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Mentalism Versus Behaviourism in Economics: a Philosophy-Of-Science
Mentalism versus behaviourism in economics: aphilosophy-of-scienceperspective⇤ Franz Dietrich Christian List CNRS & University of East Anglia London School of Economics 18 November 2012 Abstract Behaviourism is the view that preferences, beliefs, and other mental states in social- scientific theories are nothing but constructs re-describing people’s behavioural dis- positions. Mentalism is the view that they capture real phenomena, no less existent than the unobservable entities and properties in the natural sciences, such as elec- trons and electromagnetic fields. While behaviourism has long gone out of fashion in psychology and linguistics, it remains influential in economics, especially in ‘re- vealed preference’ theory. We aim to (i) clear up some common confusions about the two views, (ii) situate the debate in a historical context, and (iii) defend a men- talist approach to economics. Setting aside normative concerns about behaviourism, we show that mentalism is in line with best scientific practice even if economics is treated as a purely positive science of economic behaviour. We distinguish men- talism from, and reject, the radical neuroeconomic view that behaviour should be explained in terms of people’s brain processes, as distinct from their mental states. 1 Introduction Economic theory seeks to explain the social and economic behaviour of human (and sometimes other) agents.1 It usually does so by (i) ascribing, at least in an ‘as if’ mode, ⇤This paper was presented at the LSE Choice Group workshop on ‘Rationalizability and Choice’, July 2011, the D-TEA workshop, Paris, July 2012, and the EIPE seminar, Rotterdam, September 2012. We are grateful to the participants and especially Nick Baigent, Walter Bossert, Richard Bradley, Mika¨el Cozic, Eddie Dekel, Ido Erev, Itzhak Gilboa, Conrad Heilmann, Johannes Himmelreich, Marco Mariotti, Friederike Mengel, Clemens Puppe, Larry Samuelson, David Schmeidler, Asli Selim, Daniel Stoljar, Kotaro Suzumura, and Peter Wakker for comments and discussion. -
John B. Watson's Legacy: Learning and Environment
Developmental Psychology Copyright 1992 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 1992, Vol. 28, No. 3, 360-367 OOL2-1649/92/$3.0O John B. Watson's Legacy: Learning and Environment Frances Degen Horowitz Graduate School and University Center City University of New \brk John B. Watson's contribution is evaluated in relation to his own time, with respect to his historical influence, and in light of current issues in developmental psychology. A survey of a nonrandom sample of current developmental psychologists revealed no consensus with respect to Watson's legacy to developmental psychology. The influence of Watson's insistence on an objective methodol- ogy in psychology remains, although is not necessarily acknowledged. His extreme environmental- ism has been rejected. His concern to understand the principles of learning is reflected in the subsequent work of the Hullians and the Skinnerians. The influence of his underlying premise about the importance of environment and of learning is to be found in such work as studies of the effects of intervention programs. I question the possible costs to the field of the continued rejection of a Watsonian emphasis on learning as an important process in development and behavior. In his time, John Broadus Watson (1878-1958) was contro- felt he had ignored biological variables, but the remainder versial. So he remains. In preparation for this reflective essay tended to disagree with that characterization. on his legacy to developmental psychology, I sent a question- Diversity of opinion is rife in developmental psychology to- naire to a nonrandom sample of mostly senior developmental day, but when asked to evaluate the theoretical and methodolog- psychologists.1 The 45 respondents ranged widely in their per- ical contributions of Baldwin, Binet, Darwin, Freud, Gesell, ceptions of Watson's contributions and in their evaluations. -
Understanding Human Consciousness: Theory and Application
o Journal of Experiential Psychotherapy, vol. 21, n 2 (82) June 2018 Understanding Human Consciousness: Theory and Application Maretha Prinsloo, PhD*i *Cognadev, UK “Consciousness implies awareness: subjective, phenomenal experience of internal and external worlds... Our views of reality, of the universe, of ourselves depend on consciousness. Consciousness defines our existence.” (Hameroff & Penrose, 2014, p. 39) Abstract Introduction: The study of consciousness attracts the attention of psychologists, philosophers and scientists. It is, however, mostly dealt with in a descriptive and speculative manner, without explaining the nature of the subjective experience and the dynamics involved. Objectives: This article aims to provide a brief overview of prominent philosophical, psychological, sociological and quantum physics perspectives on consciousness. The practical implications of consciousness theory are also addressed. Methods: Literature review. Results: From a social sciences point of view, Gebser’s Structure of Human Consciousness model, Clare Graves’s Spiral Dynamics (SD) model and Ken Wilber’s Integral AQAL model are briefly discussed to understand the concept of levels of consciousness and to differentiate between the developmental themes which characterise each of these levels. This is followed by a description of scientific theories and findings. Here the work of prominent philosophers of science, including Dennett and Laszlo, is briefly explored. Neurological and quantum physics discoveries, including the work of Bohm, Pribram, McTaggart, Hameroff and Penrose are referred to and the phenomenon of collective consciousness is explained in terms of the physics concepts of quantum nonlocality and entanglement. Next, the application of consciousness theory is addressed within the contexts of societal transformation, leadership, organisational development, organisational culture and education. -
