imposition of his reconcile Sakai’s “non-normative” own postmodernist problematic on Jinsai’s understanding with, for instance, Jinsai’s thought distorts Jinsai’s real concerns. own claim in Go-Mō jigi that “Although the Most tellingly, he accuses Sakai of twisting goodnesses of the realm are many and the the meaning of his texts and of poor principles of the realm are numerous, yet scholarship. benevolence, righteousness, ritual It is sometimes helpful, if presumptious, propriety and wisdom are the main points; when struggling with highly theoretical and of the ten thousand goodnesses there and unfamiliar work of this sort to assume is not one which is not itself included that theoretical luxuriance conceals among them”. 62 In the light of such something relatively simple and accessible. passages, Sakai’s attempt to enlist Jinsai In Sakai’s case, as Ooms would have it, he to resolve his postmodern predicament is looking for “an open-ended seems at best problematic. His book, it individualism” which will make it possible seems, remains mainly concerned with to do away with the normative ethics that modern perceptions of the problem of smothers true ethical intention. In Sakai’s own words, “One is capable of being ethical 60 Sakai, 106; Ooms, “Tokugawa Texts”, 392. 61 Sakai, 105; Ooms, “Tokugawa Texts”, 58 Naoki Sakai, Voices of the Past: The 393. Status of Language in Eighteenth-Century 62 Itō Jinsai, Go-Mō jigi, in Yoshikawa Japanese Discourse (Ithaca: Cornell University Kōjirō and Shimizu Shigeru comp., Itō Jinsai, Itō Press, 1992). Tōgai, Nihon shisō taikei, vol. 33 (Tokyo: 59 Herman Ooms,”Tokugawa Texts”. Iwanami Shoten, 1971): 128

33 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

language and morality. As Sakai himself a partial translation of Benmei. Najita recently observed approvingly of cultural makes far-reaching claims for Sorai’s place studies as a whole, “we are no longer in the modern world. He is a “pivotal simply talking about some kind of distant referent”, recognized as “one who provides object, but we are really talking about our the conceptual handle with which to involvement in that object, too”. 63 understand the moderniztion of Japan”.68 Mutatis mutandis, the self-absorption that His ideas, “whose full significances have these words suggest informs Voices of the yet to be determined”, 69 “continue to Past. reverberate”.70 Tetsuo Najita’s major contribution for Najita’s book has not been well-received. the Cambridge History (1991), 64 an W.J. Boot, in a review article for attractive account of eighteenth-century Monumenta Nipponica, found that thought, drew heavily on his Visions of inaccuracies in translation and a failure to Virtue of the preceding decade.65 It was document quotations in Sorai’s text structured, like the earlier work, around effectively disqualified it from serious his dichotomy between “history” and consideration. 71 Detailed examination of “nature” as the basis of knowledge. Most both introduction and translation confirms recently, he has published Tokugawa that this is a tendentious and misleading Political Writings, 66 in the series work. Both in his translation and his Cambridge Texts in Modern Politics. The introductory essay, Najita systemically stated aim of this series is to provide distorts Sorai’s thought in a liberal “authoritative and accessible” English- direction. Where Sorai is authoritarian, language editions of texts that “have been Najita depicts him as a kind of universalist important in the politics of Latin America, inspired by a genial, nurturing spirit. Africa and Asia in the later nineteenth Much of this is done on the basis of century and twentieth century, and which misinterpretation of Sorai’s text. This is will continue in importance into the not the place for a detailed critique of twenty-first”.67 Najita’s volume is devoted Najita’s English rendering.72 To take just to two works by Ogyū Sorai, the Bendō and one fairly representative example from the translation, however, Najita translates the canonical expression shen tu, literally 63 Harry Harootunian and Naoki Sakai, “cautious over being alone”, as “humble “Dialogue: Japanese Studies and Cultural Studies”, positions, 7:2 (Fall, 1999), (English version of Japanese article published in Shisō 877 68 Ibid., xiv. [July, 1997]): 622. 69 Ibid., xiii. 64 Tetsuo Najita, “History and Nature in 70 Ibid., x. Eighteenth-century Tokugawa Thought”, in John 71 W.J. Boot, “Approaches to Ogyū Sorai: Whitney Hall, ed., The Cambridge History of Translation and Transculturation”, Monumenta Japan: Volume 4, Early Modern Japan Nipponica, 54: 2 (Summer, 1999): 253-7. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 72 Such a critique is undertaken in my review Ch. 12. article, “Ogyü Sorai and the Definition of Terms”, 65 Tetsuo Najita, Visions of Virtue: The Japan Forum 13:2 (Autumn, 2001): 249-65. Kaitokudō Merchant Academy of Osaka This review develops material first presented in (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). the Ohio State University workshop and I am 66 Tetsuo Najita, ed., Tokugawa Political grateful to Philip Brown for agreeing to its Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University separate publication. It is hoped to explore the Press, 1998). utilitarian character of Sorai’s thought and his 67 Ibid., i. debt to Mo-tzu in a further article.

34 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

autonomy”. 73 His rendition suggests a What has happened here? Why should whole wealth of associations remote from the “new intellectual history” often be so Sorai’s mental world. Sorai did not, as critically received? Are reviewers merely Najita’s use of “autonomy” suggests, petulant or pedantic to insist on more underwrite an individual’s capacity to disciplined understanding of the texts? determine his own conduct. Rather, he More broadly, are critics of the “new believed that behavior should be controlled intellectual history” spoilers of its shining by external institutions. At most, for Sorai, project to disclose the true construction of shen tu referred to a disciplined self- knowledge and power? Answers to such control when out of the sight of others. It questions are contingent on ideological had nothing to do with the determination preference; none is likely to satisfy all of moral choice suggested by the English parties to the debate. Over time, it is true, “autonomy”. Significantly, Sorai was scholars will cumulatively reach judgment deeply hostile to Mencius, the classical as to what work has enduring merit and Chinese Confucian who most promoted what is merely fashionable; such judgment individual autonomy. Indeed, Bendō and will transcend the controversies of the here Benmei are anti-Mencian and in many and now. Meanwhile, however, it is worth ways illiberal tracts. noting that Herman Ooms, himself no Sorai’s thought was also profoundly mean theoretician, finds fault with both elitist. Najita’s introduction, however, Harootunian and Sakai for distorted or credits Sorai with the view that the people unreliable reading of their primary texts.76 could intellectually grasp the Way and Theory, it seems, can indeed deflect from determine their conduct accordingly. But, scholarly soundness. Najita is a different in a passage from Benmei not translated case, for his work, though theoretically by Najita, Sorai explicitly denied the sophisticated, is generally much more utility of attempting to explain the accessible to ordinary readers But with Confucian way to people in general. 74 him, too, inattention to language and the Rather, they were to submit to momentum of his own exegesis would seem institutional control and be transformed to carry him away from fidelity to the unconsciously through its influence. Nor meaning of his original texts. was Sorai in practice a particularly Yet theory need not distort, overburden benevolent Confucian. He advocated the or render work inaccessible to the ordinary sale of human beings, and summary reader of intellectual history. A refreshing execution of absconding servants by their example of just how judiciously it can samurai masters.75 combine with empirical research is provided by Gregory Smits’s 1999

73 monograph, Visions of Ryukyu: Identity Najita, ed., Tokugawa Political Writings, and Ideology in Early-modern Thought and 97. Politics. 77 The theoretical underpinnings 74 Ogyū Sorai, Benmei, in Nishida Taiichirō comp. Ogyū Sorai, Nihon shisō taikei: 36 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973): 239. 75 See J.R. McEwan, The Political Writings 76 Ooms describes Harootunian's Tokugawa of Ogyū Sorai (Cambridge: Cambridge “populism” as “textually unfounded” University Press, 1962), 71. For a new, complete (“Tokugawa Texts”, 386); and indicts Sakai translation of Seidan, see Olof G. Lidin, Ogyū (together with Harootunian) for “twisted Sorai's Discourse on Government (Seidan). An meanings” (Ibid., 400). Annotated Translation (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 77 Gregory Smits, Visions of Ryukyu: 1999). Identity and Ideology in Early-Modern Thought

