DOCSLIB.ORG

4 the Problem of Women Philosophers in Ancient Greece

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
4 the Problem of Women Philosophers in Ancient Greece er.. - - 71 •. r 4 The. Problem of Women philosophised is remarkahly small. Furthermore. I shall draw attention to nutjor methodological diffrculliesRichard involved Hawley in the study of the literary sources for the lives of these women. A pattern will develop that informs these sources, a patlern of women philosophers as anomalies whose depal1ure fro'." recognised social behaviour requires special explanation. These expla­ Philosophers in Ancient nations oflcn resort to the forniliar conccplUal link bclwcen women and the �orld of the senses, the physical, rather than that of the rational, the Greece· mtellectual. I shall confine my discussion to between the sixth century BC Hawley and the first century AD, thus avoiding Hypatia. The sources for Hypatia Richard are ate and bound up with the complexities involved in the study of any ! _ Chmtian ltterature of the period. As such she deserves to be studied sepa­ rately. Nor shall I discuss the complex and already well-documented case of Oh! There I met those few congenial maids Aspasia. Instead, I shall turn my attention to 'forgotten' woinen.' . Whom love hath warm'd, in philosophic shades; There still Leontium, on her sage's breast, Found lore and love, was tutor' d and caress' d; VIEWS OF THE MALE PHILOSOPHERS And there the clasp of Pythia's gentle arms ·Repaid the zeal which deified her char!ns. It is possible lha1 lhc fir.s1 .school to have encouraged the study of philoso­ The Attic Master, in Aspasia's eyes, phy by womc was lhat of the Pythagoreans in the mid-sixth century BC. _ � _ Forgot the yoke of less endearing ties, The ph1losopl11cal bmgrapher Diogenes Laerlius (Jhird century ADJ tells us While fair Theano, innocently fair, that they believed Reason, which was the most impo11ant human character­ Wreath'd playfully her Samian's flowing hair, istic, was unaffected by gender.' Indeed the life by Iamblichus Whose soul now fix'd, its transmigrations past, (third lo fourth century AD) ac1ually records 17 women followers of Py­ Found in those arms a resting-place at last; thagoras, whom l)e describes as 'the most illustrious',of Pythagoras perhaps implying that And smiling own'd, whate'er his dreamy thought there were also others.' Croton, where Pythagoras founded his school, he In mystic numbers long had vainly sought, was said to have spoken lo the women specially. At . The One that's fonn'd of Two whom love hath bound, Pytlrngora.c; may also forni lhc st.irting-point for our examination of lhe Is the.bes_! number gods or men e'er found. recurrc111 commonplaces in classical discussions of women philosophers. For he i."i n:porlcd 1 ,_, have st1id I/Ii.JI vinu_c was a rci1lis1ic goal for girls as Thomas Moore, 711e _ well as boys, marned women as well as the elderly. His ,assimilation of Dream of the Blessed /s/a11ds . ·Moore;s romantic presentationGrecian of Greek Girl's women philosophers as 'those few children and married women with lhe elderly, a.s recognisably weak groups, congenial maids' encapsulates more vividly than perhaps he realised some can be panillcJcd el.,;,ewhcreamong male wr-iters: for example in ·Protagoras, r' of the most prevalent of the ancient Greek images of the woman philoso­ Clement of Alexandria or Minucius Felix.' Pythagoras may believe women pher that I shall examine in this chapter. Firstly these women are 'few', merit inclusion among the philosophers. bul the expr.-ssion of that belief exceptions to the rule of antiquity. Secondly, and typical of the influential implicitly reveal., his acceptance of the common Greek view of women as attitude of that time towards the women of Greek literature, Moore depicts a distinct, separable and weaker group of society. them as charming, gentle, sensual. Their appeal is physical rather than The ascetic lifestyle led by 1he Pythagoreans was the butt of at least two intelleetual; they areeffectively mere appendages to their male mentors. In ancient comedies, by comic writers of the fourth century BC, Cratinus rhe this chapter I wish to explore these images of intellectual women and to Younger and Alexis;' which bore 