The New Consensus on the Second Amendment

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The New Consensus on the Second Amendment Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 1996 Under Fire: The New Consensus on the Second Amendment Randy E. Barnett This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1538 Randy Barnett, Under Fire: The New Consensus on the Second Amendment, 45 Emory L.J. 1139 (1996). This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Civil Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons EMORY LAW JOURNAL Volume 45 FALL 1996 Number 4 ARTICLES UNDER FIRE: THE NEW CONSENSUS ON THE SECOND AMENDMENT Randy E. Barnett* Don B. Kates** TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: REACTING TO THE NEW SCHOLARLY CONSENSUS 1141 An HOMINEM ATrACKS ON LEGAL SCHOLARS ............. 1143 A. Deceifully Ignoring Case Law ..................... 1151 1. Supreme Court Discussionsof the Amendment ............................... 1152 2. Lower Federal Court Decisions ................. 1160 3. Second Amendment Scholars Have Not Ignored Judicial Opinions ..................... 1165 4. A Bizarre Theory of Constitutional Meaning ......... 1167 B. Other Supposed Scholarly Deceptions ................. 1169 1. William Van Alstyne ......................... 1169 2. Robert Cottrol and Raymond Diamond ............ 1173 3. Sanford Levinson ........................... 1175 C. Impugning the Integrity of Second Amendment Scholars .... 1179 * Austin B. Fletcher Professor of Law, Boston University. ** Attorney at Law, San Francisco, CA, LL.B., Yale 1966. We wish to thank Charlotte Edelman and Cecelia Gasner for their research assistance and C.B. Kates for his suggestions. Permission to photocopy for classroom use is hereby granted. 1140 EMORY LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 45 1. Are You Now, or Have You Ever Been, a Member of Academicsfor the Second Amendment? ............ 1179 2. Falsifying the Scholars' Actual Views ............. 1188 3. The Relevance of Guilt by Association ............. 1191 II. FACTUAL ERRORs AND SLOPPINESS ..................... 1192 A. Fudging the Count in Order to Minimize the Scholarly Consensus ................................... 1192 B. Defaming the "Necromerchants"..................... 1196 1. Marketing Candy-ColoredGuns for Kids ........... 1197 2. Marketing FingerproofGuns to Criminals .......... 1197 3. The TRA Helped Assassinate PresidentKennedy ...... 1198 4. The "Assault Weapon" Hoax ................... 1199 5. Race, Racism, Falsehood,and the NRA ............ 1202 III. THE MILITIA-CENmRIC THEORY OF THE SECOND AMENDMENT ... 1204 A. A Makeweight Conception of the Second Amendment ...... 1204 B. Problems with the Militia-Centric Theory .............. 1207 1. The ConstitutionalText ....................... 1207 2. The Founders' Understandingof the Amendment ...... 1210 3. "FirearmsFundamentalists": The Founders' Beliefs About Guns .......................... 1214 4. Subsequent Commentary on the Constitution ......... 1219 5. CongressionalConstruction of the Second Amendment .. 1222 C. Does the Initial Purpose of a Right Limit Its Scope? ...... 1224 D. Evading the Text by Claiming the Amendment Is an Anachronism ............................... 1225 1. Suppose the Amendment Is an Anachronism ......... 1225 2. The Amendment Is Not an Anachronism ............ 1228 E. The "Insurrectionary"Implications of the Second Amendment 1232 IV. GuNs AND PUBLIC SAFETY ........................... 1234 A. Vilifying One's Opponents ........................ 1234 B. The Criminology of Guns and Violence ............... 1236 1. Foreign Comparisons ........................ 1236 2. Defensive Gun Use in the United States ............ 1242 1996] UNDER FIRE 1141 3. The Ordinary Gun Owner and the AberrantMurderer .. 1244 4. The "More Guns = More Murders" Shibboleth ...... 1247 5. The Tragedy of Homicide Among Young African-American Urban Males .............................. 1251 C. The ProhibitionistGoal of the Gun Control Movement ..... 1254 CONCLUSION: SHOOTING THE MESSENGERS ................... 