35 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

of this book are not extensive; they seem to test such work for accuracy and reliability. consist largely of the ideas on community Ikegami and Najita write in very different and state of Benedict Anderson, Ernest modes. But each seems to have distorted Gellner and Prasenjit Duara. The the subject of their book by masking what attraction of the subject lies in the many would perceive as its negative challenge to self-definition experienced by aspects. It is interesting that neither a small island political community caught Ikegami nor Najita discusses “military between two powerful neighbours. True, philosophy”, the realist tradition widely Smits draws critically on a considerable studied among samurai and others during Japanese secondary literature, and his the period. This tradition has certainly book is something in the nature of a survey. deeply influenced Japan’s intellectual Nor is he embarrassed to leave some and cultural inheritance. True, Ikegami problems unsolved. But he is sensitive to characterizes the Tokugawa regime as a the internal and external pressures that “garrison state”, 78 thus implicitly influenced the choice of ideological recognizing the role of threatened violence strategy among the Ryukyu elites. His in its governance. However, while siting account ranges from the question of honor at the basis of the dominant human agency in Confucian thought to tradition and acclaiming it as a positive practical matters such as silviculture on resource, she pays insufficient attention to the islands. Yet, in spite of this range, his its historically destructive side. She does account is always lucid and accessible. little to confront what she would surely Smits’s story is inherently dramatic. His concede have been its terrible workings out depiction of Sai On’s use of Confucian in the twentieth century. Najita, likewise, ideas to assert Ryukyuan autonomy within does not discuss Sorai’s well-documented the East Asian context is especially interest in Chinese military writing or its compelling. As he claims himself, his impact on his thought. Still less does he analysis of Sai On’s use of Confucianism mention or attempt to dispose of the illumines the spread of that tradition charge of Arai Hakuseki, himself a “strong- beyond its homeland. arm” Confucian, that Sorai “sought to present the Sun tzu as a model for V government”.79 There are, therefore, lacunae which, it The foregoing review has touched on may be suggested, should be addressed. It the most salient work on Tokugawa is these gaps, rather than, for instance, a intellectual history in English of the last radical re-periodization, that challenge decade. Of the books mentioned here, two, scholars in the field. For the conventional those of Ikegami and Najita, stand out, by concept of “Tokugawa intellectual history” virtue of their subject matter or retains natural chronological boundaries. circumstances of publication, as most It has a natural beginning with the freeing likely to reach a wide readership. These of Neo-Confucianism from Buddhist and books may well form the image of court noble control early in the Tokugawa intellectual tradition among seventeenth century; and a natural end students and the non-specialist public. It is with the granting of public access to incumbent on the community of scholars to western texts with the end of the

and Politics (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i 78 Ikegami, 156. Press, 1999). 79 Nakai, 62-63.

36 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Tokugawa period. Among the lacunae “worn and by now questionable trope . . .of within this period, clearly, the influence of the unfulfilled promise” 80 of Tokugawa military thought is one. But polemics thought. Ooms’s own interpretation, of within the intellectual world also deserve course, promotes a notion of “closure” that further exploration. Both John Allen is inhospitable to radical alternatives. But Tucker’s misrecognition of the polemical many Tokugawa intellectuals thought nature of Itō Jinsai’s thought and Najita’s deeply about the betterment of their overly bland presentation of Sorai suggest society; not all underwrote the status quo. that it will be profitable to pay more Some drew on elements of Chinese attention to controversies among thinking that challenged the dominance of intellectuals in the period. For, what Ooms calls the “discursive edifice” of axiomatically, such arguments “submissiveness to the political order.” 81 demonstrate faultlines in the thought of Equally, some were frustrated. But their those who mount them. Jinsai’s analyses may contain criticisms of their dismantling of Sung Neo-Confucian dualist present that remain of interest. metaphysics reveals his deep aversion to Again, accuracy of linguistic certain forms of mysticism and self- understanding must be recognized as a deconstruction. Sorai’s anti-Mencian views sine qua non for this of all fields. It can no help plot his position on a range of longer be acceptable to treat texts written questions, including the important one of in Chinese as though they were Japanese. human moral subjectivity. The primary While Yamashita was right to express sources for Tokugawa intellectual history gratitude for the increased availability of certainly contain references to many other modern translations, he was wrong to controversies that could usefully be imply that credit should be given for not analyzed. Like geological fissures, such relying on them. Najita’s work shows how divisions of opinion reveal underlying easy it is to impose wishful readings on a formations. text if linguistic understanding is Intellectual biography, too, insufficiently rigorous. Perfect accuracy unfashionable though it may be, can be may be unattainable, but it should still illuminating. Biography can be subsumed remain a discipline to strive for. under what Maruyama Masao once called No doubt the divisions that have so the “approach via the subject”. It is in conspicuously characterized the field over some ways a humbler task than the the last two decades will be perpetuated in “approach by the method” that uses some form. But there is a sense that the exalted theory. Yet it can provide a useful most virulent and destructive phase of control over the sometimes procrustean controversy is spent. In 1999, Harry tendencies of the latter. It is a Harootunian and Naoki Sakai published a commonplace that one way to understand dialogue in the Duke University periodical an age is through its larger minds. positions, entitled “Japan studies and Fortunately, the Tokugawa period is cultural studies”. 82 The dialogue is formidably well documented, and more and more primary material is being published 80 Ooms, “Tokugawa Texts”, 86. in accessible editions. Searching inquiry 81 Ooms, Herman, “Introduction to "The into the lives and confrontations of able Nature of Early Tokugawa Confucianism" by and articulate men and women is always Kurozumi Makoto”, Journal of Japanese Studies, likely to be instructive. This sort of inquiry 20: 2 (Summer, 1994): 335; footnote 9 supplies should not be inhibited by Herman Ooms’s further references to “closure”. too lightly passed denunciation of the 82 See above, note 63.

37 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

informed by bitterness and self- Sakai justified in representing theory as commiseration. The titles of subsections rejected. Perhaps they have confounded tell the story. They include: “The crisis of broader issues with the often hostile Japan studies in the United States”, critical response to their own work. “Culturism and the postwar policies of the Intellectual history abounds with examples United States”, “The missionary of radical ideas that, after initial resistence, positionality and the production of have entered common discourse. Many of knowledge”; “Academic journalism and the the central insights of postmodernism on hostility to theory”; “Colonial legacy and power and on the contingency of language ethnocentrism”; and so on. The burden of that Harootunian, Sakai and others have the argument is that Japanese Studies in striven to promote will, without doubt, be the United States has been an instrument absorbed into the mainstream of scholarly of political and colonial power; that critical consciousness and method. Mature theory can expose this situation; but that scholarship will not be allergic to the best critical theorists have been victimized or theoretical writing. Moreover, for all the even “portrayed . . . as criminals”83 by a perceived shortcomings of some of the Japanese studies establishment centered work of the 'Chicago group', most scholars in major universities and working through would surely concede that the field looks journals such as the Journal of Japanese different, livelier, more exciting and Studies and Monumenta Nipponica. These imaginative, since they have visited it. journals are described as enforcing their All that said, no one would wish to deny ideology through, among other things, a the larger point that the diversity of pedantic insistence in reviews on accuracy method and approach sketched above is a in translation. sign of vitality. The different styles of The dialogue would seem both to scholarship do mostly, as Yamashita overstate and understate the case for suggested, contribute to understanding of “theory”. From a trans-Atlantic perspective, the Tokugawa intellectual world. The the claims of victimization are shrill. After fertility of the field remains a cause for all, the work of the main bearers of celebration. Of course, there can be no “theory” in Tokugawa intellectual history, final version of Tokugawa intellectual Najita, Harootunian and Ooms, has been history. As long as understanding of man, available in attractive and reasonably- individually and collectively, changes, so priced paperback editions. Sakai’s will the reading of the Tokugawa historical Tokugawa book was published by a material necessarily also change. It is distinguished university press. These likely to remain a subject of fruitful scholars have had ample opportunity to contestation. present their views. Indeed, the impression is sometimes conveyed that theirs has been the “hegemonic” discourse. It is the works on eccentric thinkers, precisely the witnesses to the heterogeneity that the theorists claim to value, which seem to have been under-supported and starved of recognition. Nor are Harootunian and