The Cognitive Revolution: a Historical Perspective
Review TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences Vol.7 No.3 March 2003 141 The cognitive revolution: a historical perspective George A. Miller Department of Psychology, Princeton University, 1-S-5 Green Hall, Princeton, NJ 08544, USA Cognitive science is a child of the 1950s, the product of the time I went to graduate school at Harvard in the early a time when psychology, anthropology and linguistics 1940s the transformation was complete. I was educated to were redefining themselves and computer science and study behavior and I learned to translate my ideas into the neuroscience as disciplines were coming into existence. new jargon of behaviorism. As I was most interested in Psychology could not participate in the cognitive speech and hearing, the translation sometimes became revolution until it had freed itself from behaviorism, tricky. But one’s reputation as a scientist could depend on thus restoring cognition to scientific respectability. By how well the trick was played. then, it was becoming clear in several disciplines that In 1951, I published Language and Communication [1], the solution to some of their problems depended cru- a book that grew out of four years of teaching a course at cially on solving problems traditionally allocated to Harvard entitled ‘The Psychology of Language’. In the other disciplines. Collaboration was called for: this is a preface, I wrote: ‘The bias is behavioristic – not fanatically personal account of how it came about. behavioristic, but certainly tainted by a preference. There does not seem to be a more scientific kind of bias, or, if there is, it turns out to be behaviorism after all.’ As I read that Anybody can make history. -
Agency & Choice
Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics, Volume 12, Issue 1, Spring 2019, pp. 137-144. https://doi.org/10.23941/ejpe.v12i1.414 PHD THESIS SUMMARY: Agency & Choice: On the Cognitive and Conceptual Foundations of Agency in Economics and Behavioral Decision Research JAMES GRAYOT Doctorate in philosophy, February 2019 EIPE, Erasmus University Rotterdam In this thesis, I offer a philosophical perspective on the different conceptions of agency and choice as they are understood and employed in economics and behavioral decision research—this perspective is two- fold: on the one hand, philosophical analysis can clarify ambiguities in definitions and concepts that arise within interdisciplinary research. This is of particular importance given how philosophical concepts such as mind, cognition, and intentionality feature in economic studies of rational choice. Hence, one project of this thesis is to subject contemporary research on questions about agency and choice to such philosophical scrutiny. On the other hand, the questions and topics discussed in this thesis can be understood as an exercise in philosophy of science: they deal explicitly with questions and topics that pertain to the theoretical and empirical practices of scientists. This includes traditional microeconomic disciplines, such as decision theory and game theory, as well as interdisciplinary research in behavioral economics, neuroeconomics, and experimental psychology. Chapter 2 illustrates the contentious relationship between agency and choice by focusing on a cluster of debates -
A Response to Our Theatre Critics
J. Allan Hobson1 and Karl J. Friston2 A Response to Our Theatre Critics Abstract: We would like to thank Dolega and Dewhurst (2015) for a thought-provoking and informed deconstruction of our article, which we take as (qualified) applause from valued members of our audience. In brief, we fully concur with the theatre-free formulation offered by Dolega and Dewhurst and take the opportunity to explain why (and how) we used the Cartesian theatre metaphor. We do this by drawing an analogy between consciousness and evolution. This analogy is used to emphasize the circular causality inherent in the free energy prin- ciple (aka active inference). We conclude with a comment on the special forms of active inference that may be associated with self- awareness and how they may be especially informed by dream states. Keywords: consciousness; prediction; free energy; neuronal coding; Copyright (c) Imprint Academic 2016 inference; neuromodulation. For personal use only -- not for reproduction Introduction We enjoyed reading Dolega and Dewhurst’s (2015) critique of our earlier paper and thinking about the issues it raised. We begin our response by stating our position clearly — in terms of the few key Correspondence: Karl Friston, Wellcome Trust Centre for Neuroimaging, Institute of Neurology, Queen Square, London WC1N 3BG, UK. Email: [email protected] 1 Division of Sleep Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts 02215, USA. 2 The Wellcome Trust Centre for Neuroimaging, University College London, Queen Square, London WC1N 3BG. Journal of Consciousness Studies, 23, No. 3–4, 2016, pp. 245–54 246 J.A. HOBSON & K.J. FRISTON points — and then substantiate these points with more detailed argu- ments. -
How False Assumptions Still Haunt Theories of Consciousness