1259 INTRODUCTION: REACTING TO THE NEW SCHOLARLY CONSENSUS Until the early 1980s the Second Amendment had received little attention or interest from legal scholars.' In 1981 Northwestern University law pro- fessor Daniel D. Polsby ridiculed the individual rights view of the Amend- ment as "a lot of horsedung."2 But as of 1994, having acquainted himself with the rather substantial literature of the intervening years, Polsby com- mented: [A]lmost all the qualified historians and constitutional-law scholars who have studied the subject [concur]. The overwhelming weight of authority affirms that the Second Amendment establishes an individual right to bear arms, which is not dependent upon joining something like the Na- tional Guard. It goes without saying that like all constitutional rights, the right to keep and bear arms is subject to reasonable regulation consistent with its purposes.3 Research conducted through the 1980s has led legal scholars and historians to conclude, sometimes reluctantly, but with virtual unanimity, that there is no tenable textual or historical argument against a broad individual right view 4 of the Second Amendment. The Second Amendment reads: "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." U.S. CoNsT. amend. II. 2 See Mike Royko, Guns and the Constitution, CHI. SUN-TIMES, March 20, 1981 (quoting Polsby as "describing this gun lover's belief as 'a lot of horsedung."'). ATLANTC MONTHLY, June 1994, at 13. See also GEORGE P. FLETCHER, A CRIME OF SELF DE- FENSE: BERNHARD GoETz AND THE LAw ON TRIAL 156 (1988) ("[E]ven though the prevailing interpretation is that the [Second A]mendment merely guarantees a right to the states to maintain a militia, convincing evidence indicates that the framers had an individual right in mind."). ' Whatever value one accords textual or historical evidence for constitutional interpretation, as will be discussed below, those who advocate a militia-centric interpretation of the Second Amendment have relied mainly, if not exclusively, upon textual or historical arguments. 1142 EMORY LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 45 According to the broad individual right view, the right of the people to keep and bear arms is to be treated the same as the other rights of the people specified in the Constitution-no more and no less. Like the other rights mentioned in the Bill of Rights, it is a right to be asserted by individuals against infringement by government. Like other rights in the Bill of Rights, it is not absolute, but neither is it a hollow shell which legislatures can ignore with impunity. Nor does it merely refer to the right of a state to have a mili- tia, as many, perhaps most, law professors assumed before there was serious scholarship on the Second Amendment. Despite this scholarship, on May 2, 1994, the broad individual right view was denounced as a gun-lobby "fraud on the American people" by twenty-six law professors in an advertisement sponsored by an anti-gun group which ap- peared in the American Lawyer and other publications.' The only authority they cited supporting their view was a quotation from an article by former Chief Justice Burger in Parade magazine.6 Though a number of signatories are distinguished scholars, significantly, none had ever delved into the issues sufficiently to publish a scholarly article on the subject. One of them has repaired that deficiency by writing (the all-too-appropri- ately named) Gun Crazy,7 the first article to appear in an important law re- view in almost thirty years disputing this now-predominant individual right view of the Second Amendment. As Gun Crazy presents it, the near-unani- mous consensus among historians and legal scholars who have researched the issues is an artifact of a sinister concerted effort by pro-gun professors and fellow travelers. Gun Crazy argues that the gullible legal and scholarly com- munities are falling victim to a gun-lobby-organized conspiracy "to flood the law reviews with friendly scholarship from sympathetic law professors."' Our aim in this Article is two-fold: First, we intend to put the academic discussion of the Second Amendment back on its constructive path by rebut- ting charges made in Gun Crazy against scholars who have contributed to the new consensus that the Second Amendment protects an individual right. To that end, in Part I, we discuss in detail the false charges of dishonesty and AM. LAW., June 1994, at 96 (advertisement). Warren Burger, The Right to Bear Arms, PARADE, Jan. 14, 1990, at 4-6. Andrew D. Herz Gun Crazy: ConstitutionalFalse Consciousness and Dereliction of Dialogic Re- sponsibility, 75 B.U. L. REV. 57 (1995) [hereinafter Gun Crazy]. ' Id. at 138. 