83 Harutoonian, in Harootunian and Sakai, 612.

38 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Bibliography Religion and Thought in Early Tokyo: University of British Columbia Press Modern Japan (English language, 1980 – and University of Tokyo Press, 1997. 15-67. 2000; alphabetical order by sub-fields) ______. trans. “The Jeweled Comb-Box: Motoori Norinaga's Tamakushige.” Monumenta ©Janine Sawada with James McMullen Nipponica 43, no. 1 (1988): 35-61. Burns, Susan Lynn. “Contesting Exegesis: Visions of the Subject and the Social in Shinto Tokugawa National Learning.” Unpublished Confucianism Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, Buddhism 1994. Heterodox and Popular Religious Devine, Richard. “Hirata Atsutane and Christian Movements Sources.” Monumenta Nipponica 36, no. 1 General & Interreligious (1981): 37-54. Fish, David Lee. “"Edo Sato Kagura": Ritual, School Shinto and Nativist Studies Drama, Farce and Music in a Pre-Modern Shinto Theatrical.” Unpublished Ph.D. Antoni, Klaus. Shintō und die Konzeption des dissertation, University of Michigan, 1994. japanischen Nationalwesens (kokutai): Der Griolet, Pascal. “L'orthographe du japonais et les religiöse Traditionalismus in Neuzeit und 'études nationales.’” Cipango 3 (1994): 7-36. Moderne Japan, Handbook of Oriental Harootunian, Harry D. Things Seen and Unseen: Studies 5, vol. 8. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Discourse and Ideology in Tokugawa Boot, Willem Jan. “Japanese Poetics and the Nativism. Chicago: University of Chicago Kokka Hachiron.” Asiatica Venetiana 4 Press, 1988. (1999): 23-43. Ivy, Marilyn. “Ghostlier Demarcations: Textual ______. “The Death of a Shogun: Deification in Phantasm and the Origins of Japanese Early Modern Japan.” In Shinto in Japanese Nativist Ethnology.” In Culture/Contexture: History, edited by John L. Breen and Mark Explorations in Anthropology and Literary Teeuwen, 144-166. Honolulu: University of Study, edited by E. Valentine and Jeffrey M. Hawai'i Press, 2000. Peck, 296-322. Berkeley: University of ＿＿＿. “The Religious Background of the California Press, 1996. Deification of Tokugawa Ieyasu.” In Kenney, Elizabeth. “Shinto Funerals in the Edo Rethinking Japan, Volume II: Social Sciences, Period.” Japanese Journal of Religious Ideology and Thought, ed. by Adriana Studies 27, nos. 3-4 (2000): 239-271. Boscaro, Franco Gatti, and Massimo Raveri, Kyburz, Josef A. “Le culte d'Ise au debut de l'ere 331-337. Folkestone, Kent: Sandgate, 1990. Meiji.” Cipango 7 (1998): 182-214. Breen, John L. “Accomodating the Alien: ‘kuni Macé, François. “Les funerailles des souverains Takamasa and the Religion of the Lord of japonais.” Cahiers d'Extreme-Asie 4 (1988): Heaven.” In Religion and Japan: Arrows to 157-165. Heaven and Earth, edited by P. F. Kornicki Marra, Michele. “Nativist Hermeneutics: The and I. J. McMullen, 179-197. Cambridge: Interpretive Strategies of Motoori Norinaga Cambridge University Press, 1996. and Fujitani Mitsue.” Japan Review 10 (1985): 17-52. ＿＿＿. “Nativism Restored.” Monumenta McNally, Mark Thomas. “Phantom History: Nipponica 55, no. 3 (2000): 429-439. Hirata Atsutane and Tokugawa Nativism.” ______. “Shintoists in Restoration Japan (1868- Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of 1872): Towards a Reassessment.” Modern California, 1998. Asian Studies 24, no. 3 (1990): 579-602. Ng, Wai-ming. “The I Ching in the Shinto Brownlee, John S. Japanese Historians and the Thought of Tokugawa Japan.” Philosophy National Myths, 1600-1945: The Age of the East and West 48, no. 4 (1998): 568-591. Gods and Emperor Jimmu. Vancouver and Nishimura, Sey, trans. “First Steps into the

72 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Mountains: Motoori Norinaga's ＿＿＿. “Nativism As a Social Movement.” In Uiyamabumi.” Monumenta Nipponica 42, no. Shinto in History, edited by John L. Breen 4 (1987): 449-493. and Mark Teeuwen, 205-239. Honolulu: ______. “The Way of the Gods: Motoori University of Hawai'i Press, 2000. Norinaga's Naobi no Mitama.” Monumenta Wehmeyer, Ann. Kojiki-den, Book 1. Ithaca: Nipponica 46, no. 1 (1991): 21-41. Cornell University East Asia Program, 1997. Nosco, Peter. “Keichō (1640-1701): Forerunner of National Learning.” Asian Thought and Society 5, no. 15 (1980): 237-252. Confucian Studies ＿＿＿. “Man'yōshū˚ Studies in Tokugawa Japan.” Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Ackroyd, Joyce, trans. Lessons from History: Japan, Series 1 (1986): 109-146. Arai Hakuseki's Tokushi Yoron. Brisbane, ______. “Masuho Zankō (1655-1742): A Shinto Australia: University of Queensland Press, Popularizer between Nativism and National 1982. Learning.” In Confucianism and Tokugawa Ansart, Olivier. L'empire du rite: La pensée Culture, edited by Peter Nosco, 106-87. politique d'Ogyū Sorai, Japon 1666-1728. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1984. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1998. ______. “Nature, Invention, and National ＿＿＿. “Les rites et la question du droit: la Learning: The 'Kokka hachiron' Controversy, construction d'une Nature dans le 1742-46.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies confucianisme en Chine et au Japon.” Ebisu 41, no. 1 (1981): 75-91. 7 (1994): 97-148. ＿＿＿. Remembering Paradise: Nativism and ＿＿＿. “Les vertus et les rites dans la voie Nostalgia in Eighteenth-Century Japan. d'Ogyū Sorai.” Ebisu 1 (1993). Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian ______. “Études Anciennes et Études Nationales Studies, Harvard University, 1990. dans le Japon du XVIIe siècle: la Nature, ______. “Rethinking Tokugawa Thought.” In l'Artifice et le Mal chez Ogyū Sorai et Rethinking Japan, Volume I: Literature, Motoori Norinaga.” Ebisu 4 (1994): 49-75. Visual Arts, and Linguistics, edited by Aoki, Michiko Y. and Margaret B. Dardess, trans. Adriana Boscaro, Franco Gatti, and Massimo As the Japanese See It: Past and Present. Raveri, et al., 304-312. New York: St. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, Martin's Press, 1990. 1981. 49-72. Robertson, Jennifer. “Sexy Rice: Plant Gender, Backus, Robert L. “Tsukada Taihō on the Way Farm Manuals, and Grass-Roots Nativism.” and Virtue.” Parts 1 and 2. Harvard Journal Monumenta Nipponica 39, no. 3 (1984): 233- of Asiatic Studies 50, nos. 1-2 (1990): 5-69; 260. 505-560. Teeuwen, Mark. Watarai Shintō: An Intellectual Beasley, W. G. “The Edo Experience and History of the Outer Shrine in Ise. Leiden: Japanese Nationalism.” Modern Asian Research School CNWS, 1996. Studies 18, no. 4 (1984): 555-566. ＿＿＿. “Attaining Union with the Gods: The Beonio-Brocchieri, Paolo. “On the Historical Secret Books of Watarai Shinto.” Monumenta Significance of Fujiwara Seika.” Modern Nipponica 48, no. 2 (1993): 225-246. Asian Studies 18, no. 4 (1984): 609-618. ______. “Poetry, Sake, and Acrimony: Arakida Bodart-Bailey, Beatrice M. “The Confucian Hisaoyu and the Kokugaku Movement.” Scholar in Early Tokugawa Japan.” In État, Monumenta Nipponica 52, no. 3 (1997): 295- société civile et sphère publique en Asie de 325. l'Est, edited by Charles Le Blanc and Alain Walthall, Anne. The Weak Body of a Useless Rocher, 191-208. Montreal: Centre d'Études Woman: Matsuo Taseko and the Meiji de l'Asie de l'Est, Université de Montréal, Restoration. Chicago: University of Chicago 1998. Press, 1998. ＿＿＿. “The Persecution of Confucianism in

73 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Early Tokugawa Japan.” Monumenta Gerhart, Karen Margaret. The Eyes of Power: Art Nipponica 48, no. 3 (1993): 293-314. and Early Tokugawa Authority. Honolulu: Boot, Willem Jan. “Japan, China en het Westen.” University of Hawai'i Press, 2000. In Bewogen Betrekkingen. 400 jaar Gramlich-Oka, Bettina. “Tadano Makuzu and Her Nederland-Japan, edited by Leonard Blussé, Hitori kangae.” Monumenta Nipponica 56, Willem Remmelink, and Ivo Smits, 75-88. no. 1 (2000): 1-20. Published in English translation in Bridging Griggs, M. Pierce. “From Civilizing to the Divide: 400 Years, the Netherlands- Expertizing Bureaucracy: Changing Japan, ed. Leonard Blussé, Willem Educational Emphasis in Government- Remmelink, and Ivo Smits, 73-87. Leiden Supported Schools of Tokyo (Edo) during and Hilversum, the Netherlands: Hotei the Tokugawa Period and Early Meiji Era Publishing and Teleac/NOT, 2000. (Japan).” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, ＿＿＿. “Menschenbild und Lebensstil im University of Chicago, 1997. Konfuzianismus.” Hōrin. Vergleichende Hess, Laura Elizabeth. “The Reimportation from Studien zur japanischen Kultur 7 (2000): Japan to China of the Kong Commentary to 121-140. the 'Classic of Filial Piety.’” Unpublished ＿＿＿. “The Adoption and Adaptation of Neo- Ph.D. dissertation, University of Confucianism in Japan: The Role of Washington, 1994. Fujiwara Seika and Hayashi Razan.” D. Lit., Hlawatsch, George O. “The Life of Dazai University of Leiden, 1983. Revised Shundai, 1680-1747.” Unpublished Ph.D. version. 2 vols. Leiderdorp, 1992. dissertation, University of Hawaii, 1985. Chan, Charles Wing-Hui. “The 'Benevolent Hunter, Jeffrey. The Animal Court: A Political Person' versus the 'Sage': Ogyū Sorai's Fable from Old Japan [Hosei monogatari Critique of Chu Hsi.” Unpublished Ph.D. by Andō Shōeki]. New York and Tokyo: dissertation, University of Toronto, 1995. Weatherhill, 1992. Ching, Julia. “The Idea of God in Nakae Toju.” Hérail, Francine, trans. “Comment lire les anciens Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 11, textes historiques” [by Arai Hakuseki]. no. 4 (1984): 293-312. cipango. Cahiers d’études japonaises 2 de Bary, W. Theodore. “Neo-Confucian (1993): 175-189. Orthodoxies and the Learning of the Mind- ______. “Arai Hakuseki, interprète des recits de and-Heart in Early Tokugawa Japan.” In the l’ ‘Âge des divinités.’” Cipango. Cahiers author’s Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the d’études japonaises 2 (1993): 165-174. Learning of the Mind-and-Heart, 187-216. Ikegami, Eiko. The Taming of the Samurai. New York: Columbia University Press, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981. 1995. Delprat, Adriana. “Forms of Dissent in the Joly, Jacques. Le naturel selon Andō Shōeki: Un Gesaku Literature of Hiraga Gennai (1728- type de discours sur la nature et la 1780).” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, spontanéité par un maitre confucéen de Princeton University, 1985. l'époque Tokugawa: Andō Shōeki (1703- Durt, Hubert. Problems of Chronology and 1762). Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 1996. Eschatology: Four Lectures on the Essays ______. “Andō Shōeki and Nature.” Transactions on Buddhism by Tominaga Nakamoto of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Fourth (1715-1746). Edited by A. Forte. Italian Series, 14 (1999): 33-47. School of East Asian Studies Occasional ＿＿＿. “L'idée de shizen chez Andō Shōeki: Papers 4. Kyoto: Istituto Italiano di Cultura, Comparatisme et récupération.” Revue Scuola di Studi sull' Asia Orientale, 1994. Philosophique de Louvain 92, no. 4 (1994): Fukushima, Shōichi. “Bushidō in Tokugawa 546-549. Japan: A Reassessment of the Warrior ＿＿＿. “Nature et spontanéité: l'exemple d'Andō Ethos.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Shōeki.” Ebisu 13 (1996): 75-119. University of California at Berkeley, 1984. Jones, Sumie. “Language in Crisis: Ogyū Sorai's