The Myth of When and Where: How False Assumptions Still Haunt Theories of Consciousness Sepehrdad Rahimian1 1 Department of Psychology, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia * Correspondence: Sepehrdad Rahimian [email protected] Abstract Recent advances in Neural sciences have uncovered countless new facts about the brain. Although there is a plethora of theories of consciousness, it seems to some philosophers that there is still an explanatory gap when it comes to a scientific account of subjective experience. In what follows, I will argue why some of our more commonly acknowledged theories do not at all provide us with an account of subjective experience as they are built on false assumptions. These assumptions have led us into a state of cognitive dissonance between maintaining our standard scientific practices on one hand, and maintaining our folk notions on the other. I will then end by proposing Illusionism as the only option for a scientific investigation of consciousness and that even if ideas like panpsychism turn out to be holding the seemingly missing piece of the puzzle, the path to them must go through Illusionism. Keywords: Illusionism, Phenomenal consciousness, Predictive Processing, Consciousness, Cartesian Materialism, Unfolding argument 1. Introduction He once greeted me with the question: “Why do people say that it was natural to think that the sun went round the earth rather than that the earth turned on its axis?” I replied: “I suppose, because it looked as if the sun went round the earth.” “Well,” he asked, “what would it have looked like if it had looked as if the earth turned on its axis?” -Anscombe, G.E.M (1963), An introduction to Wittgenstein’s Tractatus In a 2011 paper, Anderson (2011) argued that different theories of attention suffer from somewhat arbitrary and often contradictory criteria for defining the term, rendering it more likely that we should be excluding the term “attention” from our scientific theories of the brain (Anderson, 2011). -
Mentalism Versus Behaviourism in Economics: a Philosophy-Of-Science Perspective
Mentalism versus behaviourism in economics: aphilosophy-of-scienceperspective Franz Dietrich & Christian List⇤ First version 1 April 2012, this version 17 May 2015 Abstract Behaviourism is the view that preferences, beliefs, and other mental states in social- scientific theories are nothing but constructs re-describing people’s behaviour. Mentalism is the view that they capture real phenomena, on a par with the unobserv- ables in science, such as electrons and electromagnetic fields. While behaviourism has gone out of fashion in psychology, it remains influential in economics, espe- cially in ‘revealed preference’ theory. We defend mentalism in economics, construed as a positive science, and show that it fits best scientific practice. We distinguish mentalism from, and reject, the radical neuroeconomic view that behaviour should be explained in terms of brain processes, as distinct from mental states. Keywords: Mentalism, behaviourism, revealed preference, decision theory, scientific realism. 1 Introduction Economic theory seeks to explain the social and economic behaviour of individual human agents (and sometimes that of other agents, such as firms). It usually does so by (i) ascribing, at least in an ‘as if’ mode, certain mental states, such as beliefs and preferences, to the agents in question and (ii) showing that, under the assumption that those agents are rational, the ascribed mental states lead us to predict, and thereby to ⇤Contact details: F. Dietrich, Paris School of Economics & CNRS, CES-Centre d’Economie de la Sorbonne, Maison des Sciences Economiques, 106-112 Boulevard de l’Hˆopital, 75647 Paris cedex 13, France; URL: <http://www.franzdietrich.net>. C. List, London School of Economics, Departments of Government and Philosophy, London WC2A 2AE, U.K.; URL: <http://personal.lse.ac.uk/LIST>. -
Précis of Consciousness Explained Reviewed Work(S): Consciousness Explained by Daniel C
International Phenomenological Society Review: Précis of Consciousness Explained Reviewed Work(s): Consciousness Explained by Daniel C. Dennett Source: Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, Vol. 53, No. 4 (Dec., 1993), pp. 889-892 Published by: International Phenomenological Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2108259 Accessed: 31-01-2017 21:28 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms International Phenomenological Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Philosophy and Phenomenological Research This content downloaded from 129.170.195.199 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 21:28:56 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Philosophy and Phenomenological Research Vol. Lm, No. 4, December 1993 Pr6cis of Consciousness Explained* DANIEL C. DENNEIT Tufts University Consciousness has always been a baffling phenomenon, and some have seen it to be fundamentally mysterious, irretrievably beyond human understanding. I argue, on the contrary, that its mysteries are beginning to dissolve, thanks largely to the onslaught of empirical and conceptual advances in cognitive science. So entrenched, however, are the traditional ways of addressing the philosophical problems, that a frontal assault on them is doomed. One can- not hope to convince philosophers by straightforward arguments to abandon the "obvious" assumptions whose mutual acceptance has defined the debates. -
Keeping Matter in Mind