19961 UNDER FIRE 1143 conspiracy that Gun Crazy levels against scholars whose views it finds uncon- genial. In Part II, we examine the factual errors in Gun Crazy. Second, we present the textual, structural, historical, and criminological evidence that supports this new consensus; evidence about which most aca- demics, even those who write about other areas of constitutional law, are largely unaware. In Part III, we examine the merits of the interpretation pro- ferred by opponents of an individual right to keep and bear arms: the militia- centric conception of the Second Amendment. We analyze how textual, his- torical, and structural considerations each argue against such an interpretation and in favor of an individual
Recommended publications
  • Yale Law & Policy Review Inter Alia
    Essay - Keith Whittington - 09 - Final - 2010.06.29 6/29/2010 4:09:42 PM YALE LAW & POLICY REVIEW INTER ALIA The State of the Union Is a Presidential Pep Rally Keith E. Whittington* Introduction Some people were not very happy with President Barack Obama’s criticism of the U.S. Supreme Court in his 2010 State of the Union Address. Famously, Justice Samuel Alito was among those who took exception to the substance of the President’s remarks.1 The disagreements over the substantive merits of the Citizens United case,2 campaign finance, and whether that particular Supreme Court decision would indeed “open the floodgates for special interests— including foreign corporations—to spend without limits in our elections” are, of course, interesting and important.3 But the mere fact that President Obama chose to criticize the Court, and did so in the State of the Union address, seemed remarkable to some. Chief Justice John Roberts questioned whether the “setting, the circumstances and the decorum” of the State of the Union address made it an appropriate venue for criticizing the work of the Court.4 He was not alone.5 Criticisms of the form of President Obama’s remarks have tended to focus on the idea that presidential condemnations of the Court were “demean[ing]” or “insult[ing]” to the institution or the Justices or particularly inappropriate to * William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics, Princeton University. I thank Doug Edlin, Bruce Peabody, and John Woolley for their help on this Essay. 1. Justice Alito, who was sitting in the audience in the chamber of the House of Representatives, was caught by television cameras mouthing “not true” in reaction to President Obama’s characterization of the Citizens United decision.
    [Show full text]
  • Originalism and Constitutional Construction
    Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2013 Originalism and Constitutional Construction Lawrence B. Solum Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1301 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2307178 82 Fordham L. Rev. 453-537 (2013) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Legal Theory Commons ORIGINALISM AND CONSTITUTIONAL CONSTRUCTION Lawrence B. Solum* Constitutional interpretation is the activity that discovers the communicative content or linguistic meaning of the constitutional text. Constitutional construction is the activity that determines the legal effect given the text, including doctrines of constitutional law and decisions of constitutional cases or issues by judges and other officials. The interpretation-construction distinction, frequently invoked by contemporary constitutional theorists and rooted in American legal theory in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, marks the difference between these two activities. This Article advances two central claims about constitutional construction. First, constitutional construction is ubiquitous in constitutional practice. The central warrant for this claim is conceptual: because construction is the determination of legal effect, construction always occurs when the constitutional text is applied to a particular legal case or official decision. Although some constitutional theorists may prefer to use different terminology to mark the distinction between interpretation and construction, every constitutional theorist should embrace the distinction itself, and hence should agree that construction in the stipulated sense is ubiquitous.