74 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Philological Thought and Hiraga Gennai's Translation. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Creative Practice.” In Principles of Verlag, 1999. Classical Japanese Literature, 209-56. ______. Ogyū Sorai's Journey to Kai in 1706: Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985. With a Translation of the Kyōchūchikō, Kassel, Marleen R. Tokugawa Confucian Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies Education: The Kangien Academy of Hirose Monograph Series 48. London: Curzon Tansō (1783-1856). Albany: SUNY Press, Press, 1983. 1996. ______. “Ogyū Sorai's Civil Society (Seidan).” ＿＿＿. “Moral Education in Early-Modern Japan Review 5 (1994): 3-13. Japan: The Kangien Confucian Academy of ______. “Ogyū Sorai's Place in Edo Intellectual Hirose Tansō.” Japanese Journal of Thought.” Modern Asian Studies 18, no. 4 Religious Studies 20, no. 4 (1993): 297-310. (1984): 567-580. Keene, Donald. “Characteristic Responses to Lu, Yuxin. “Confucius, Zhu Shunshui, and the Confucianism in Tokugawa Literature.” In Origins of Japanese State Building in the Confucianism and Tokugawa Culture, Tokugawa Era: 1650-1700.” Unpublished edited by Peter Nosco, 120-137. Princeton: D.A. thesis, St. John's University, 1998. Princeton University Press, 1984. Marceau, Lawrence. “Ninjō and the Affective Kinski, Michael, trans. “Talks about Teachings of Value of Literature at the Kogidō the Past.” Japonica Humboldtiana 1 (1997): Academy.” Sino-Japanese Studies 9, no. 1 115-198. (1996): 47-55. ______. Knochen des Weges. Katayama Kenzan McMullen, Ian James. Genji Gaiden: The Origins als Vertreter des eklektischen of Kumazawa Banzan's Commentary on the Konfuzianismus im Japan des 18. Tale of Genji. Oxford Oriental Institute Jahrhunderts. Wiesbaden: Otto Monographs 13. Ithaca, NY: Ithaca Press Harrassowitz, 1996. for the Board of the Faculty of Oriental ______. “Moral Disposition and Personal Studies, Oxford University, 1991. Autonomy: Katayama Kenzan As a ＿＿＿. Idealism, Protest, and The Tale of Genji, Representative of Eighteenth-Century Oxford Oriental Monographs. Oxford: Eclectic Confucianism.” Japanese Clarendon Press, 1999. Religions 22 (1997): 47-64. ______. “Ashikaga Takauji and the Fourteenth- Kracht, Klaus. Studien zur Geschichte des Century Schism in Early Tokugawa Denkens im Japan des 17. bis 19. Thought.” In The Origins of Japan's Jahrhunderts: Chu-Hsi- Medieval World, edited by J. P. Mass, 321- Konfuzianische¥Geist-Diskurse. 44. Stanford: Stanford University Press, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrasowitz, 1986. 1997. ＿＿＿. “Japanische Geistesgeschichte.” In ______. “Filial Piety, Loyalty, and Universalism Zusammenarbeit mit Gerhard Leinss, edited in Japanese Confucian Thought of the by Klaus Kracht. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, Tokugawa Period.” In Hyo sasang kwa 1988. mirae sahoe [Filial piety and future society], Kristiansen, Roald E. “Western Science and edited by Hyo Sasang Kukche Haksul Japanese Neo-Confucianism: A History of Hoeui, 635-660. Songnam-shi, Korea: Their Interaction and Transformation.” Han'guk Chonsin Munhwa Yon'guwon, Japanese Religions 21 (1996): 253-282. 1995. Leinss, Gerhard. Japanische Anthropologie: Die ＿＿＿. “Rulers or Fathers A Casuistical Problem Nature des Menschen in der in Early Modern Japanese Thought.” Past konfuzianischen Neoklassik am Anfang des and Present 116 (1987): 56-97. 18. Jahrunderts: Jinsai und Sorai. Mercer, Rosemary. Deep Words: Miura Baien's Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1995. System of Natural Philosophy. Leiden: Brill, Lidin, Olof G. Ogyū Sorai's Discourse on 1991. Government (Seidan): An Annotated ______. “Picturing the Universe: Adventures

75 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

with Miura Baien at the Borderland of ______. “Neo-Confucianism and the Formation Philosophy and Science.” Philosophy East of Early Tokugawa Ideology: Contours of a & West 48, no. 3 (1998): 478-502. Problem.” In Confucianism and Tokugawa Najita, Tetsuo, trans. Tokugawa Political Writings. Culture, edited by Peter Nosco, 27-61. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. Press, 1998. Pfulb, Gerhard. Soziale Ordnung als Problem. ______. Visions of Virtue in Tokugawa Japan: Auffasungen uber soziale Ordnung im The Kaitokudō Merchant Academy of japanischen Konfuzianismus, 1660-1750. Osaka. Chicago: University of Chicago Bochum: N. Brockmeyer, 1993. Press, 1987. Smits, Gregory J. Visions of Ryūkyū: Identity and ______. “Ambiguous Encounters: Ogata Kōan Ideology in Early-Modern Thought and and International Studies in Late Tokugawa Politics. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Osaka.” In Osaka: The Merchants' Capital Press, 1999. of Early Modern Japan, edited by James L. ______. “Ambiguous Boundaries: Royal McClain and Wakita Osamu. Ithaca: Authority in the Kingdom of Ryūkyū.” Cornell University Press, 1994. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 60, no. 1 Nakai, Kate Wildman. Shogunal Politics: Arai (2000): 89-123. Hakuseki and the Premises of Tokugawa ______. “The Intersection of Politics and Rule. Cambridge, MA: Council on East Thought in Ryūkyūan Confucianism: Sai Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1988. On's Use of Quan.” Harvard Journal of ______. “Apologia pro Vita Sua: Arai Hakuseki's Asiatic Studies 56 (1996): 443-477. Autobiography.” Monumenta Nipponica 36, ＿＿＿. “The Sages' Scale in Japan: Nakae Tōju no. 2 (1981): 173-186. (1608-1648) and Situational Weighing.” ＿＿＿. “The Domestication of Confucian Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Historiography: The Hayashi, the Early Fourth Series 5 (1991): 1-25. Mito School, and Arai Hakuseki.” In ______. “Unspeakable Things: Sai On's Confucianism and Tokugawa Culture, Ambivalent Critique of Language and edited by Peter Nosco, 62-91. Princeton: Buddhism.” Japanese Journal of Religious Princeton University Press., 1984. Studies 24, nos. 1-2 (1997): 163-78. ______. “The Naturalization of Confucianism in Soum, Jean-François. Nakae Tōju (1608-1648) Tokugawa Japan: The Problem of et Kumazawa Banzan (1619-1691)--Deux Sinocentrism.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic penseurs de l’époque d’Edo. Paris: Institute Studies 40, no. 1 (1980): 157-199. des Hautes Etudes Japonaises/Centre Nosco, Peter, ed. Confucianism and Tokugawa d’Études Japonaises de l’INALCO, 2000. Culture. Princeton: Princeton University ＿＿＿. “Morale et pratique sociale dans la Press, 1984. Second edition published in pensée de Kumazawa Banzan.” Ebisu 3 Honolulu by University of Hawai'i Press, (1993): 49-73. 1996. Steben, Barry D. “From Samurai to Shishi: the ______. “Introduction: Neo-Confucianism and Development of Ethical Idealism in the Tokugawa Discourse.” In Confucianism and Yōmeigaku School of Japanese Tokugawa Culture, edited by Peter Nosco, Confucianism.” Unpublished Ph.D. 3-26. Princeton: Princeton University Press, dissertation, University of Toronto, 1994. 1984. ＿＿＿. “Law Enforcement and Confucian ______. “The Religious Dimension of Idealism in the Late Edo Period: Ōshio Confucianism in Japan: Introduction.” Chūsai and the Growth of His Great Philosophy East & West 48, no. 1 (1998): 1- Aspiration.” Ajia Bunka Kenkyū 22 (1996): 4. 59-90. Ooms, Herman. “Hakuseki's Reading of History.” Steben, Barry D. “Nakae Tōju and the Birth of Monumenta Nipponica 39, no. 3 (1984): Wang Yang-Ming Learning in Japan.” 333-350.