Keeping Matter in Mind DAVID M. ROSENTHAL ’ urrent discussions of mind-body materialism, intricate and subtle though C they often are, frequently leave one with the impression that the central issues have been left untouched. Perhaps the principal cause of the ineffectiveness of such discussions has been the tendency, on both sides of the debate, to neglect the question of how to give a correct characterization of the mental. So, even when materialist arguments succeed in showing that some particular phenomena are phy- sical, they often leave us unpersuaded that the phenomena shown to be physical are, actually, mental phenomena. Antimaterialist arguments, on the other side, fre- quently appeal to questionable characterizations of the mental, such as being private and not being spatially locatable; such characterizations, though they often derive from familiar theories about the mjnd, are not part of what reflective people gen- erally have in mind when they talk about the mental. The failure to deal explicitly with the question of the nature of mentality lends false encouragement to material- ists and antimaterialists alike. For it persuades antimaterialists that arguments in support of materialism illicitly rely on overly weak conceptions of the mental. And it leads materialists to suppose that the plausibility of immaterialism derives solely from dubious and, perhaps, question-begging characterizations of the mind. This tendency to avoid the question of how to characterize the mental may result, in part, from a particular complication in theorizing about mental phenome- na which has arisen since the seventeenth century. The development of post- Galilean science has Seen increasingly impressive success in expressing regularities and laws of nature in mathematical terms. -
Mentalism, Behavior-Behavior Relations, and a Behavior-Analytic View of the Purposes of Science Steven C
The Behavior Analyst 1986, 9, 175-190 No. 2 (Fall) Mentalism, Behavior-Behavior Relations, and a Behavior-Analytic View of the Purposes of Science Steven C. Hayes Aaron J. Brownstein University of Nevada-Reno University of North Carolina at Greensboro In a behavioral view, the purposes of science are primarily prediction and control. To the extent that a scientist embraces both of these as a unified and generally applicable criterion for science, certain phil- osophical and theoretical practices are counterproductive, including mentalism in both its metaphysical and metatheoretical forms. It is possible and often worthwhile to recast some mentalistic talk into an issue ofbehavior-behavior relations. When behavior-behavior relations are approached non-mechanisti- cally, however, analysis cannot stop at the level of the relations themselves. Several analytic concepts common in the behavioral community share some ofthe dangers ofmentalism ifnot employed properly, including such concepts as self-reinforcement, response-produced stimulation, and self-rules. Criticism of a behavioral approach to amine some of the philosophical under- human behavior has been frequent since pinnings of a behavior-analytic view of its inception. Recently, a type ofcriticism science. Many of the points we hope to has emerged from knowledgeable critics make have been made elsewhere, but the suggesting that there is a more rapid path discussions have often been directed to- to the kinds ofscientific knowledge sought ward other specific concerns and have by behaviorists (e.g., Keat, 1972; Wes- not always been interconnected or given sells, 1981, 1982). Even individuals who a comprehensive rationale. Keystones of formerly have been sympathetic to a be- a behavior-analytic position can then ap- havior-analytic position have embraced pear to be dogmatic or arbitrary, rather this line of criticism. -
We Are All Methodological Behaviorists
Behavior and Philosophy, 41, 1-10 (2013). ©2015 Cambridge Center for Behavioral Studies WE ARE ALL METHODOLOGICAL BEHAVIORISTS Marcus Bentes de Carvalho Neto Universidade Federal do Pará ABSTRACT: Methodological and radical behaviorisms have been contrasted not only with respect to their consideration, or lack thereof, of private psychological events, but also with respect to their criteria for scientificity. Skinner (1945), in particular, dismissed the criterion of scientific truth by agreement (an inherently social criterion) and argued for its replacement by a form of individualistic pragmatism. In this article I argue that truth by agreement remains as fundamental to science as it ever was. In this sense, and regardless of indirect validations of claims about private events, we are all methodological behaviorists. Key words: methodological behaviorism, radical behaviorism, agreement, replicability, science Behavior analysts are acquainted with a traditional and unqualified division between two types of behaviorism, the (merely) methodological and the radical one (Skinner, 1974/1976; for a detailed analysis of methodological behaviorism see Moore, 1981, 2001). A keystone of the methodological-vs.-radical distinction rests on the kind of data to be included in our scientific understanding of behavior. Methodological behaviorism, it is argued, adheres to a rigid and naive version of operationalism that was already present in the traditions of logical positivism and realism. As a consequence, methodological behaviorism deals exclusively with what can be publicly observed: Observation thus became (...) fundamental to [methodological] Watsonian Behaviorism1: Observation defines the category of behavior as a subject matter. Behavior is what is observable, but only observable by the other one (...). To qualify as subject matter for a behaviorist, behavior must affect the senses of other organisms; it must be available for measurement and recording by others.