    [Show full text]
  • Reviewing Randy Barnett, Restoring the Lost Constitution: the Presumption of Liberty (2004
    University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2007 Restoring the Right Constitution? (reviewing Randy Barnett, Restoring the Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty (2004)) Eduardo Peñalver Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Eduardo Peñalver, "Restoring the Right Constitution? (reviewing Randy Barnett, Restoring the Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty (2004))," 116 Yale Law Journal 732 (2007). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EDUARDO M. PENALVER Restoring the Right Constitution? Restoringthe Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty BY RANDY E. BARNETT NEW JERSEY: PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2004. PP. 384. $49.95 A U T H 0 R. Associate Professor, Cornell Law School. Thanks to Greg Alexander, Rick Garnett, Abner Greene, Sonia Katyal, Trevor Morrison, and Steve Shiffrin for helpful comments and suggestions. 732 Imaged with the Permission of Yale Law Journal REVIEW CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 734 I. NATURAL LAW OR NATURAL RIGHTS? TWO TRADITIONS 737 II. BARNETT'S NONORIGINALIST ORIGINALISM 749 A. Barnett's Argument 749 B. Writtenness and Constraint 752 C. Constraint and Lock-In 756 1. Constraint 757 2. Lock-In 758 D. The Nature of Natural Rights 761 III. REVIVING A PROGRESSIVE NATURALISM? 763 CONCLUSION 766 733 Imaged with the Permission of Yale Law Journal THE YALE LAW JOURNAL 116:73 2 2007 INTRODUCTION The past few decades have witnessed a dramatic renewal of interest in the natural law tradition within philosophical circles after years of relative neglect.' This natural law renaissance, however, has yet to bear much fruit within American constitutional discourse, especially among commentators on the left.
    [Show full text]
  • Windsor: Lochnerizing on Marriage?
    Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 64 Issue 3 Article 10 2014 Windsor: Lochnerizing on Marriage? Sherif Girgis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Sherif Girgis, Windsor: Lochnerizing on Marriage?, 64 Case W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 971 (2014) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol64/iss3/10 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Case Western Reserve Law Review·Volume 64·Issue 3·2014 Windsor: Lochnerizing on Marriage? Sherif Girgis† Abstract This Article defends three insights from Justice Alito’s Windsor dissent. First, federalism alone could not justify judicially gutting DOMA. As I show, the best contrary argument just equivocates. Second, the usual equal protection analysis is inapt for such a case. I will show that DOMA was unlike the policies struck down in canonical sex-discrimination cases, interracial marriage bans, and other policies that involve suspect classifications. Its basic criterion was a couple’s sexual composition. And this feature—unlike an individual’s sex or a couple’s racial composition—is linked to a social goal, where neither link nor goal is just invented or invidious. Third, and relatedly, to strike down DOMA on equal protection grounds, the Court had to assume the truth of a “consent-based” view of the nature of marriage and the social value of recognizing it, or the falsity of a “conjugal” view of the same value and policy judgments.
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Naturalism Is a Disjunctivism Roderick T. Long Legal Positivists
    Legal Naturalism Is a Disjunctivism Roderick T. Long Auburn University aaeblog.com | [email protected] Abstract: Legal naturalism is the doctrine that a rule’s status as law depends on its moral content; or, in its strongest form, that “an unjust law is not a law.” By drawing an analogy between legal naturalism and perceptual disjunctivism, I argue that this doctrine is more defensible than is generally thought, and in particular that it entails no conflict with ordinary usage. Legal positivists hold that a rule’s status as law never depends on its moral content. In Austin’s famous formulation: “The existence of law is one thing; its merit or demerit is another. Whether a law be is one enquiry; whether it ought to be, or whether it agree with a given or assumed test, is another and different inquiry.”1 There seems to be no generally accepted term for the opposed view, that a rule’s status as law does (sometimes or always) depend on its moral content. Legal moralism would be the natural choice, but that name is already taken to mean the view that the law should impose social standards of morality on private conduct. Legal normativisim, another natural choice, is, somewhat perversely, already in use to denote a species of legal positivism.2 The position in question is sometimes referred to as “the natural law view,” but this is not really accurate; although the view has been held by many natural law theorists, it has not been held by all of them, and is not strictly implied by the natural law position.