76 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Monumenta Serica 46 (1998): 233-263. West 47, no. 2 (1997): 233-253. ______. “The Transmission of Neo-Confucianism ＿＿＿. “Yamaga Sokō and the Forty-Seven to the Ryūkyū Islands and Its Historical Rōnin.” Annals of the Southeast Conference Significance.” Sino-Japanese Studies 11, no. of the Association for Asian Studies 15 1 (1998): 38-60. (1993): 69-87. Thornhill, III, Arthur H. “Impersonality in Bashō: ＿＿＿. “Yamaga Sokō's Seikyō yōroku: An Neo-Confucianism and Japanese Poetry.” In English Translation and Analysis.” Parts Self as Image in Asian Theory and Practice, One and Two. Sino-Japanese Studies 8, nos. edited by Roger T. Ames, et al., 341-356. 1-2: (Oct. 1995-May 1996): 22-39; 62-85. Albany: SUNY, 1998. Tucker, Mary Evelyn. Moral and Spiritual Tucker, John Allen. Itō Jinsai's Gomō Jigi and Cultivation in Japanese Neo-Confucianism: the Philosophical Definition of Early The Life and Thought of Kaibara Ekken. Modern Japan. Brill's Japanese Studies Albany: SUNY Press, 1989. Library 7. Leiden, Boston, and Koln: Brill, ＿＿＿. “A View of Philanthropy in Japan: 1998. Confucian Ethics and Education.” In ＿＿＿. “Beixi's Ziyi and Ancient Learning Philanthropy and Culture in Comparative Philosophical Lexicography.” Journal of the Perspective, edited by Stanley Katz, Warren Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, 4, no. 1 Illchman, and Edward Queen. Bloomington, (1994): 69-82. IN: Indiana University Press, 1998. ______. “Chen Beixi, Lu Xiangshan, and Early ＿＿＿. “Confucian Education in Tokugawa Tokugawa (1600-1867) Philosophical Japan: The Case of the Shizutani School in Lexicography.” Philosophy East & West 43 Okayama Prefecture.” In État, société civile (1993): 683-713. et sphère publique en Asie de l'Est, edited ＿＿＿. “Dai Zhen and the Japanese School of by Charles Le Blanc and Alan Rocher, 157- Ancient Learning.” Journal of Chinese 189. Montreal: Centre d'Études de l'Asie de Philosophy 18, no. 4 (1991): 411-440. l'Est, Université de Montréal, 1998. ＿＿＿. “Ghosts and Spirits in Tokugawa Japan: ＿＿＿. “Cosmology, Science, and Ethics in The Confucian Views of Itō Jinsai.” Japanese Neo-Confucianism.” In Science Japanese Religions 21 (1996): 229-251. and Religion in Search of Cosmic Purpose, ______. “Ogyū Sorai's Understanding of edited by John F. Haught, 69-90. Watakushi and Ōyake.” In État, société Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University civile et sphère publique en Asie de l'Est, Press, 2000. edited by Charles Le Blanc and Alain ______. “Religious Aspects of Japanese Neo- Rocher, 209-238. Montreal: Centre d'Études Confucianism: The Thought of Nakae Tōju de l'Asie de l'Est; Université de Montréal, and Kaibara Ekken.” Japanese Journal of 1998. Religious Studies 15 (1988): 55-69. ______. “Pei-Hsi's Tzu-I and the Rise of ______. “Religious Dimensions of Confucianism: Tokugawa Philosophical Lexicography.” Cosmology and Cultivation.” Philosophy Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia East & West 48, no. 1 (1998): 5-45. University, 1990. ______. “The Philosophy of Ch'i As an ＿＿＿. “Reappraising Razan: The Legacy of Ecological Cosmology.” In Confucianism Philosophical Lexicography.” Asian and Ecology: The Interrelation of Heaven, Philosophy 2, no. 1 (1992): 41-60. Earth, and Humans, edited by Mary Evelyn ＿＿＿. “Rethinking the Akō Rōnin Debate: The Tucker and John Berthrong, 187-207. Religious Significance of Chūshin gishi.” Cambridge, MA: Center for the Study of Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 26, World Religions and Harvard University nos. 1-2 (1999): 1-37. Press, 1998. ＿＿＿. “Two Mencian Political Notions in Van Bremen, Jan Gerhard. “The Moral Tokugawa Japan.” Philosophy East and Imperative and Leverage For Rebellion: An

77 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Anthropological Study of Wang Yang-Ming ______. “The Zen Nun Ryonen Gensho (1646- Doctrine in Japan.” Unpublished Ph.D. 1711).” Spring Wind 6, nos. 1-3 (1986): 180- dissertation, University of California 187. Berkeley, 1984. Barnhill, David L. “Bashō as Bat: Wayfaring and Wakabayashi, Bob Tadashi. Anti-Foreignism and Antistructure in the Journals of Matsuo Western Learning in Early-Modern Japan: Bashō.” Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 2 The New Theses of 1825. Cambridge, MA: (1990): 274-290. Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard ______. “The Journey Itself Home: The University, 1986. Religiosity of the Literary Works of Matsuo _____. Japanese Loyalism Reconstrued: Bashō (1644-1694).” Unpublished Ph.D. Yamagata Daini's "Ryūshi shinron" of 1759. dissertation, Stanford University, 1986. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, Baroni, Helen J. Ōbaku Zen: The Emergence of 1995. the Third Sect of Zen in Early Tokugawa _____. “In Name Only: Imperial Sovereignty in Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, Early Modern Japan.” Journal of Japanese 2000. Studies 17, no. 1 (1991): 25-57. ＿＿＿. “Bottled Anger: Episodes of Ōbaku Yamashita, Samuel Hideo. Master Sorai's Conflict in the Tokugawa Period.” Japanese Responsals: An Annotated Translation of Journal of Religious Studies 21, nos. 2-3 Sorai sensei tōmonsho. Honolulu: (1994): 191-210. University of Hawaii Press, 1994. Barrett, Timothy H. “Tominaga Our _____. “Compasses and Carpenter's Squares: A Contemporary.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Study of Itō Jinsai (1627-1705) and Ogyū Society, Third Series 3, no. 2 (1993): 245-252. Sorai (1666-1728).” Unpublished Ph.D. Bodiford, William M. “Dharma Transmission in dissertation, University of Michigan, 1981. Sōtō Zen: Manzan Dōhaku's Reform _____. “Nature and Artifice in the Writings of Movement.” Monumenta Nipponica 46, no. 4 Ogyū Sorai (1666-1728).” In Confucianism (1991): 423-451. and Tokugawa Culture, edited by Peter Boot, Willem Jan. “The Monk and the Myth: Nosco, 138-165. Princeton: Princeton Jigen-daishi at Court.” In As the Twig Is University Press, 1984. Bent: Essays in Honor of Frits Vos, edited by ＿＿＿. “School Relations in Ogyū Sorai’s Erika de Poorter, 31-66. Amsterdam: J. C. Miscanthus Patch Academy.” Asian Gieben, 1990. Cultural Studies, Bessatsu 3 (1992): 19-32. Bouchy, Anne-Marie. Tokuhon, ascète du ＿＿＿. “The Early Life and Thought of Itō nenbutsu: Dans le cadre d'une étude sur les Jinsai.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies religieux errants de l'époque d'Édo. Cahiers 43, no. 2 (1983): 453-480. d'études et de documents sur les religions du Yasunaga, Toshinobu. Andō Shōeki: Social and Japon 5. Paris: École Pratique des Hautes Ecological Philosopher of Eighteenth- Études, 1983. Century Japan. New York and Tokyo: Campbell, Robert Brian. “Literary Intemperance Weatherhill, 1992. and the Fortunes of Nakamura Butsuan (1751-1834).” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1992. Buddhist Studies Dumoulin, Heinrich. Geschichte des Zen- Buddhisms, Band 2: Japan. Bern: Francke Abé, Ryūichi and Peter Haskel. Great Fool: Zen Verlag, 1986. 225-355. Translated into Master Ryōkan--Poems, Letters, and Other English by J. W. Heisig and P. Knitter under Writings. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i the title Zen Buddhism, A History, Volume 2: Press, 1996. Japan (New York: MacMillan Publishing Addiss, Stephen. “The Life and Art of Fugai Co., 1989), 259-400. Ekun.” Eastern Buddhist 19, no. 1 (1986): Ebersole, Gary. “Matsuo Bashō and the Way of 59-75. Poetry in the Japanese Religious Tradition.”

