Keesing's World News Archives

Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp...

Summary and key dates

Attacks on Israeli soldiers (June-July 1983). Release of Lebanese Government report on Sabra and Chatila massacre (June 20). Withdrawal of Syrian troops from Tripoli (July 28). Abduction of cabinet ministers by Druse militiamen (Aug. 10). Fighting in west Beirut between Lebanese Army and Amal (August). Formation of opposition of National Salvation Front (July 23). Escalation of fighting following Israeli withdrawal (September) Ceasefire and resignation of Lebanese Cabinet (Sept. 25-26)

After the conclusion of the Israeli-Lebanese troop withdrawal agreement in May 1983 [see 32408 A], there was a marked deterioration in the security situation in Lebanon. Clashes between Druse and Christian Phalangist forces in the Chouf mountains developed into open civil war in early September when the Lebanese Army, as well as the rival Druse and Phalangist militias, moved to occupy the area (after the withdrawal of Israeli forces on Sept. 4 to new defensive positions further south along the Awali river–see 32454 A). The Lebanese Army, with United States artillery support, halted a Druse advance at the strategic town of Souk el-Gharb, five miles south of Beirut, and US and Saudi mediators in late September succeeded in negotiating a ceasefire. Other aspects of the fighting during this period included the resurgence of militia activity in Moslem west Beirut, clashes between pro- and anti-Syrian factions in the northern port of Tripoli, attacks on the Israeli Defence Force (IDF), and attacks on troops serving with the multinational peace- keeping force in the Beirut area resulting in direct intervention by French and US forces. (Developments from late September onwards will be covered in a forthcoming article, including in particular the bomb attacks in Beirut on Oct. 23 in which large numbers of US marines and French paratroopers were killed.)

IDF personnel in Lebanon continued to suffer from guerrilla attacks during the early summer, while there were also a number of demonstrations against the continuing Israeli occupation among sections of the Moslem population.

On June 6, the anniversary of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 [see page 31914], Moslem shopkeepers and workers staged a general strike and held demonstrations in west Beirut, Tripoli and Tyre, and also in Sidon where Israeli forces made a number of arrests.

In an ambush near the Phalangist-controlled town of Bhamdoun in the Chouf mountains on May 30, two IDF soldiers were killed, following which the Israelis arrested over 100 Lebanese and Palestinians, of whom 80 were detained in the Ansar prison camp in southern Lebanon. After serious rioting in the camp on June 6-9, during which a number of detainees and guards were injured, President Amin Gemayel of Lebanon called for the release of all “innocent detainees”. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) stated in its bulletin of Aug. 3 that it viewed with concern the “worsening state of insecurity and intimidation” to which the 5,000 detainees in the camp were subjected.

Two Israeli soldiers and one Lebanese policeman were killed on June 8 in a car bomb attack on an Israeli convoy in west Beirut. WAFA, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) radio station, stated that the attack had been carried out by the Lebanese National Resistance[see page 32163], although Shia Moslem militiamen were widely believed to be responsible for this and other attacks in west Beirut.

On June 10, three IDF soldiers were shot dead in an ambush at the village of Deir el-Qamar, near Tyre, and a fourth soldier who attempted to pursue the guerrillas was reportedly kidnapped, although this was denied by

1 of 8 11/30/2010 14:54 Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp...

Israeli spokesmen. The IDF subsequently sealed off the village, cutting off food, water and power supplies and preventing convoys from both the ICRC and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) from reaching the village. According to claims by the inhabitants the Israelis also took away all men between the ages of 15 and 40 for questioning. After protests from the Lebanese Government, the blockade was partially lifted on June 16.

Three guerrillas were killed on June 13 when the bomb they were planting beside the main Israeli supply route into Beirut blew up prematurely. In a gun battle at an Israeli checkpoint on July 17, seven IDF men and an undisclosed number of guerrillas were killed.

The Lebanese independent daily An-Nahar reported on June 30 that the Israeli military governor of south- eastern Lebanon had issued an edict informing residents that the Israeli forces would remain in the area for “at least five years”, and that Hebrew would be taught in schools. The report was denied by Israeli military sources, who insisted that there was no plan for the IDF to stay in the area for such a length of time.