1hc title IV0111a11 11 place them in their literary and philosophical context. I shall demonstrate The tilles refer le> a woman Pythagorean, 'J,;Jt. this need 1101 imply lhal they depicled a wonwn ac1uallyThe teaching11·/w,Pw!m philosophy.orise.r She how the theories of the male philosophers accommodate the possibility of (Pytlwgori�o11.w). female philosophers, while the number of actual cases of women who 70 Richard Ha wley 73 i : niay well hare simply Wofollomenwed in the Ancient curious Socie d etartiey slaws of the sect wh ich Socrates ' own wife, Xanthippe, was not recorded as a ph ilosopher. Her seem to have been a more common focus of com ic attention. But a woman purpose in later ph i losophic _ writings was to highlight the ideal is still chosen for her comic potential: she is therefore a doub le an omal y. Stoic pa­ tience of her husband . If Socrates cou ld tolerate Xanthippe as the most The biogr aphical tradition records that Pythagoras hi mself studied phi­ difficult of wom (chalepotate) en that ha ve been, are or ever will be, he priestess Themistoclea.• Here we enco unter can losophy un der the Delphic , · toler ate anything . Xanthip pe therefore becomes an idealised ex tr eme. another biographical commonplace: the image of the priestess as teacher. But ii is lo the te xts by Pl at o (fou rt h century BC) that we must h s 'teacher ' in Pla10 s Sympo­ turn for We natur ally recall Socr ates and Diotima, i : more direct thought (whether genuinely Socratic or Platon ic) on the ques­ sium 208c (four th century BC) . Diotima herself may be a lite rar y mventmn . tion of women . Bluestone (1987) ha s shown how in past scholarship these · The story about Pythagoras can be easily under stood . As poets could speak te xts ha ve been misunderstood or jus t ignored. But Plato's message has at with the divine authority of the Muses , so the priestess of Del ph i could act least clear ou tlines. Essentially, the soul is immaterial, eternal hav ing her as his teacher (whe ther in and non­ as the mouthpiece for Apollo. By sexual; on ly our bodies ar e different. The souls of men and women could partake of her authori ty . Ancie nt can reality or in legend), Pythagoras eq ually study philosophy Th . e wise man or woman should try to tive activ ity: one had to woo dhe rents to separate philosophy was often a competi � body an d so ul, so removing se xual difference. For Plato, education one' s s i de and away from other s. Themistodea 's importance m the story , is essential for the acquisition of _ virtue and ought to be the same for boys and therefore , lies in her role as the authoritati ve De lphic priestess , not m her r girls." 8111 even Pl ato cannot escap e f om the deeply-rooted Greek view of gender . Apolline connections may also· be fell in the tradition (perh up � the natural inferiority of women. This ph ysical weakness requires them . local, perhaps Samian) which actually made Pythagoras the son of Apoll o. to wor k lon ger to ac hieve lhe same level as me n: a woman . Pythagoras ' advocation of monogamy may well explain why trad•U n cannot. for � example, ass ume any civic office until she is 40, while a man may do so recorded that he had a wife who also studied philosophy , for fnendsh 1p at 30. 12 theories oft�n advocated common interests withi n a p art ne rship. Once agai n, . Nonethe less, we do hear of i women connected with Plato's Academy. as with so much of this type of mater al , the philosophy dictates the form of Fi rstly, there was a tradition that Pl ato's mother, Perictione, the biography . was a philoso­ pher. '' But we may ex . plain this as Plato's lfterary connation The marriage between Theano and Pythagoras is in many ways an ideal of Diotima with the metaphors of midwifery used by his Socrates, whose Pythagorean marriage , for althou gh the wi fe has her ow n importance, th is is own mother, Phaenarete, was sa id to be a midwife." Pericti one's subordinated to the union as a whole in due accord ance with Py tha gorean name is given as that of the author of a later Neopythagorean work, but this on teaching on marriage. But I shall discuss Th ean o in more de tail in my next ly I.e lls us that the tr dition was alre ady � established by the ti me of that la section. _ ter