78 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Lee, Riley Kelly. “Yearning For the Bell: A Study Chicago, 1981. of Transmission in the Shakuhachi Honkyoku Foard, James H. “The Boundaries of Tradition.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Compassion: Buddhism and National University of Sydney, 1993. Tradition in Japanese Pilgrimage.” Journal of Marcure, Kenneth A. “The Danka System.” Asian Studies 41, no. 2 (1982): 231-251. Monumenta Nipponica 40, no. 1 (1985): 39- Golzio, Karl H. “Max Weber on Japan: The Role 67. of the Government and the Buddhist Sects.” Matisoff, Susan. “Holy Horrors: The Sermon- Journal of Developing Societies, no. 2 Ballads of Medieval and Early Modern (1985): 212-223. Japan.” In Flowing Traces: Buddhism in the Gross, Lawrence William. “Manzan Dōhaku and Literary and Visual Arts of Japan, edited by the Transmission of the Teaching.” William LaFleur, James Sanford, and Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford Masatoshi Nagatomi, 234-261. Princeton: University, 1998. Princeton University Press, 1992. Harrison, Elizabeth G. “Encountering Amida: McElligott, Patrick. “The Life and Work of Jōdō Shinshū Sermons in Eighteenth-Century Kobayashi Issa.” Unpublished Ph.D. Japan.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, dissertation, University of London, 1984. University of Chicago, 1992. Mohr, Michel. Traité sur l'inépuisable lampe du Haskel, Peter. Bankei Zen: Translations for the Zen: Tōrei et sa vision de l'éveil. 2 vols. Record of Bankei. Edited by Yoshito Hakeda. Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques 28. 2 vols. New York: Grove Press, 1984. Bruxelles: Institute Belge des Hautes Études ______. “Bankei and His World.” Unpublished Chinoises, 1997. Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, ＿＿＿. “Emerging from Non-Duality: Kōan 1988. Practice in the Rinzai Tradition since Heine, Steven. “Tragedy and Salvation in the Hakuin.” In The Kōan: Texts and Contexts, Floating World: Chikamatsu's Double edited by Steven Heine and Dale S. Wright, Suicide Drama as Millenarian Discourse.” 244-279. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (1994): 2000. 367-393. ______. “Examining the Sources of Japanese Hur, Nam-lin. Prayer and Play in Late Tokugawa Rinzai Zen.” Japanese Journal of Japanese Japan: Asakusa Sensōji and Edo Society. Studies 20, no. 4 (1993): 331-344. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia ＿＿＿. “Hakuin.” In Buddhist Spirituality: Later Center, Harvard University Press, 2000. China, Korea, Japan, and the Modern World, ______. “Buddhist Culture of Asakusa Kannon in edited by Yoshinori Takeuchi, 307-328. New Edo.” Asia Journal 2, no. 1 (1995): 15-28. York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, Jaffe, Richard. “Ingen and the Threat to the 1999. Myōshinjiha.” Komazawa Daigaku Zengaku ＿＿＿. “Vers la redécouverte de Tōrei.” Les Kenkyūjo Nenpō 2 (1991): 1-35. Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie 7 (1993-94): 319- Ketelaar, James E. Of Heretics and Martyrs in 352. Meiji Japan: Buddhism and Its Persecution. ______. “Zen Buddhism during the Tokugawa Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. Period: The Challenge to Go Beyond 3-42. Sectarian Consciousness.” Japanese Journal King, Winston L. Death Was His Koan: The of Religious Studies 21, no. 4 (1994): 341- Samurai-Zen of Suzuki Shōsan. Berkeley, 372. CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1986. Okada, Masahiko. “Vision and Reality: Buddhist Kouamé, Nathalie. “Shikoku's Local Authorities Cosmographic Discourse in Nineteenth- and Henro during the Golden Age of the Century Japan.” Unpublished Ph.D. Pilgrimage.” Japanese Journal of Religious dissertation, Stanford University, 1997. Studies 24, nos. 3-4 (1997): 413-425.

79 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Pye, Michael, trans. Emerging From Meditation. Watt, Paul B. “Jiun Sonja (1718-1804): A Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1990. Response to Confucianism Within the Sawada, Janine A., trans. “No Eye: A Word to the Context of Buddhist Reform.” In Wise.” The Eastern Buddhist, ns 24, no. 2 Confucianism and Tokugawa Culture, edited (1991): 98-122. by Peter Nosco, 188-214. Princeton: Schwaller, Dieter. Der Japanische Ōbaku-Mönch Princeton University Press, 1984. Tetsugen Dōkō: Leben, Denken, Schriften. Watt, Paul B. “Jiun Sonja (1718-1804): Life and Bern: Peter Lang, 1989. Thought.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, ______. Unreiner Zen? Zwei Texte des Ōbaku- Columbia University, 1982. Mönch Chōon Dōkai (1628-1695). Bern: Watt, Paul B., trans. “Sermons on the Precepts Peter Lang, 1996. and Monastic Life by the Shingon Vinaya ______. “Der Text Mukai Nanshin der Japanische Master Jiun.” The Eastern Buddhist, ns 25, Zen-Mönch Chōon Dōkai.” Asiatische no. 2 (1992): 119-128. Studien/Études Asiatiques 42 (1988): 107- Williams, Duncan Ryūken. “Representations of 119. Zen: An Institutional and Social History of Screech, Timon. “The Strangest Place in Edo: Sōtō Zen Buddhism in Edo Japan.” The Temple of the Five Hundred Arhats.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard Monumenta Nipponica 48, no. 4 (1993): 407- University, 2000. 428. Wilson, William Scott, trans. The Unfettered Seo, Audrey Yoshiko. “Painting-Calligraphy Mind: Writings of the Zen Master to the Interactions in the Zen Art of Hakuin Ekaku Sword Master. Tokyo, New York, and (1685-1768).” Unpublished Ph.D. London: Kodansha International, 1986. dissertation, University of Kansas, 1997. Wright, Diana E. “Severing the Karmic Ties That Sharf, Elizabeth Horton. “Ōbaku Zen Portrait Bind: The 'Divorce Temple' Mantokuji.” Painting: A Revisionist Analysis.” Ph.D., Monumenta Nipponica 52, no. 3 (1997): 357- University of Michigan, 1994. 380. Takahashi, Tone. “Tozan-Ryū: An Innovation of Wright, Diana E. “The Power of Religion/The the Shakuhachi Tradition from Fuke-Shū to Religion of Power: Religious Activities As Secularism.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Upaya For Women of the Edo Period. The Florida State University, 1990. Case of Mantokuji.” Unpublished Ph.D. Thornton, Sybil A. Charisma and Community dissertation, University of Toronto, 1996. Formation in Medieval Japan. Ithaca, NY: Yuasa, Nobuyuki. The Zen Poems of Ryōkan. Cornell University East Asia Program, 1999. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981. Waddell, Norman, trans. The Essential Teachings of Zen Master Hakuin: A Translation of the “Sokkō-roku kaien-fusetsu.” Boston and London: Shambhala, 1994. Waddell, Norman, trans. The Unborn: The Life Heterodox and Popular Religious Movements and Teaching of Zen Master Bankei, 1622- 1693. San Francisco: North Point Press, 1984. Becker, Carl Bradley. “Religious Healing in the Waddell, Norman, trans. Wild Ivy: The Spiritual 19th Century 'New Religions': The Cases of Autobiography of Zen Master Hakuin. Tenrikyō and Christian Science.” Religion 20 Boston: Shambhala, 1999. (1990): 199-215. Waddell, Norman, trans. Zen Words for the Blacker, Carmen. “The Religious Traveller in the Heart: Hakuin's Commentary on The Heart Edo Period.” Modern Asian Studies 18, no. 4 Sutra. Boston and London: Shambhala, 1996. (1984): 593-608. Waddell, Norman, trans. “A Chronological Bouchy, Anne-Marie. “The Cult of Mount Atago Biography of Zen Priest Hakuin (Hakuin and the Atago Confraternities.” Journal of oshō nenpu).” Eastern Buddhist ns 27, nos. Asian Studies 46, no. 2 (1987): 255-277. 1-2 (1994): 96-155; 81-129. Breen, John. “Heretics in Nagasaki, 1790-96.” In