The privately-owned Christian news agency Markazaya released on June 20 what was described as the “first draft” of a report on the September 1982 massacres in the Sabra and Chatila refugee camps [see page 32039-41], prepared at the Lebanese Government's request by the office of the military prosecutor. The report, the release of which was described as “unauthorized” by Mr Wadi Haddad, the Lebanese national security adviser, did not identify those directly responsible for the killings, but deemed Israel to be “legally responsible”.

The report stated that there was “no evidence that the leadership of the Phalange party or the command of the Lebanese Forces [the name by which the Phalangist militia was officially known] were aware in advance of what happened. The investigation did not establish that either of these two commands had issued orders to fighters to support or take part in the operation.” Instead the report suggested that those responsible consisted of “armed elements not from the Israeli camp… perhaps they are from the border element [a reference to Maj. Saad Haddad's militia–[see page 32163], or others who may have suffered under the excesses of the Palestinians”. The report recommended that there should be a “delay in judicial prosecutions for the time being, pending the definition of the competent judicial authorities”.

Phalangist militiamen on April 29 transferred to government custody Mr Habib Chartouni, who had reportedly confessed responsibility for the assassination in September 1982 of the Lebanese President-elect Mr Bashir Gemayel[see page 31926].

Continuing tension between pro-Syrian Alawite Moslem and anti-Syrian Sunni Moslem factions in Tripoli[see page 32164] erupted into violence on June 16. Following an attack on Syrian personnel earlier in the day in which one soldier was wounded, 18 people were killed in indiscriminate shooting by unidentified gunmen, and three others were kidnapped and later killed–none of the victims being known for their political affiliations. The attack was variously attributed to the local Alawite militia, and to Israeli or Syrian agents. Four days later, two Syrian Army colonels and another soldier were killed when their jeep was ambushed at Enfe Bay, outside Tripoli.

On July 28, the 1,000-strong Syrian garrison in Tripoli withdrew from the town to positions in the surrounding countryside, apparently without consulting either the local militias or the Lebanese Government.

As the Syrian troops departed, fighting broke out between rival militias, notably between the Islamic Unit Movement, which had formerly fought against the Syrian forces but had recently aligned itself with them, and the anti-Syrian “October 24” Movement[see page 32164]. In an attempt to arrange a ceasefire and the takeover of the town by Lebanese police, Col. Osman Osman, the chief of police, arrived in Tripoli on July 29. Although the fighting then subsided, renewed clashes broke out the following week after a car bomb exploded outside a mosque, killing 19 people including a number of children. On Aug. 20, 20 people were

2 of 8 11/30/2010 14:54 Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp...

injured when a bomb exploded at the offices of the October 24 Movement.

A massive car bomb explosion on Aug. 7 in the town of Baalbek (in the Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley) killed 28 people and injured a further 37. Responsibility for the attack was claimed by the Front for the Liberation of Lebanon from Foreigners, a rightist Christian organization which had previously carried out attacks against Syrian and Palestinian targets [ibid.;page 31925].

Increasingly fierce clashes developed in the Chouf mountains from May onwards as the Druse sought to expel the Phalangists from areas which the latter had occupied in the wake of the Israeli invasion in 1982. Druse artillery also shelled Christian and Lebanese Army positions in and around Beirut.

In a series of clashes on May 22, which coincided with a wave of kidnappings by both sides, 23 people were killed, a number of others wounded, and over 100 reportedly seized, including the Maronite Bishop of Tyre, who was however freed on May 23 after a personal plea for his release from President Gemayel. The fighting died down after leaders from both sides had urged an end to hostilities and the release of all hostages. (Although Israeli troops were still stationed in the Chouf, they rarely intervened to stop the fighting.)

In the first major clash between Druse and regular Lebanese Army forces in the Chouf, 14 members of an army patrol were injured and two Druse were killed in a Druse ambush on July 14. The patrol had been accompanying an Israeli reconnaissance unit in preparation for a planned occupation of the Chouf by the Lebanese Army following Israeli withdrawal.

Druse artillery shelled Christian east Beirut and also the airport on July 18, July 20 and July 23, killing over 30 people, mostly Christian civilians. President Gemayel at this time repeatedly insisted that the Syrian forces occupying eastern Lebanon were responsible for such attacks, and he warned on July 21 that, if the shelling did not cease, the “shells would return to Damascus” [the Syrian capital].