    [Show full text]
  • James Wilson and the Moral Foundations of Popular Sovereignty
    Buffalo Law Review Volume 64 Number 2 Article 2 4-1-2016 James Wilson and the Moral Foundations of Popular Sovereignty Ian Bartrum William S. Boyd School of Law, UNLV Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Courts Commons Recommended Citation Ian Bartrum, James Wilson and the Moral Foundations of Popular Sovereignty, 64 Buff. L. Rev. 225 (2016). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview/vol64/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUFFALO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 64 APRIL 2016 NUMBER 2 James Wilson and the Moral Foundations of Popular Sovereignty IAN BARTRUM† INTRODUCTION The dread and redoubtable sovereign, when traced to his ultimate and genuine source, has been found, as he ought to have been found, in the free and independent man. This truth, so simple and natural, and yet so neglected or despised, may be appreciated as the first and fundamental principle in the science of government. —James Wilson1 Even most constitutional originalists now concede that important pieces of our founding text are too vague to settle many legal controversies without modern judicial construction.2 To most observers, this must seem a concession † Associate Professor of Law, William S. Boyd School of Law, UNLV.
    [Show full text]
  • No State Required? a Critical Review of the Polycentric Legal Order
    No State Required? A Critical Review of the Polycentric Legal Order John K. Palchak* & Stanley T. Leung** TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ..................................... 290 II. THE Two VISIONS OF ANARCHY ........................ 295 III. RANDY BARNETT'S THE STRUCTURE OF LIBERTY ............ 305 A. Barnett's PhilosophicalJustifications: Human Nature and NaturalLaw ..................... 306 B. Barnett's Discussion of the Problem of Knowledge ....... 309 1. Types of Knowledge ............................ 309 2. Methods of Social Ordering ...................... 310 3. Discovering Justice-First-Order Problem of Knowledge ................................. 312 4. Communicating Justice-Second-Order Problem of Knowledge .......................... 313 5. Specifying Conventions-Third-Order Problem of Knowledge .......................... 313 C. Barnett's Discussion of the Problem of Interest ......... 316 1. Partiality Problem ............................. 316 2. Incentive Problems ............................. 317 3. Compliance Problems .......................... 317 D. Barnett's Discussion of the Problem of Power .......... 320 1. Fighting Crime Without Punishment ................ 320 2. Enforcement Abuse ............................ 321 E. Barnett's Solution: The Polycentric Legal Order ........ 322 IV. LAW, LEGITIMACY, AND SOCIAL WELFARE .................. 326 * J.D., University of Illinois College of Law; B.A., Penn State University. Special thanks to Tom Ginsburg for his encouragement and numerous suggestions. Thanks to Tom Ulen, Richard McAdams, John Kindt, Duane Stewart, and Mark Fabiani. Also thanks to Ed Crane and Tom Palmer of the Cato Institute, and to the contributors to the Cato scholarship fund, for providing an opportunity to attend the 2000 Cato Summer Seminar in Rancho Bernardo, California that was the genesis of this Article. Appreciation is also expressed to Jesse T. Mann, Dean of Westminster College for the use of research facilities in New Wilmington, Pennsylvania. **. J.D., M.D., MBA, University of Illinois; A.B., Columbia University.