80 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Contemporary European Writing on Japan-- The Structure and Meanings of Modern Scholarly Views from Eastern and Western Japanese Religion. Tenri, Japan: Oyasato Europe, edited by Ian Nish, 10-16. Research Institute, Tenri University, 1982. Woodchurch Ashford Kent, UK: Paul 24-51. Norbury Publications, 1988. Formanek, Susanne. “Pilgrimage in the Edo Butel, Jean-Michel and Pascal Griolet. “Histoires Period: Forerunner of Modern Domestic de poissons-chats--les images du grand Tension? The Example of the Pilgrimage to séisme de 1855 à Edo.” Ebisu 21 (1999): 17- Mount Tateyama.” In The Culture of Japan 33. As Seen Through Its Leisure, edited by Sepp Carton, Martine. “Un labyrinthe japonais: le Linhart and Sabine Früstück, 165-193. sazaedō--une présentation des temples- Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1998. coquillage de l'époque d'Edo.” Ebisu 23 Groemer, Gerald. “A Short History of Gannin: (2000): 95-116. Popular Religious Performers in Tokugawa Collcutt, Martin. “Mt. Fuji as the Realm of Japan.” Japanese Journal of Religious Miroku: The Transformation of Maitreya in Studies 27, nos. 1-2 (2000): 41-72. the Cult of Mt. Fuji in Early Modern Japan.” Hardacre, Helen. Kurozumikyō and the New In Maitreya, the Future Buddha, edited by Religions of Japan. Princeton: Princeton Alan Sponberg and Helen Hardacre, 248-269. University Press, 1986. 37-73. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, ______. “Conflict Between Shugendo and the 1988. New Religions of Bakumatsu Japan.” Davis, Winston. “Pilgrimage and World Renewal: Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 21, A Study of Religion and Social Values in nos. 2-3 (1994): 137-166. Tokugawa Japan.” History of Religions 23, Harrington, Mary Ann. Japan's Hidden nos. 2-3 (1983-84): 97-116. Revised version Christians. Chicago: Loyola University Press, published in Winston Davis, Japanese 1993. Religion and Society: Paradigms of Structure ＿＿＿. “The Kakure Kirishitan and Their Place and Change, 45-80. Albany: SUNY Press, in Japan's Religious Tradition.” Japanese 1992. Journal of Religious Studies 7, no. 4 (1980): Debergh, Minako. “Deux nouvelles études sur 318-336. l'histoire du christianisme au Japon II: Les Hayashi, Makoto. “Tokugawa-Period Disputes pratiques de purification et de pénitence au between Shugen Organizations and Onmyōji Japon vues par les missionaires Jésuites au over Rights to Practice Divination.” XVIe et XVIIe siècles.” Journal Asiatique Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 21, 272, nos. 1-2 (1984): 167-216. nos. 2-3 (1994): 167-189. Devi, Shanti. “Hospitality For the Gods: Popular Higashibaba, Ikuo. “Beliefs and Practices of Lay Religion in Edo, Japan: An Example.” Christians in Early Modern Japan.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Graduate Hawaii, 1986. Theological Union, 1997. Earhart, H. Byron. “Mount Fuji and Shugendō.” Kanamori, Osamu. “Portrait d'un paysan Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 16, 'réformateur' dans la société féodale au nos. 2-3 (1989): 205-226. Japon: le cas de Ninomiya Sontoku.” Ebisu Elisonas, Jurgis. “Christianity and the Daimyō.” 14 (1996): 45-75. In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume Kouamé, Nathalie. Initiation à la paléographie Four: Early Modern Japan, edited by John japonaise: à travers les manuscrits du W. Hall, 301-372. Cambridge: Cambridge pèlerinage de Shikoku. Paris: Langues & University Press, 1991. Mondes, L'Asiathèque, 2000. Elisonas, Jurgis. “The Jesuits, the Devil, and Kouamé, Nathalie. “Aux origines d'une ville Pollution in Japan.” Bulletin of religieuse: Tenri.” Cipango 7 (1998): 168- Portuguese/Japanese Studies 1 (2000): 3-37. 182. Ellwood, Robert. Tenrikyō, a Pilgrimage Faith: Linnhart, Sepp. “Verdrängung und Überhöhung

81 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

als Probleme beim Verständnis von Freizeit 'Underground' Christians.” Japanese Journal und Unterhaltung am Beispeil der späten of Religious Studies 20, no. 1 (1993): 3-30. Edo-Zeit.” In Referate des 1. Ōhashi, Yukihiro. “New Perspectives on the Early Japanologentages der OAG in Tokyo, edited Tokugawa Persecution.” In Japan and by Ernst Lokowandt, 29-51. München: Christianity: Impacts and Responses, edited Iudicium Verlag, 1990. by John L. Breen and Mark Williams, 46-62. MacWilliams, Mark W. “Buddhist London and New York: MacMillan Press and Pilgrim/Buddhist Exile: Old and New Images St. Martin's Press, 1996. of Retired Emperor Kazan in the Saigoku Parker, Kenneth Wayne. “Okyōsama: Kannon Temple Guidebooks.” History of Documentation of the Founding of Nyorai- Religions 34, no. 4 (1995): 303-328. kyō, Japan's First New Religion.” ______. “Kannon Engi: Strategies of Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Indigenization in Kannon Temple Myths of Pennsylvania, 1983. the Saikoku Sanjusansho Kannon Reijōki and Payne, Richard. “Reflections on the Shikoku the Sanjūsansho Bandō Kannon Reijōki.” Pilgrimage: Theoretical and Historical Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Considerations.” Kōyasan daigaku mikkyō Chicago, 1990. bunka kenkyūjo kenkyū kiyō 12 (1999): 94- ＿＿＿. “Kannon-engi: The Reijō and the 114. Concept of Kechien as Strategies of Pereira, Ronan Alves. Possessâo por espírito e Indigenization in Buddhist Sacred inovaçâo cultural: a experiência religiosa Narratives.” Transactions of the Asiatic das japonesas Miki Nakayama e Nao Society of Japan, Fourth Series 5 (1990): 53- Deguchi. Sâo Paulo: Aliança Cultural Brasil- 70. Japâo, M. Ohno, 1992. ______. “Temple Myths and the Popularization Picone, Mary. “Ombres japonaises: l'illusion dans of Kannon Pilgrimage in Japan: A Case les contes de revenants (1685-1989).” Study of Ōya-ji on the Bandō Route.” L'Homme 31, no. 117 (1991): 122-150. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 24, Putnam, Gareth. “Tenrikyō: From Japanese Folk nos. 3-4 (1997): 375-412. Religion to Universal World Religion.” McClain, James L. “Bonshōgatsu: Festivals and Japanese Religions 11, no. 4 (1981): 37-52. State Power in Kanazawa.” Monumenta Reider, Noriko R. “'Chrysanthemum Tryst:’ Nipponica 47, no. 2 (1992): 163-202. Remaking a Chinese Ghost Story in Japan.” Miller, Alan L. “Internalization of Kami: Sino-Japanese Studies 12, no. 1 (1999): 33- Buddhist Affinities in Kurozumi-kyō.” In 46. Kurozumi Shinto: An American Dialogue, ______. “'Ugetsu Monogatari,' Kaidan, Akinari: edited by Willis Stoesz, 135-155. An Examination of the Reality of the Chambersburg, PA: Anima Publications, Supernatural in Eighteenth-Century Japan.” 1989. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State Miyazaki, Fumiko. “The Formation of Emperor University, 1997. Worship in the New Religions--The Case of Robertson, Jennifer. “The Shingaku Woman: Fujidō.” Japanese Journal of Religious Straight from the Heart.” In Recreating Studies 17, nos. 2-3 (1990): 281-314. Japanese Women, 1600-1845, edited by Gail Nosco, Peter. “Keeping the Faith: Bakuhan Bernstein, 88-107. Berkeley: University of Policy towards Religions in Seventeenth- California Press, 1991. Century Japan.” In Religion in Japan: Rotermund, Hartmut O. Hōsōgami, ou la petite Arrows to Heaven and Earth, edited by P. F. vérole aisément: Matériaux pour l'étude des Kornicki and I. J. McMullen, 136-155. épidémies dans le Japon des XVIIIe, XIXe Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, siècles. Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1991. 1996. ＿＿＿. La sieste sous l'aile du cormoran, et ＿＿＿. “Secrecy and the Transmission of autres poèmes magiques: Prolégomènes a Tradition--Issues in the Study of the l'étude des concepts religieux du Japon.