work. Secondly, Diogenes Laert,us records two women, Ax iothea and Lasthenia, who were Among the Sophists of the fifth century BC , only Aspas ia is recorded as pu pils of Plato and of his successors. The (sophist riu),' notoriety of the discussion of the a 'woman sophist' but she is altoge ther an exce ptiona l charac ­ eq uality of the sexes in Plato's R,·1mblic may accou ter and I shall not discuss her here. for ther e are co mplex l terary reasons nt 'ro r. the story that i Axiolhe a was inspired by that work to dress as a man to study · at the that dictate her image in the anecdotal traditio n, which make accu rate Academy." assessment of her historical role imposs ible.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Moderately Ironic Reading of Xenophon's Oeconomicus
    David M. JOHNSON Ischomachus the Model Husband? A Moderately Ironic Reading of Xenophon's Oeconomicus Xenophon's Oeconomicus is usually considered a treatise on household management masquerading as a Socratic dialogue (Pomeroy). But for others the reverse is true (Strauss and the Straussians; see also Mackenzie and Nails in EMC 1985, Too's review of Pomeroy in CR 1995, and the less orthodox Straussian Stevens). How one comes down on this issue will obviously affect one's evaluation of Ischomachus' relationship with his wife, and of Xenophon as a Socratic writer. I argue that the Oeconomicus is both Socratic and economic, both didactic and ironic. Xenophon chose Ischomachus because both his virtues and his vices have much to teach Critobulus, Socrates' immediate interlocutor, and Xenophon's readers. Our Ischomachus is probably the man whose wife went on to become the Chrysilla who would marry and bear a son to her son-in-law Callias, driving her daughter to attempt suicide (Andocides 1.124-127). There may be evidence for this in Oeconomicus itself. Callias would fall for Chrysilla again when she was "an old battleaxe" (Andocides 1.127); Ischomachus promises his wife that she can maintain her status even in old age (Oec. 7.20). The scandals which would beset Chrysilla and her children may shed light on Ischomachus' otherwise odd failure to say much about children to the wife he had married in large part for the sake of children. There are other ironies. Ischomachus hardly shares Socrates' understanding of property as that one knows how to use. Critobulus, in fact, is evidently already rich enough in conventional terms: he needs another sort of help.
    [Show full text]
  • Oikos and Economy: the Greek Legacy in Economic Thought
    Oikos and Economy: The Greek Legacy in Economic Thought GREGORY CAMERON In the study of the history of economic thought, there has been a tendency to take the meaning of the term “economics” for granted. As a consequence, when considering economic thought in ancient Greece, we turn to what the Greeks said about wealth, about money or about interest. This seems relatively straightforward. Problems emerge when we consider that the term “economics” had a different meaning in ancient Greece than it does today. As a rule, we project back onto history what we mean by “economics” and more or less ignore what it meant during the period in question. On one level, there is nothing wrong with this way of proceeding; after all we have no choice, ultimately, but to study the past with the concepts that are at our disposal. But the procedure can have certain drawbacks. The tendency of positive investigations is that they risk overlooking the kinds of transformations that give rise to our own concerns and even what is essential to our own thought and assumptions. The term “economics” has a long and varied history; the following is a brief attempt to turn things on their head and consider the history of economics not from the perspective of the modern notion of economics, but from the perspective of its ancient Greek ancestor and to begin to indicate the non-obvious ways in which the Greek legacy continues to inform even our most recent economies. As such, while brief mention is made of some modern economic historians, the primary focus is on the meaning of PhaenEx 3, no.
    [Show full text]
  • The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
    The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought.