Druse militiamen kidnapped three Lebanese cabinet ministers on Aug. 10 and held them in the Druse stronghold of Mouhktara for 24 hours before releasing them into the custody of the IDF. The ministers returned to Beirut on Aug. 11 with a list of Druse demands including the resignation of the entire Cabinet and the withdrawal of the Army from the Chouf.

The three Ministers seized were Mr Adil Hamiyyah, the Finance Minister and sole Druse member of the Cabinet, Mr Isam Khouri, the Minister of Defence, National Education and Fine Arts (a Greek Orthodox Christian), and Dr Adnan Muruwwah, Minister of Public Health, Labour and Social Affairs (a Shia Moslem). They had been holding talks with Shaikh Mohammed Abu Shakra, the Druse spiritual leader, and were seized by members of the Druse Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) militia as they returned to Beirut. After the Israeli intervention, the ministers reportedly refused an Israeli request to pose for photographs with senior IDF officers at the IDF regional headquarters.

Artillery battles between the Druse on the one hand and the Lebanese Army and Phalangists on the other continued through mid-August, punctuated by a number of short-lived ceasefires, while there were also reports of a series of clashes between Druse fighters and Lebanese soldiers in the foothills of the Chouf. The Druse also carried out earlier threats to shell Beirut airport should the Army attempt to move into the Chouf, with the result that the airport was closed for a number of days.

According to some reports, mostly broadcast by the Phalangist and Lebanese Government media, Syrian units also joined in the shelling, while the Government repeatedly claimed that Syrian and Palestinian forces were moving into the area to reinforce the Druse. Such claims were denied by Druse spokesmen, while Western correspondents in the area reported little evidence to support the Government's claims.

On Aug. 16, the airport reopened after Saudi mediation efforts had succeeded in securing an understanding

3 of 8 11/30/2010 14:54 Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp...

between the Government and Mr Walid Jumblatt, the PSP leader, that the Druse would refrain from shelling the airport so long as it was not used for operations against them.

A ceasefire was also concluded on Aug. 16 between Druse and Phalangist forces, although fighting broke out again a week later at various locations in the Chouf. On Aug. 10, Phalangist radio had quoted Mr Pierre Gemayel, the leader of the Phalangist party and father of President Gemayel, as saying: “The situation is no longer bearable… Let the war begin and may the most powerful win.” On Aug. 25, however, Mr Gemayel stated that the Lebanese [i. e. Phalangist] Forces would be prepared to evacuate the Chouf so long as they were replaced by the Lebanese Army. On Sept. 1, Mr Jumblatt announced in Damascus that the Druse were now in “a state of war”, and he warned that there would now be “fighting, and only fighting”, since “there is no longer any room for dialogue”. On the same day, Phalangist radio claimed that the Druse militia had massacred 32 Christian civilians in the town of Bmarian, 10 miles east of Aley in Syrian-controlled territory. The accusation was dismissed as “lies” by Mr Jumblatt, although Lebanese police also reported atrocities in the town.

A series of clashes between Army units and Moslem fighters, mostly belonging to the Amal militia, grew in intensity during August, culminating in a full-scale battle as the Army regained control of west Beirut in four days of street fighting at the end of the month. The four-nation multinational peace-keeping force (comprising US, French, Italian and British personnel) also became involved in the fighting; the US contingent for the first time used artillery and helicopter gunships after suffering its first casualties since the arrival of the peace- keeping force in August and September 1982[see page 32039-41].

Street fighting in the Wadi Abu Jamil sector of west Beirut on Aug. 15 coincided with a general strike and demonstrations by Shia Moslems in the capital and in Tyre (where one demonstrator was shot and killed by Israeli troops).

In the west Beirut fighting, which was mainly between Lebanese Army patrols and guerrillas of the Amal militia, at least six people were reported killed and a number of others wounded. Journalists attempting to cover the fighting claimed that they were detained and in some cases assaulted by Lebanese soldiers.

Over the ensuing two weeks, Amal took over much of west Beirut, and fighting broke out again on Aug. 28 on the southern edge of the city, in the vicinity of US Marine bases. The following day, US positions were attacked with rockets and mortar fire, which killed two Marines and wounded 14 others; the Marines returned the fire, and also carried out strikes against Amal positions using Cobra helicopter gunships. On Aug. 30 French positions came under fire, with three soldiers and a military policeman being killed, while gunmen also fired on a British convoy, although no casualties resulted.