    [Show full text]
  • The Jeffersonian Jurist? a R Econsideration of Justice Louis Brandeis and the Libertarian Legal Tradition in the United States I
    MENDENHALL_APPRVD.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 5/14/17 3:27 PM THE JEFFERSONIAN JURIST? A RECONSIDERATION OF JUSTICE LOUIS BRANDEIS AND THE LIBERTARIAN LEGAL TRADITION IN THE UNITED STATES * BY ALLEN MENDENHALL I. BRANDEIS AND LIBERTARIANISM ..................................................... 285 II. IMPLICATIONS AND EFFECTS OF CLASSIFYING BRANDEIS AS A LIBERTARIAN .............................................................................. 293 III. CONCLUSION ................................................................................... 306 The prevailing consensus seems to be that Justice Louis D. Brandeis was not a libertarian even though he has long been designated a “civil libertarian.”1 A more hardline position maintains that Brandeis was not just non-libertarian, but an outright opponent of “laissez-faire jurisprudence.”2 Jeffrey Rosen’s new biography, Louis D. Brandeis: American Prophet, challenges these common understandings by portraying Brandeis as “the most important American critic of what he called ‘the curse of bigness’ in government and business since Thomas Jefferson,”3 who was a “liberty-loving” man preaching “vigilance against * Allen Mendenhall is Associate Dean at Faulkner University Thomas Goode Jones School of Law and Executive Director of the Blackstone & Burke Center for Law & Liberty. Visit his website at AllenMendenhall.com. He thanks Ilya Shapiro and Josh Blackman for advice and Alexandra SoloRio for research assistance. Any mistakes are his alone. 1 E.g., KEN L. KERSCH, CONSTRUCTING CIVIL LIBERTIES: DISCONTINUITIES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 112 (Cambridge Univ. Press 2004); LOUIS MENAND, THE METAPHYSICAL CLUB: A STORY OF IDEAS IN AMERICA 66 (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2001); David M. Rabban, The Emergence of Modern First Amendment Doctrine, 50 U. CHI. L. REV. 1205, 1212 (1983); Howard Gillman, Regime Politics, Jurisprudential Regimes, and Unenumerated Rights, 9 U.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tea Party and the Constitution, 39 Hastings Const
    Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly Volume 39 Article 3 Number 1 Fall 2011 1-1-2011 The eT a Party and the Constitution Christopher W. Schmidt Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Christopher W. Schmidt, The Tea Party and the Constitution, 39 Hastings Const. L.Q. 193 (2011). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly/vol39/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Tea Party and the Constitution by CHRISTOPHER W. SCHMIDT* We are dedicated to educating, motivating, and activating our fellow citizens, using the power of the values, ideals, and tenets of our Founding Fathers. -Hartford Tea Party Patriots,Mission Statement' Introduction Just about everyone in the United States professes to love the Constitution. But the Tea Party really loves the Constitution. To an extent that sets it apart from any major social movement of recent memory, the Tea Party has turned to the nation's founding document as the foundation stone of a campaign designed to right the direction of a country believed to have gone astray. Whereas the usual pattern in modern American history has been for the Constitution only to intrude upon the popular consciousness in response to some clearly "constitutional" event-most typically a controversial Supreme Court opinion, occasionally something rarer like a presidential impeachment-today we are in the midst of a national debate over the meaning of the Constitution instigated by a grassroots social movement.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Lawrence: Metaprivacy and Punishment
    TH AL LAW JORA JAMAL GREENE Beyond Lawrence: Metaprivacy and Punishment ABSTRACT. Lawrence v. Texas remains, after three years of precedential life, an opinion in search of a principle. It is both libertarian- Randy Barnett has called it the constitutionalization of John Stuart Mill's On Liberty-and communitarian-William Eskridge has described it as the gay rights movement's Brown v. Board ofEducation. It is simultaneously broad, in its evocation of our deepest spiritual commitments, and narrow, in its self-conscious attempts to avoid condemning laws against same-sex marriage, prostitution, and bestiality. This Article reconciles these competing claims on Lawrence's jurisprudential legacy. In Part I, it defends the view that Lawrence constitutionalizes what I call "metaprivacy": When societal consensus internalizes a breach of the historical legal divide between particular "conduct" and an associated "status," punishment of that conduct cannot be based on