    [Show full text]
  • Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
    Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I.
    [Show full text]
  • Peitho12.1-2
    Volume 12 Issue 1/2 SPRING/FALL 2010 Peitho www.cwshrc.org a publication of the coalition of women scholars in the history of rhetoric and composition In this issue: Editor’s Letter Holding Hands and Shaking Hands Intentional Mentoring Mentoring, an Incantation Women in Digital Spaces Roundtable Report A Selection of Secondary Texts Concerning Ancient Women Historical Methodology: Past and “Presentism”? Editor’s Letter Peitho fleeing the seduction of Dear all Leda appearing on an Apulian red I am pleased to present to you the combined Spring/Fall 2010 issues of figure vase, ca. 350-340 B.C.E. Peitho. Much of this combined issue focuses on the topic of the Coalition Wednesday night session at the 2010 C’s. Based on feedback from the 2009 J. Paul Getty Museum Used with permission session in San Francisco, the 2010 Louisville session attempted to examine new ways of mentoring and professional development—the remix, revisit, rethink, revise, renew of the conference’s call for papers. We are pleased to present here a number of the presentations from that Coalition Officers session. Marcy Tucker’s “Holding Hands and Shaking Hands: Learning to Profit from the Professional Mentor-Mentee Relationship” argues for looking President Nancy Meyers (Continued on page 5) University of North Carolina at Greensboro Holding Hands and Shaking Hands: Vice-President Elizabeth Tasker Learning to Profit from the Professional Stephen F. Austin State University Mentor-Mentee Relationship Treasurer Lisa Mastrangelo Marcy Tucker College of St. Elizabeth Secretary Scholars and students of feminist movement understand that we should Jenn Fishman never assume that anything is natural to any particular group; however, those University of Tennessee-Knoxville of us who teach rhetoric and composition, and especially those of us who are Member-at-Large female and who support interactive pedagogies, have long contended with Lynée Lewis Gaillet the assumption that we are (or should be) nurturing.
    [Show full text]
  • Socrates and Democratic Athens: the Story of the Trial in Its Historical and Legal Contexts
    Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. Version 1.0 July 2006 Josiah Ober Princeton University Abstract: Socrates was both a loyal citizen (by his own lights) and a critic of the democratic community’s way of doing things. This led to a crisis in 339 B.C. In order to understand Socrates’ and the Athenian community’s actions (as reported by Plato and Xenophon) it is necessary to understand the historical and legal contexts, the democratic state’s commitment to the notion that citizens are resonsible for the effects of their actions, and Socrates’ reasons for preferring to live in Athens rather than in states that might (by his lights) have had substantively better legal systems. Written for the Cambridge Companion to Socrates. © Josiah Ober. [email protected] Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. (for Cambridge Companion to Socrates) Josiah Ober, Princeton University Draft of August 2004 In 399 B.C. the Athenian citizen Socrates, son of Sophroniscus of the deme (township) Alopece, was tried by an Athenian court on the charge of impiety (asebeia). He was found guilty by a narrow majority of the empanelled judges and executed in the public prison a few days later. The trial and execution constitute the best documented events in Socrates’ life and a defining moment in the relationship between Greek philosophy and Athenian democracy. Ever since, philosophers and historians have sought to
    [Show full text]
  • The Philosophic Life and Socratic Fatherhood in the Apology, the Crito, and the Phaedo
    Gib´on vol. IX (2011) pp. 35{50 c 2012 Ateneo de Naga University Regular Research Article ISSN 1655-7247 The Philosophic Life and Socratic Fatherhood in the Apology, the Crito, and the Phaedo Federico Jos´eT. Lagdameo Department of Philosophy Ateneo de Naga University Abstract Plato's depiction and defense of philosophy were linked to his de- piction and defense of Socrates' own life. Notably in the Early Dialogues which gave accounts of Socrates' trial and execution, Plato portrayed his mentor's life as the philosophic life which one ought to aspire for. Yet, Socrates' admission in the Apology and the Crito's reproof that the former had neglected his oikon or his household presented an image of Socrates that suggested that the paradigm of the philosophic life had been in fact remiss by being an absent father who failed to care for his own children. I indicate that this image of Socrates engendered questions and criticisms against the life devoted to philosophy, especially from those belonging to a family-centered cultural milieu such as the Philippines. I show that Socrates's fatherhood is one that prioritizes the care of the political community over that of his own family. Keywords: Plato, trial of Socrates, Early Dialogues, fatherhood, philo- sophic life From Plato we receive the notion that philosophy is not merely an activity, that it is not merely something that a man does. Philos- ophy is an ethos in which one's actions are derived ultimately from the soul's virtue. Philosophy, in other words, is a kind of life that is lived.