After two days of inconclusive fighting, the Lebanese Army on Aug. 31 launched a successful counter-attack, using 6,000 troops supported by armoured personnel carriers and tanks. By the end of the day, most of west Beirut had been brought under Army control. Government radio reported that 42 soldiers had been killed and another 176 wounded between Aug. 28 and Aug. 31, with total casualties estimated as 79 dead and 326 wounded, including several French and Italian personnel and US Marines.

On July 23 Mr Jumblatt announced in Baalbek that a “National Salvation Front” had been formed, including himself, former President Soleiman Franjié, and the former Prime Minister Mr Rashid Karami. The Front, which appeared to be a consolidation of the national opposition front formed after the conclusion of the Israeli troop withdrawal agreement in May[see page 32411], included a “Presidential Council” headed by Mr Franjié, and also a 12-member “National Council”. On Aug. 27 Mr Franjie stated that the Front would function solely as a “democratic opposition”.

In expressing a desire for a nationwide referendum under UN auspices, President Gemayel affirmed on Aug. 25 that “99.9 per cent of the Lebanese people support the Government… the figure is even higher in the

4 of 8 11/30/2010 14:54 Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp...

occupied regions”.

On Aug. 31, President Gemayel issued a statement calling on 11 leading Lebanese figures to take part in a “national reconciliation dialogue”. Among those to whom the invitation was addressed were Mr Pierre Gemayel, Mr Jumblatt, Mr Camille Chamoun (83, who had been President in 1952-58), Mr Saeb Salam, a Sunni Moslem and former Prime Minister, most recently in 1961, and Mr Nabi Berri, leader of the Amal militia. On Aug. 26, Mr Robert McFarlane, then US special presidential envoy to the Middle East, met separately in Paris with Mr Jumblatt and Mr Wadi Haddad (the Lebanese national security adviser).

Other security developments between June and the beginning of September included the following.

Mr Abdel Khader Ghourqa, the Libyan charge d”affairs, was shot and seriously wounded on June 5 in west Beirut. A Sunni Moslem member of the Syrian National Progressive Socialist Party (a Lebanese party in spite of its title) was arrested and charged with the attack, the purpose of which was unclear, with reports variously describing it as connected with the anniversary of the Israeli invasion or with a personal disagreement over a visa application.

Six French soldiers attached to the multinational force, together with four Lebanese, were killed in west Beirut on July 6 when a building they were helping to demolish collapsed. The house had been damaged by the Israeli bombardment in mid-1982.

The UN security Council voted on July 18 to extend the mandate of the 7,000-member UNIFIL for a further three months. UNIFIL staff during July reported a number of confrontations between their personnel and those of the IDF and the Haddad militia, including incidents in which UN soldiers had been fired on or threatened with loaded weapons.

On Sept. 1, President Reagan ordered a 2,000-strong marine task force, together with the aircraft carrier Dwight D. Eisenhower, into the eastern Mediterranean.

Ferocious battles broke out in the Chouf on Sept. 4 as IDF units pulled back from the area, and over the ensuing two weeks Druse forces, in some cases with logistic support from Syrian units, inflicted a number of significant defeats on both the Lebanese Army and the Phalangist militia.

While the Army moved south to occupy Khalde and secure the southern approaches to the capital, Druse units engaged Phalangist and Army forces outside the mainly Druse town of Aley; further west they surrounded the strategic crossroads town of Bhamdoun, trapping several thousand Phalangists and entering the town on Sept. 6. Phalangist radio accusations that Druse units were responsible for “unprecedented massacres” were denied by Druse spokesmen, who claimed in their turn that the Phalangists had themselves slaughtered 45 Druse civilians in Kfar Matta, after the town had been occupied by units of the regular Army. Druse forces also captured Qabr Chamoun from the Phalangists on Sept. 8, and surrounded the town of Deir el-Qamar where over 25,000 Christian refugees were reported to be sheltering.

In the face of the rapidity of the Druse advance, the Lebanese Army and Phalangist units on several occasions fought side by side. The Government repeatedly asserted that the bulk of the fighting against the Army was being carried out by Syrians and Palestinians, while Druse spokesmen insisted that their forces alone were responsible, and claimed later in the month that they had sent away a number of Palestinians who had volunteered to assist them. The Syrian Government on Sept. 5 requested the Arab League to expel Lebanon from the organization, and to impose an economic and political boycott on it.