82 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Paris: L'Harmattan, 1998. dissertation, Columbia University, 1999. ______. Pèlerinage aux neuf sommets: Carnets Turnbull, Stephen. The Kakure Kirishitan of de route d'un religieux itinérant dans le Japan: A Study of Their Development, Beliefs Japon du 19e siècle. Paris: Édition du CNRS, and Rituals to the Present Day, Japan Library. 1983. Richmond, Surrey, UK: Curzon Press, 1998. ＿＿＿. “Ratio contre hōsōgami: quelques ＿＿＿. “Acculturation among the Kakure remarques sur la lutte antivariolique dans le Kirishitan: Some Conclusions from the Japon du XIXe siècle.” Comptes rendus des Tenchi hajimari no koto.” In Japan and séances de l'année 1985 de l'Académie des Christianity: Impacts and Responses, edited Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (avril-juin by John L. Breen and Mark Williams, 63-74. 1985). London and New York: MacMillan Press and Sanford, James H. Zen-Man Ikkyū. Chico, CA: St. Martin's Press, 1996. Scholars Press, 1981. ______. “Martyrs and Matsuri: The Massacre of Sawada, Janine A. Confucian Values and Popular the Hidden Christians of Ikitsuki in 1645 and Zen: Sekimon Shingaku in Eighteenth- Its Relationship to Local Shintō Tradition.” Century Japan. Honolulu: University of Japan Forum 6, no. 21 (1994): 159-174. Hawai'i Press, 1993. Tyler, Royall. “The Tokugawa Peace and Popular ＿＿＿, trans. "Translations of Shingaku Religion: Suzuki Shōsan, Kakugyō Tōbutsu, Writings.” In “Sekimon Shingaku: The and Jikigyō Miroku.” In Confucianism and Popularization of the Learning of the Mind in Tokugawa Culture, edited by Peter Nosco, Eighteenth-Century Japan." Ph.D. 92-119. Princeton: Princeton University dissertation, Columbia University, 1990. 442- Press, 1984. 609. Walthall, Anne. Peasant Uprisings in Japan: A ＿＿＿. “Mind and Morality in Nineteenth- Critical Anthology of Peasant Histories. Century Japanese Religions: Misogi-kyō Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. and Maruyama-kyō.” Philosophy East & ＿＿＿. Social Protest and Popular Culture in West 48, no. 1 (1998): 108-141. Eighteenth-Century Japan. Tucson, AZ: Simon-Oikawa, Marianne. “L'écriture du University of Arizona Press, 1986. bonheur--Divinités populaires et images en ______. “Peripheries: Rural Culture in Tokugawa écriture au Japon (XVIIe-XIXe siècles).” Japan.” Monumenta Nipponica 39, no. 4 Ebisu 23 (2000). (1984). Stoesz, Willis. “The Universal Attitude of Konkō ＿＿＿. “The Family Ideology of the Rural Daijin.” Japanese Journal of Religious Entrepreneurs in Nineteenth Century Japan.” Studies 13, no. 1 (1986): 3-29. Journal of Social History 23, no. 3 (1990): ______. “The Universal Attitude of Kurozumi 463-483. Munetada.” In Kurozumi Shinto: An Watt, Paul B. “The Buddhist Element in American Dialogue, edited by Willis Stoesz, Shingaku.” In Buddhist Spirituality: Later 115-133. Chambersburg, PA: Anima China, Korea, Japan, and the Modern World, Publications, 1989. edited by Yoshinori Takeuchi, et al., 337-347. Stroupe, Bart. “Healing in the History of New York: The Crossroad Publishing Tenrikyō, the Religion of Divine Wisdom.” Company, 1999. Tenri Journal of Religion 17 (1983): 79-132. Whelan, Christal, trans. The Beginning of Heaven Takemura, Eiji. The Perception of Work in and Earth. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Tokugawa Japan: A Study of Ishida Baigan Press, 1996. and Ninomiya Sontoku. Lanham, MD and Willecke, Bernward H. “Das Franziskanerkloster Oxford: University Press of America, 1997. in Kyoto zu Anfang der Tokugawa-Ära Thal, Sarah E. “Rearranging the Landscape of the (1603-1612).” Franziskanische Studien 71, Gods: A History of Konpira Pilgrimage in the no. 2 (1989): 168-183. Meiji Period.” Unpublished Ph.D. ______. “Die Franziskanermission in Osaka,

83 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Sakai und Wakayama zi Amfang der Cambridge University Press, 1989. Tokugawa-Ära (1603-1614).” ______. “The Functions of China in Tokugawa Franziskanische Studien 72, nos. 2-3 (1990): Thought.” In The Chinese and the Japanese, 257-272. edited by Akira Iriye, 9-36. Princeton: Wilson, George M. Patriots and Redeemers in Princeton University Press, 1980. Japan: Motives in the Meiji Restoration. Hesselink, Reinier. De gevangen uit Nambu: een Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992. waar geschied verhaal over de VOC in Japan. Wöhr, Ulrike. Frauen und Neue Religionen: Die Zutphen: Walburg pers, 2000. Published in Religionsgründerinnen Nakayama Miki und English under the title Prisoners from Deguchi Nao. Wien: Wiens Institut für Nambu: Reality and Make-Believe in Japanologie, Universität Wien, 1989. Seventeenth Century Japanese Diplomacy. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002. General, Thematic, and Interreligious Studies Horiuchi, Annick. Les mathématiques japonaises à l'époque d'Edo (1600-1868): une étude des Boot, Willem Jan. “Maxims of Foreign Policy.” travaux de Seki Takakazu (?-1708) et de Itinerario XXIV, no. 2 (2000): 62-79. Takebe Katahiro (1664-1739). Paris: Vrin, ______. “Shunmu-ki and Denchū Mondō: Two 1994. Instances of Buddhist-Confucian Polemics in Jansen, Marius B. The Making of Modern Japan. the Edo period.” In Conflict and Cambridge, MA and London: The Belknap Accomodation in Early Modern East Asia, Press of Harvard University Press, 2000. edited by Leonard Blussé and Harriet T. 187-222. Zurndorfer. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993. Koschmann, J. Victor. The Mito Ideology: Breen, John L. “Shintō and Christianity: The Discourse, Reform, and Insurrection in Late Dynamics of the Encounter in Bakumatsu Tokugawa Japan, 1790-1864. Berkeley: Japan.” Transactions of the Asiatic Society of University of California Press, 1987. Japan, Fourth Series, 6, no. 6 (1991): 49-60. Macé, Mieko. “Evolution de la médecine ______. “Shinto and Buddhism in Late Edo japonaise face au modèle chinois.” Cipango Japan: The Case of Ōkuni Takamasa and His 1 (1992): 111-160. School.” Current Issues in the Social ______. “Ōtsuki Gentaku (1757-1827) et la Sciences and Humanities. Hosei University médecine chinoise.” In Mélanges offerts à Occasional Papers 14 (1997): 133-148. René Sieffert, à l'occasion de son soixante- Grapard, Allan G. “Japan's Ignored Cultural dixième anniversaire, edited by François Revolution: The Separation of Shinto and Macé, 397-418. Paris: Publications Buddhist Deities in Meiji (shimbutsu bunri) Langues'O, 1994. and a Case Study: Tōnomine.” History of Najita, Tetsuo. “History and Nature in Religions 23, no. 3 (1984): 240-265. Later Eighteenth-Century Tokugawa Thought.” In published in revised form in the author's The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 4: Protocol of the Gods: A Study of the Kasuga Early Modern Japan, edited by John Cult in Japanese History (Berkeley, Los Whitney Hall, 596-659. Cambridge, UK: Angeles, and Oxford: University of Cambridge University Press, 1991. California Press, 1992), 237-258. Ng, Wai-ming. The I Ching in Tokugawa Thought Harootunian, Harry D. “Ideology as Conflict.” In and Culture. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Conflict in Modern Japanese History: The Press, 2000. Neglected Tradition, edited by Tetsuo Najita ______. “Study and Use of the I Ching in and J. Victor Koschmann, 25-61. Princeton: Tokugawa Japan.” Sino-Japanese Studies 9, Princeton University Press., 1982. no. 2 (1997): 24-44. ______. “Late Tokugawa Culture and Thought.” ______. “The Yin-Yang-Wu-Hsing Doctrine in In The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume the Textual Tradition of Tokugawa Japanese Five: The Nineteenth Century, edited by Agriculture.” Asian Philosophy 6, no. 2 Marius B. Jansen, 168-258. Cambridge: (1998): 119-128.

84 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2002

Nosco, Peter. “Confucianism and Nativism in Tokugawa Japan.” In Meeting of the Minds: Intellectual and Religious Interaction in East Asian Traditions of Thought, edited by Irene Bloom and Joshua Fogel, 278-296. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996. Ooms, Herman. Tokugawa Ideology: Early Constructs, 1570-1680. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985. ______. “'Primeval Chaos' and 'Mental Void' in Early Tokugawa Ideology: Fujiwara Seika, Suzuki Shōsan, and Yamazaki Ansai.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 13, no. 4 (1986): 245-260. Ravina, Mark. “Wasan and the Physics That Wasn't: Mathematics in the Tokugawa Period,” Monumenta Nipponica 48, no. 2 (1993): 205-224. Richter, Steffi. Ent-Zweiung: Wissenschaftliches Denken in Japan zwischen Tradition und Moderne. Berlin, 1994. Rubinger, Richard. Private Academies of Tokugawa Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982. Sakai, Naoki. Voices of the Past: The Status of Language in Eighteenth-Century Japanese Discourse. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992. Sawada, Janine A. “Religious Conflict in Bakumatsu Japan: Zen Master Imakita Kōsen and Confucian Scholar Higashi Takusha.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 21, nos. 2-3 (1994): 211-230. Totman, Conrad. Early Modern Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Winter, Prescott Bowman. “Language, Thought and Institutions in Tokugawa Japan.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1982.

85