    [Show full text]
  • The Life of Socrates
    — — THE LIFE OF SOCRATES/ BY WILLIAM ELLERY LEONARD. '"PI IE Athenian of whom I speak was born, according to tradition, 1 a half-hour's walk from the walls of the city, in the deme, or precinct, Alopeke, birthplace too of Thucydides and of Aristides. Here amid olive- and fruit-trees, vegetable gardens and wayside plants, in view of Mount Hymettus, was the house of Sophroniscus, the artisan stone-cutter, and of his practical helpmeet Phaenarete, a midwife. Thus the parents v/ere plain people, both earning their own bread at old racial occupations that combined cleverness of head and of hand ; thus, also, it was the folk-stock, it was the common womb of humanity, out of which have issued so many of the powerful ones of the earth, that furnished the bone and brain of Socrates. The father seems to have lived only long enough to lead the child to the public sacrifices ; the mother married again, and we hear of a half-brother in the household. Great men tend to lose their human nature in the aftertimes. They become symbols of forces and ideals, being absorbed into a train of thought on historic cause and efifect—as factors in our judgments rather than as faces for our imaginations. But we need the touch of the hand and the sound of the voice. The great man must walk by our side if we are to walk well. The affair can be managed ; it is not a question of the dissevering years altogether a contemporary is not a matter of time, except etymologically : it depends upon us.
    [Show full text]
  • Sophrosyne in Xenophon’S Oeconomicus
    166 ECONOMIC SELF- RESTRAINT An interpretation of Ischomachus’ use of sophrosyne in Xenophon’s Oeconomicus MA Thesis Classics and Ancient Civilizations Supervisor: Dr. T.A. van Berkel Second reader: Dr. A.M. Rademaker Word count: 16.494 Date of submission: 12-08-2019 Aniek Vink s1665235 [email protected] Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Chapter 1: a semantic study of sophrosyne ............................................................................................. 4 1.1. General uses ................................................................................................................................. 4 1.2. Plato’s philosophical uses ............................................................................................................ 8 1.3. Relation to enkrateia .................................................................................................................... 9 Chapter 2: Socrates’ sophrosyne ........................................................................................................... 11 2.1. Good sense to avoid harming others .......................................................................................... 11 2.1.1. Xenophon’s apologetic definition ....................................................................................... 11 2.1.2. Socrates’ philosophical definition ......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Olympiodorus the Life of Plato
    Olympiodorus The Life of Plato Translated by George Burges in The Works of Plato: a new and literal version (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1865), volume VI, pp. 232-240. Some of the translator’s notes have been omitted and there are some changes to the text to facilitate easier reading. This document is in the public domain. platonic-philosophy.org Come then, let us speak of the family of the philosopher, not for the sake of prolixity, but of benefit rather and instruction to those, who betake themselves to him. For he was not “a Nobody,” but rather— To many of mankind he was a care. For Plato is said to have been a son of his father Ariston, the son of Aristocles, from whom he carried up his family to Solon, the law-giver; and hence he wrote, in imitation of his ancestor, the Laws in twelve books, and a Political Constitution in eleven. He came into the world by his mother Perictione, who was descended from Neleus, the son of Codrus. For they say that Apollo in a vision had an intercourse with his mother Perictione, and, appearing in the night to Ariston, ordered him to have no connexion with Perictione until the time of her bringing forth. And so he acted. And his parents taking him after his birth, and when he was still an infant, placed him on Mount Hymettus, intending to make a sacrifice to the deities there, namely, Pan, and the Nymphs, and Apollo, who presides over shepherds. But while he was lying there, bees came and filled his mouth with honey from the comb, in order that it might be said truly of him— From his mouth flow’d a voice than honey far more sweet.