From Sept. 6 onwards, all four contingents of the multinational force became increasingly embroiled in the fighting. Two US marines were killed when their position near the airport was attacked by Amal fighters, and on the following day three French soldiers, including one lieutenant-colonel, were killed by shelling.

5 of 8 11/30/2010 14:54 Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp...

M Charles Hernu, the French Defence Minister, stated after this attack that French aircraft would take out the Druse artillery if the shelling continued. On the same day French, US and Italian aircraft all flew reconnaisance missions over Beirut and the surrounding area, and on Sept. 9 the British Government announced that six long range Buccaneer strike aircraft had been sent to the British sovereign base at Akrotiri, Cyprus, in order to “provide air support [for the British contingent] should the need arise”.

US positions near the airport came under fire from Druse artillery on Sept. 8-9, and in response US ships shelled various undisclosed locations in the Chouf, while marines on land also returned the fire with heavy artillery. President Reagan announced on Sept. 13 that the US forces might use all means at their disposal, including returning fire and calling on naval or air strikes, to defend themselves and other members of the multinational force. It was subsequently stressed by Administration officials that this did not provide for retaliatory strikes or offensive action, although support could be given to the Lebanese Army if it were in danger of losing a key position and so exposing the multinational force to attack.

A Syrian Government spokesman criticized this move as being “fraught with danger”, and warned that the conflict could spread beyond the Middle East. Mr George Shultz, US Secretary of State, had revealed on Sept. 10 that a Lebanese Government request for an increase in the number of peace-keeping troops had been refused by representatives of the four states involved. [See also below for US internal political debate over the presence of US troops in Lebanon.]

As the fighting between the Druse and Phalangists spread southwards, IDF tank patrols repeatedly crossed the Awali river, and according to some reports Phalangist fighters were on a number of occasions transported in Israeli armoured personnel carriers, although the Israelis refused a Phalangist request for air strikes. Earlier, on Aug. 19, an IDF soldier had been killed in a Katyusha rocket attack on an Israeli position in Rachaya, south of the Awali river near the main IDF logistics base at Marjayoun.

The Libyan Government stated on Sept. 17 that it had despatched troops to Lebanon, to be put at the disposal of Syrian and Druse commanders. A report by JANA (the official Libyan news agency) the following day claimed that 300 Libyan soldiers had moved into the Chouf from positions in the Bekaa Valley, and had linked up with Druse fighters.

Further reports of massacres emerged on Sept. 10, with the Lebanese state radio asserting that Druse militiamen had slaughtered over 50 Christian civilians in Bire. A PSP spokesman denied this charge, and accused the Government of ignoring atrocities perpetrated by Phalangists, citing in particular an incident in which he claimed that Phalangist personnel had killed a number of Druse who were being held in a Christian militia camp. A Phalangist official responded to the accusation by saying that the deaths had resulted from Druse shelling. Mr Fady Frem, the Phalangist commander, stated on Sept. 15 that no massacres had been committed by the Christians, and he called for an international inquiry into alleged atrocities by the Druse.

A particularly fierce struggle developed from Sept. 10 onwards for the strategic hill town of Souk el-Gharb, where Lebanese Army units defending the Beirut perimeter were attacked by Druse fighters using Syrian- supplied tanks and artillery. While the Army succeeded in holding the town, it largely failed in attempts to secure a nearby ridge from which Druse gunners were shelling Beirut.

On Sept. 16–18, the Lebanese Air Force went into action for the first time since 1976[see 28117 A], carrying out air strikes against both Druse and Syrian artillery emplacements in the Chouf and the surrounding countryside. During the strikes, which were carried out by the Air Force's six operational Hawker Hunter jets, US naval F-14 Tomcat fighters flew high over Beirut to provide air cover. One Lebanese aircraft was shot down, and a further two which were damaged landed at Akrotiri for repairs.

US warships lying off the coast also bombarded Druse positions in the hills above Beirut on Sept. 16-21. Particularly heavy shelling on Sept. 19 was reported to have been instrumental in halting a Druse tank assault

6 of 8 11/30/2010 14:54 Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp...

on Souk el-Gharb. A US spokesman stated that the action was “of a defensive nature”, since “the success of the Lebanese Army's defence of the area is vital to the safety of US personnel”.