moral approbation alone. The Article then, in Part II, harmonizes this view of Lawrence's legacy with pre-Lawrence constitutional privacy doctrine and theory. Finally, in Part III, the Article applies this understanding of Lawrence interdoctrinally, to capital sentencing. The Article suggests that all that separates the impermissible moral judgments made by a legislature in prohibiting sodomy from the permissible indeed, almost constitutionally required-moral judgments made during the sentencing phase of a capital trial is a preference for gays over other a priori criminals. Notwithstanding the obvious appeal of permitting such a preference, Lawrence provides no support for it. AUTHOR. Law Clerk, Hon. Guido Calabresi, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit; J.D., Yale Law School, 2005; A.B., Harvard College, 1999.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Law Scholar and Commerce Clause Expert Professor Randy Barnett in Support of Appellees and Affirmance of the District Court’S Order
    Case: 20-1422 Document: 76 Page: 1 Date Filed: 07/06/2020 No. 20-1422 In the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit ______________________ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellant, v. SAFEHOUSE, a Pennsylvania nonprofit corporation; JOSE A. BENITEZ, as President and Treasurer of Safehouse, Appellees. ________________________________________________________ SAFEHOUSE, a Pennsylvania nonprofit corporation, Appellee, v. U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE; WILLIAM P. BARR, in his official capacity as Attorney General of the United States; and WILLIAM M. McSWAIN, in his official capacity as U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, Appellants. On Appeal from the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania No. 19-cv-519 District Judge Gerald A. McHugh AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW SCHOLAR AND COMMERCE CLAUSE EXPERT PROFESSOR RANDY BARNETT IN SUPPORT OF APPELLEES AND AFFIRMANCE OF THE DISTRICT COURT’S ORDER Catherine M. Recker Thomas V. Loran III Amy B. Carver Nida Vidutis WELSH & RECKER, PC PILLSBURY WINTHROP SHAW PITTMAN LLP 2000 Market Street, Suite 2903 Four Embarcadero Center, 22nd Floor Philadelphia, PA 19103 San Francisco, CA 94111 (215) 972-6430 (415) 983-1000 Attorneys for Amicus Curiae Randy Barnett Case: 20-1422 Document: 76 Page: 2 Date Filed: 07/06/2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................... i TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ..................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Individual Mandate, Sovereignty, and the Ends of Good Government: a Reply to Professor Randy Barnett
    BRENNAN REVISED FINAL.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 6/11/2011 7:31 PM ARTICLE THE INDIVIDUAL MANDATE, SOVEREIGNTY, AND THE ENDS OF GOOD GOVERNMENT: A REPLY TO PROFESSOR RANDY BARNETT † PATRICK MCKINLEY BRENNAN INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 1623 I. SETTING THE CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINAL CONTEXT .............. 1625 II. MULTIPLYING SOVEREIGNS .......................................................... 1631 III. MAKING SOME SENSE OF SOVEREIGNTY ........................................ 1637 IV. TRANSFORMING THE POLITICO-LEGAL CULTURE AWAY FROM COMPETING “SOVEREIGNS” ............................................... 1641 V. QUESTIONS MORE FUNDAMENTAL THAN ASSERTIONS OF “SOVEREIGNTY” ............................................................................ 1645 INTRODUCTION People who are politically “conservative” or “libertarian” in the way those terms are often deployed in contemporary American public discourse almost universally regard the Patient Protection and Afford- able Care Act (PPACA)1 as objectionable and, in a related but distinct vein, unconstitutional. The favorite focus of such conservative and li- bertarian protest is the Act’s so-called individual mandate—the re- quirement that individuals buy health insurance from a private mar- † Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, Professor of Law, and John F. Scarpa Chair, Villanova University School of Law. I am grateful to the editors of the University of Pennsylvania Law Review for their invitation to participate in their Symposium, “The New American Health Care System: Reform, Revolution, or Missed Opportunity,” for their warm hospitality on the occasion, and for their fine editing. I am also grateful to Professors Ted Ruger and Mark Hall for their probing but encouraging questions dur- ing and after the Symposium. Ethan Townsend and Emily Rasmussen provided help- ful research assistance. 1 Pub. L. No. 111-148, 124 Stat. 119 (2010) (to be codified as amended in scat- tered sections of 21, 25, 26, 29, and 42 U.S.C.).
    [Show full text]