    [Show full text]
  • Plato's Defence of the Forms in the Parmenides
    1 Plato’s defence of the Forms in the Parmenides In Plato’s Parmenides we find objections against the Forms which Aristotle in the Metaphysics presents as arguments that refute the theory of Forms. Plato does not refute those objections. This led many philosophers to suppose that the Parmenides initiated a new, critical phase in Plato’s thought, in which he radically revised the theory of Forms presented in the Republic.i I shall argue that Plato in the Parmenides defends the Forms by pointing to his presentation of them in the Republic. Parmenides reflects on his criticism of the Forms in the Parmenides as follows: ‘And yet, these difficulties and many more still in addition necessarily hold of the characters (anankaion echein ta eidȇ), if these characteristics of things that are exist (ei eisin hautai hai ideai tȏn ontȏn), and one is to distinguish each character as something by itself (kai horieitai tis auto hekaston eidos). The result is that the hearer is perplexed and contends that they do not exist, and that even if their existence is conceded, they are necessarily unknowable by human nature. In saying this, he thinks he is saying something significant (kai tauta legonta dokein ti legein) and, as we just remarked (kai, ho arti elegomen), it’s astonishingly hard to convince him to the contrary. Only a man of considerable natural gifts will be able to understand that there is a certain kind of each thing, a nature and reality alone by itself, and it will take a man more remarkable still to discover it and be able to instruct someone else who has examined all these difficulties with sufficient care.’ (134e-135b, tr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Divine Plato Among Greeks and Romans: Banquet Literature and the Making of Cultural Memory in the Graeco-Roman Empire Anthony Andurand, Corinne Bonnet
    The divine Plato among Greeks and Romans: Banquet literature and the making of cultural memory in the Graeco-Roman Empire Anthony Andurand, Corinne Bonnet To cite this version: Anthony Andurand, Corinne Bonnet. The divine Plato among Greeks and Romans: Banquet literature and the making of cultural memory in the Graeco-Roman Empire. Archimède : archéologie et histoire ancienne, UMR7044 - Archimède, 2019, La République “ gréco-romaine ” des lettres : construction des réseaux savants et circulation des savoirs dans l’Empire romain, HS N°1, pp.42-53. halshs-02091579 HAL Id: halshs-02091579 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02091579 Submitted on 5 Apr 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. REVUE , RCHIMeDE ARCHÉOLOGIE ET HISTOIRE ANCIENNE HO, RS SERIE THE DIVINE PLATO AMONG GREEKS AND ROMANS: BANQUET LITERATURE AND THE MAKING OF CULTURAL MEMORY IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN EMPIRE [1] Anthony ANDURAND Corinne BONNET Docteur en Sciences de l’Antiquité Professeur d’Histoire grecque Université Toulouse – Jean Jaurès Université Toulouse – Jean Jaurès EA 4601 PLH-ERASME EA 4601 PLH-ERASME [email protected] [email protected] RÉSUMÉ Les grandes fi gures exemplaires et les épisodes mémorables du passé de la Grèce et de Rome constituent un des matériaux à partir desquels Paradigmatic fi gures and memorable episodes from s’élaborent, au présent, les discussions mises the Greek and Roman past are one of the key mate- en scène dans les Propos de table.
    [Show full text]