Following the US naval bombardment, British, French and Italian representatives met in Rome on Sept. 19 to discuss the future role of the European contingents in the multinational force. The US action was openly criticized by M Claude Cheysson, the French Foreign Minister, who declared that it was not the best means to solve the Lebanese problem.

French Super Entendard jets on Sept. 22 carried out a series of air strikes against Druse and Syrian artillery emplacements in the Chouf and in the Metn mountains north-east of Beirut. The action followed the deaths in shelling earlier in the day of two French soldiers. A number of shells fell on the Italian base the same day, setting off a series of explosions which destroyed almost all of the Italian contingent's ammunition.

On Sept. 20, the US Congress and the Reagan Administration reached a compromise on the controversial issue of whether the provisions of the 1973 War Powers Act[see page 26242 b] should be applied to the case of US forces currently in Lebanon.

Under the terms of the Act, the President was to inform Congress if US forces overseas were exposed to “hostilities… or situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circum- stances”. In such an eventuality, the forces were to be withdrawn within 90 days, unless Congress authorized a longer stay. The Democratic party caucus in the Senate voted unanimously on July 15 to demand that President Reagan should, under the terms of the War Powers Act, seek authorization from Congress for the US troops to remain.

After the deaths of the two marines on Aug. 29[see above], an increasing number of congressmen demanded that the Act should be invoked, and that the “90-day clock” should be started. The Administration's crisis management group on Aug. 29 stated, however, that there had been “no change in the status” of the US contingent.

The “Multinational Force in Lebanon” resolution agreed on Sept. 20 authorized the presence of US forces for a further 18 months, with the provision that they be restricted to their current role and strength, and also authorized them to take “such protective measures as may be necessary”. Included in the resolution was a passage stating that “Congress determines that the requirements of the War Powers Act became operative on Aug. 29, 1983” (i. e. the date of the first two casualties). The President was directed to report to Congress on the situation at six-monthly intervals, and the resolution also demanded that the Administration initiate discussions with the Israeli, Syrian and Lebanese Governments with a view to securing the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon. The resolution was approved by the House of Representatives (by 270 votes to 46) on Sept. 28, and by the Senate (by 54 votes to on the following day.

A ceasefire agreement, which was reported to have been endorsed by all the factions concerned, was announced in Damascus on Sept. 25 by Mr Abdel Halim Khaddam, the Syrian Foreign Minister, and Prince Bandar bin Sultan, a member of the Saudi royal family who (together with Mr McFarlane and Mr Rafiq al-Hariri, a Lebanese businessman) had played a major role in a number of mediation efforts during September.

According to the agreement, the ceasefire would be implemented by a security committee, composed of representatives of the PSP, Amal, the Phalangists and the Army, and would be monitored by neutral observers. The first meeting of the committee took place on Sept. 28 in Beirut, when it was agreed to establish a liaison centre to deal with reports of violations of the ceasefire. After the announcement of the ceasefire, Mr Jumblatt stated that “the battle of the National Salvation Front will continue by political and social struggle”.

7 of 8 11/30/2010 14:54 Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp...

Mr Chafiq al-Wazzan, the Lebanese Prime Minister, together with all the members of his Cabinet, submitted their resignations to President Gemayel on Sept. 26 in order to make way “for the formation of a cabinet of national unity to undertake the rebuilding of the homeland”. Both the Syrian Government and the PSP were said to have demanded Mr Wazzan's resignation as a condition for agreeing to a ceasefire. President Gemayel requested the Cabinet to remain in office, however, “until the features of the new era crystallize”.

President Gemayel also reiterated his invitation to leading Lebanese figures[see above], and to Saudi and Syrian observers, to participate in a “national reconciliation dialogue” which would lay “the permanent foundations of coexistence, a guarantee of state sovereignty over all Lebanese territory and the creation of a balanced governmental system”.—(International Herald Tribune-The Times-Le Monde-Guardian-Daily Telegraph-Financial Times-New York Times-ICRC Bulletin, Geneva)(Prev. rep. 32162 A) (Le Monde)

8 of 8 11/30/2010 14:54